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Scotland - UK Relations

When First Minister Alex Salmond and his Scottish National Party (SNP) came into power in 2007 with a one-vote majority, they vowed to advance a core campaign promise to hold a referendum on Scottish independence during their first term in office. In response, Scottish opposition groups (who do not want an independent Scotland) supported the Scottish Parliament's creation of an independent committee in April 2008 to review the implementation of Scottish devolution since 1998, which became the Calman Commission on Scottish Devolution. In its final report released in late 2009, the Calman Commission recommended further devolved powers for Scotland, including a special Scottish income tax, ministerial powers to borrow funds for capital investments, and more negotiating powers for Scotland with the European Union.

Throughout 2009, UK Secretary of State for Scotland Jim Murphy played a leadership role in organizing the opposition parties, hoping to move Scotland toward implementation of the Calman recommendations as an alternative to an independence referendum, according to Murphy's advisors, Labour party insiders, and opposition party leaders. First Minister Salmond's response to independence critics (such as Murphy) has been to accelerate the implementation of the Calman recommendations as soon as possible - "to call the bluff." Some political pundits assessed that opposition parties' inability to move on the report's recommendations has buoyed Salmond's case for a referendum.

According to this theory, Salmond could gain politically by putting forward -- and winning -- with a softer referendum question that calls for further devolved powers, including those recommended by the Calman Commission (which is often referred to as the "devolution max" option). Less controversial than full independence, "devolution max" enjoyed broad public support. Nevertheless publicly, the SNP and opposition parties all claim that they would like a straight up-or-down vote on Scottish independence, as both sides continue to claim popular support for their respective positions. However, both the opposition and the SNP would also support a referendum if the vote was only about further devolved powers, as long as the question was written in a politically neutral manner.

At the opening of the Scottish Parliament in September 2009, Scottish National Party (SNP) First Minister Alex Salmond introduced a motion to discuss a possible independence referendum. The motion was roundly defeated. According to Scottish parliamentary experts, motions are considered "trial balloon discussions" of how a vote might be treated and are not formal. On November 30, 2009, Salmond launched his Government's White Paper on Scottish Independence, with the intention to introduce a bill into the Scottish Parliament in January 2010. If successful, the independence referendum would take place in autumn 2010. Over the past month, opposition parties (Labour, Conservative, Liberal Democrat and Green) played on the weaknesses of the minority SNP-led government in order to stall SNP plans to introduce a referendum bill in January and to marginalize the SNP's political ambitions heading into the UK elections, which must be held before June, where the SNP hoped to increase its number of seats in Westminster.

A poll published by the Center for Social Research on 15 January 2010, based on the responses of 1,482 individuals resident in Scotland interviewed in autumn 2009, indicated that only one third of Scots support full independence. Another third say independence would make no difference to their lives, and the third tier say that it would have a negative effect. Two-thirds, however, support increased devolution, as recommend by the Calman Commission report.

On October 15, 2012, the Edinburgh Agreement was signed by First Minister Alex Salmond and UK Prime Minister David Cameron. In the Edinburgh Agreement, the Scottish and Westminster Governments agreed to continue to work together constructively in the light of the outcome of the referendum, whatever it may be, in the best interests of the people of Scotland and of the rest of the United Kingdom. That is an important commitment from both Governments. It will help to ensure a smooth transition of powers from Westminster to Scotland.

It paved the way for a once in a generation referendum on Scottish independence in 2014 by confirming the Scottish Parliament’s power to hold a vote that will be respected by both governments. In March 2013, it was announced that the independence referendum will take place on Thursday, September 18, 2014. The question to be asked is: Should Scotland be an independent country. Yes or No. On November 26, 2013, the Scottish Government published its detailed prospectus, Scotland’s Future, making the case for independence. On 19 September 2014 Scotland voted with a 55 percent majority against breaking away from the United Kingdom and becoming independent. The result in the referendum was welcomed by other governments around the world battling secessionist movements. But in London, it heralded a complex road ahead as other regions of Britain demand greater autonomy. For the pro-independence camp it was a narrow but crushing defeat. For the UK government in London, a moment of relief. Prime Minister David Cameron, who said he is “delighted” with the result of Scotland’s referendum, re-iterated his pledge to give Scotland more powers.

An indepedent Scotland and the rest of the UK will have a close and constructive relationship both at home and on many foreign policy issues. The current Scottish Government would intend to support the rest of the UK in maintaining its seat on the UN Security Council.

Scotland would continue to be linked to other nations of the UK by five continuing unions: the EU; an ongoing Union of the Crowns; a Sterling Area; and as members of the NATO defence union. And the social union, made up of connections of family, history, culture and language, would have every opportunity to flourish and strengthen.





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