Lech Aleksander Kaczynski 23 Dec 2005 10 Apr 2010
Born in Warsaw in 1949, Lech and his twin, who was older by 45 minutes, were inseparable as children, playing title roles at the age of 12 in a film called "The Little Hoodlums Who Tried to Steal the Moon." They studied law together at the University of Warsaw and were both active in the anti-communist opposition. Lech Kaczynski was interrogated after the declaration of martial law in Poland in December 1981 and was kept in an internment camp for most of the following year. Lech Kaczynski served as an adviser to Lech Walesa, leader of the pro-democracy movement Solidarity when it was legalized. Kaczynski took part in talks with Poland's weakening communist regime to pave the way for Poland's first semi-free elections since the war.
Both brothers were elected senators and Lech was president of the country's Supreme Chamber of Control from 1992 to 1995. He also went on to serve as the Mayor of Warsaw and as Justice Minister. Lech Kaczynski won the 2005 presidential elections with 54 percent of the vote, campaigning on a theme of fighting corruption, family values and justice for victims of the former communist regime. Jaroslaw led Poland's parliamentary opposition, the Catholic Law and Justice Party, having previously served as his brother's prime minister.
The Law and Justice Party (PiS), which had been Poland's strongest opposition party since 2007, was founded by the Kaczynski brothers in 2001. The party sees itself as the protector of Poland, the representative of the little man in the fight against the supposed self-aggrandizing government and defender of Christian Democratic values, such as honesty, love of country, but also worldliness, as long as it doesn't hurt the homeland. The party stands for the "three pillars of a healthy society" - family, jobs, and security. He and his brother Jaroslaw were early anti-communism crusaders who went on to draw criticism from liberals.
Lech Kaczynski was born on June 18th, 1949 in Warsaw. He is the son of Jadwiga Kaczynska (née Jasiewicz) and Rajmund Kaczynski, and has a twin brother, Jaroslaw Kaczynski, chairman of the Law and Justice party. His mother – a graduate of Polish who taught in high schools in Warsaw for several years and worked at the Institute of Literary Research – was a nurse in the Grey Ranks during World War II. His father – an engineer who worked for a design company and a lecturer at Warsaw University of Technology – was a soldier of the Polish Home Army (AK) and a participant in the Warsaw Uprising in the “Baszta” regiment (he was decorated with the Cross of Valor and the Silver Cross of Virtuti Militari).
A pupil of two high schools in Warsaw: the Joachim Lelewel High School and the 39th Polish Air Force High School in the Bielany district. In 1967 he started his studies at the Faculty of Law and Administration at the University of Warsaw. After defending his master’s thesis in 1971, he moved to Sopot to conduct research for the Labour Law Department at the University of Gdansk under the supervision of doc. dr hab. Roman Korolec, then after his death – under the supervision of prof. dr hab. Czeslaw Jackowiak. In 1980 he successfully defended his doctoral dissertation in labour law entitled: Zakres swobody stron w zakresie ksztaltowania tresci stosunku pracy (The extent of freedom of the parties in shaping the content of an employment relationship), and in 1990 - his postdoctoral dissertation entitled: Renta Socjalna (Social Pension).
In the years 1996-1997 he was a profesor nadzwyczajny [a post at a university offered to persons holding a postdoctoral degree] at the University of Gdansk, and from 1999 on he has been a professor at the Cardinal Stefan Wyszynski University in Warsaw.
From 1976, in response to an appeal of the Workers’ Defence Committee, Lech Kaczynski took up the action of collecting money for oppressed workers; the money was handed over with the help of his mother Jadwiga to Jan Józef Lipski. In 1977 Lech Kaczynski started to work with the Intervention Bureau of the Workers’ Defence Committee. A year later, he got involved in activities of the Free Trade Unions. He provided training sessions and lectures for workers in labour law and history. He wrote articles for Robotnik Wybrzeza (Worker of the Coast) and distributed among workers such papers as Robotnik (The Worker) and Biuletyn Informacyjny KSS KOR (Information Bulletin of the Committee for Social Self-defence – Workers’ Defence Committee).
In August 1980 he was appointed as an adviser to the Gdansk Inter-Enterprise Strike Committee in Gdansk Shipyard. He is the author of several provisions contained in the Gdansk Agreement as well as of a part of the statutes of the Solidarnosc trade union concerning strikes, trade sections and collective agreements. He was the head of the Intervention Bureau and manager of the Ongoing Analysis Bureau at the Inter-Enterprise Strike Committee. On September 17th, 1980 he supported the idea of Jan Olszewski, Jaroslaw Kaczynski and Karol Modzelewski, which was that all the newly established trade unions should unite into one national union called Solidarnosc (Solidarity).
In 1981 he was a delegate to the 1st National Congress of the Solidarnosc Independent and Self-Governing Trade Union (NSZZ “Solidarnosc”) and chairman of the 11th Congressional Committee Team for relations with the Polish United Workers’ Party. From July 1981 – a member of the regional management of NSZZ “Solidarnosc” in Gdansk.
He was interned under martial law for his involvement in the Solidarity movement. He was kept in an internment camp in Strzebielinek from December 1981 to October 1982. After his release, he returned to trade union activities and was a member of the underground authorities of NSZZ “Solidarnosc”. From 1982, together with Jacek Merkel and Aram Rybicki, he was a member of Lech Walesa's “team” in Gdansk. From 1983 he took part in meetings of the Temporary Coordination Commission (TCC) and was its adviser, together with his brother Jaroslaw. From 1985 he was a member of the regional Council for Aid to Political Prisoners in Gdansk. From January 1986 he was a TCC member and took part in the work of the secret Regional Coordination Commission of NSZZ "Solidarnosc". From July 1986 he performed the function of TCC secretary. From December 1987, when TCC and the “S” Temporary Council combined into one body, Lech Kaczynski became a member of the Secretariat of the National Executive Committee of NSZZ "Solidarnosc", next to Jaroslaw Kaczynski, Andrzej Celinski and Henryk Wujec.
In September 1988 he participated in talks between the opposition and representatives of the government in Magdalenka near Warsaw. He joined the so-called “six” appointed by the National Executive Committee, i.e. the management of “Solidarnosc” for talks at the Round Table. From December 1988 he was a member of the Citizens’ Committee led by Lech Walesa. From February to April 1989 he took part in the round table talks, working in a team dealing with the issue of pluralism of trade unions. From April to July 1989, he was a member of the Coordinating Commission for negotiations between the government and “Solidarnosc”. In April 1989 he became a member of the Presidium of the National Executive Committee of NSZZ "Solidarnosc" and performed duties as its deputy chairman. In May 1990 he was appointed the 1st deputy chairman of NSZZ "Solidarnosc" (as a matter of fact, he managed the union during Lech Walesa’s presidential campaign and after Walesa was elected President of the Republic of Poland). In February 1991 he ran for the position of chairman of "Solidarnosc". Defeated by Marian Krzaklewski, he took 2nd place in the election.
In the parliamentary election in June 1989 he was chosen as senator for the Gdansk region. In August 1989 he supported Jaroslaw Kaczynski in his work on forming a coalition of NSZZ “Solidarnosc” with the United People’s Party and the Democratic Party.
From March 12th to October 31st, 1991 he was Minister of State in charge of Security in the Office of the President of the Republic of Poland (this post no longer exists). He supervised the work of the National Security Bureau. He resigned from the job in the Office of the President of the Republic of Poland after a conflict with Lech Walesa and the head of his office, Mieczyslaw Wachowski.
In the parliamentary election in 1991 he won the seat of deputy to the Sejm for a 1st term from the list of the Centre Agreement party from the Nowy Sacz constituency. He was actively involved in the activities of four committees, where he dealt with issues connected with legislation and social policy. From November 1991 he was chairman of the Administration and Internal Affairs Committee.
From the beginning of his political activities in free Poland, he called for vetting and decommunization in public life.
On February 14th, 1992 he was appointed president of the Supreme Chamber of Control. He performed this function until 1995. As the SCC president he considerably strengthened social trust in this institution (an increase in trust from 30 to 60%) and transformed the chamber into an effective state auditing body. He was a member of the Administration Council of the International Labour Organization at UNO as well as a member of the Presidium of EUROSAI (the European Organisation of Supreme Audit Institutions).
In the years 1995-97 he was deputy chairman of the program board of the Institute of Public Affairs managed by Lena Kolarska-Bobinska.
In the years 1999-2000 – a member of the Codification Committee operating at the Minister of Labour and Social Policy.
On June 12th, 2000 he was appointed by Prime Minister, Jerzy Buzek, as Minister of Justice. He soon became one of the most popular members of the government, the second-most popular Polish politician after the then President, Aleksander Kwasniewski. His actions aimed at stopping the liberal criminal justice policies exercised in Poland for many years brought about an increase in social trust. He was effective in preventing crime and corruption as well as in the fight against the mafia.
In 2001 he took the lead of the Law and Justice National Committee, a new right-wing party he created together with Jaroslaw Kaczynski. He was elected deputy to the Sejm for a 4th term from the Gdansk constituency. He performed the function of chairman of the parliamentary Constitutional Responsibility Committee. On November 18th, 2002 he won a direct election for Mayor of the City of Warsaw with a considerable majority. He started his term of office in the capital city under slogans calling for the elimination of corruption and restoration of law and order. He took some effective actions which have improved security in the city.
On August 1st, 2004, at the 60th anniversary of the outbreak of the Warsaw Uprising, he opened the Warsaw Rising Museum.
He resigned as Mayor of the Capital City the day before he took office as President of the Republic of Poland.
On October 23rd, 2005, polling 54.04% of votes, Lech Kaczynski defeated his rival Donald Tusk in the second round and won the presidential election. He took office on December 23rd, 2005 by swearing an oath in front of the National Assembly.
Lech Kaczynski snatched victory in Poland's presidential election on 23 October 2005, in a surprising come from behind win against Donald Tusk. Kaczynski secured his election with a strong showing in the south and east of Poland, and a whopping 68% of rural votes. Lech Kaczynski won a solid victory against his PO opponent, Donald Tusk, gaining 54% of votes cast nationwide. Splitting the map of Poland in half, Kaczynski won in the eight eastern and southern provinces of the country, while Tusk won all eight of the northern and western provinces. Kaczynski's brand of social conservatism and nationalistic rhetoric played particularly well in rural areas, where he gained a stunning 68 percent of the vote. Tusk carried the cities and younger Poles. Kaczynski won the overwhelming support (83 percent) of Samoobrona voters from the first presidential round, whose leader, Andrzej Lepper, urged his supporters to back PiS. Tusk won many voters on the left but they did not turn out in high numbers.
Kaczynski quickly claimed victory after the polls closed October 23, and Tusk called to offer his congratulations. Both reiterated their intention to move forward with the PiS-PO coalition government. With the bitterly fought campaign finally over, PiS and PO resumed negotiations October 24 to discuss the composition of their coalition government. Prime Minister-designate Kazimierz Marcinkiewicz and PO's Deputy Prime Minister-designate Jan Rokita announced in a joint press conference that opening talks would focus on economic issues. Marcinkiewicz said he hoped to announce the cabinet on Friday, October 28. Kaczynski assumed the presidency on December 23.
On December 23 2005, the President of the Republic of Poland, Lech Kaczynski, took the oath of office before the National Assembly and assumed the post of President of the RP for a five-year term. The swearing-in ceremony of the President of the RP was attended by, among others, the Speaker of the Sejm, Marek Jurek, the Speaker of the Senate, Bogdan Borusewicz, former presidents of the RP, Lech Walesa and Aleksander Kwasniewski, former speakers of the Sejm and Senate, including Wieslaw Chrzanowski, Józef Oleksy, Andrzej Stelmachowski and Alicja Grzeskowiak, representatives of constitutional bodies, representatives of churches and religious communities, and diplomats accredited in Poland.
Lech Kaczynski formed a political double act with identical twin brother Jaroslaw and the pair's right-wing nationalist stance was disquieting to many in Poland and the rest of Europe. As president he advocated strong ties with the United States, supporting the controversial missile defense system proposed by former President George W. Bush. Regarded by some as a Eurosceptic, he also emerged as one of Moscow's greatest critics during the Russia-Georgia conflict in August 2008.
During the campaign, Kaczynski said that his two first trips abroad as president would be to the United States and the Vatican, drawing a sharp distinction with the Euro-friendlier Tusk. With respect to foreign relations, in his first comments as President-elect, Kaczynski said that he wanted a strong working relationship with Germany, but added that he was concerned over plans to build a center for Germans expelled from former German territories after World War II, as well as the proposed pipeline under the Baltic Sea to transport oil from Russia to German bypassing Poland entirely. He called for Poland to play an active role in the European Union, but said he was opposed to the EU constitution in its current form.
With Kaczynski's victory in the presidential election, PiS neatly flipped expectations that it would be the junior partner in ruling Poland. Both PiS and PO officials were quick to reassure that the coalition would move forward. In the short term the parties had nowhere else to turn for any other viable political partners, but PiS will have a full plate in delivering on campaign promises to clean up government and maintain Poland's costly social welfare system, while PO has insisted upon fiscal responsibility. PiS attacks against the savagery of PO's "liberalism" resonated with voters, but will make economic policies particularly tricky to coordinate. Kaczynski already commented that he wants to play a bigger role in domestic policy than his predecessor, Aleksander Kwasniewski. After its twin failures in both parliamentary and presidential rounds, the long term viability of PO seemed an open question.
On 11 November 2008, the President of the Republic of Poland, Lech Kaczynski, attended Holy Mass for the welfare of Poland celebrated by Polish Army Bishop Gen. Tadeusz Ploski at Warsaw’s St. Cross Basilica "the First World War indeed played a major role in the process of regaining of independence, that as early as during that war the great powers ... wanted to make Poland a minor state, comprising the Kingdom of Poland and Western Galicia, and we won ourselves a major state in armed struggle. And this is what we accomplished by ourselves, fighting on many fronts for three, for more than three years. Nobody gave that state to us. Nobody had won for us in battle the Second Republic of Poland, which was one of major states in Europe between the First and the Second World Wars....
"In the Poland of 1918 there was hardly anything. There were merely rudiments of an army, there were epidemics, there was an administration organised from scratch barely a few months before. Within three years, a huge effort was made, a powerful army was created that managed to repel the Bolsheviks, that perhaps saved Europe from being swallowed in whole by the Bolshevik revolution. "
On 27 November 2007, just days after coming to office, PM Tusk announced that his government wanted more dynamic and open relations with Russia. President Lech Kaczynski (whose twin brother Jaroslaw was PM in the previous government) expressed amazement over Tusk's decision to drop opposition to Russia's OECD bid and complained that no one had consulted him. Presidential Chancellery head (and former FM) Anna Fotyga echoed the President's complaint, stating that the change of policy on Russia's OECD bid signaled that Poland was ready to subordinate democratic ideals to big business and had forgotten about countries such as Ukraine, Georgia and the Baltics who suffered from Russian intimidation. She rhetorically asked if Poland was "selling Georgia" in order to end Moscow's ban on Polish beef. Despite this public clash, however, President Kaczynski has made no effort to block or change the substance of Tusk's new initiative. Fotyga declared that the Presidential Palace was not an alternative foreign policy center, but rather a crucial element of the nation's foreign policy process, and should have been consulted.
President Lech Kaczynski died on 10 April, 2010, in a crash of the governmental plane TU-154 nearby Smolensk, on his way to the commemoration of the 70th anniversary of the Katyn Massacre. President together with his wife Maria and accompanying delegation was flying to Katyn where in the company of representatives of the Katyn Families, as well as parliamentarians, priests, war veterans and army men he intended to pay tribute to the Poles murdered by NKVD, following a decision of the Politburo of the All-Union Communist Party. In the plane crash, 96 persons lost their lives. On 18 April, 2010, the Presidential Couple was laid to rest in the crypt of the Wawel Cathedral in Krakow.
Most Poles listened with disbelief to the news of President Lech Kaczynski’s death 10 Aoril 2010 in a plane crash near the western Russian city of Smolensk. The plane crash killed at least 97 people, including dozens of high-ranking Polish politicians and officials. Among the victims of the plane crash were many high-profile members of the Polish political establishment: a deputy foreign minister, several key national security advisors, the chief of staff, the President of the National Bank of Poland and the Ombudsman. “It is an irreparable blow to the national elite,” former President Aleksander Kwasniewski said. Kaczynski was married to economist Maria Kaczynska, who also died in the crash. The couple are survived by their daughter, Marta.
The disaster led to increased tensions with Russia, with some Poles believing that the crash was a deliberate assassination by Russian authorities, or that Russian air traffic controllers were to blame for the disaster. Two of the Russian controllers were last month charged by Poland of having some responsibility for the catastrophe.
Russian investigators, however, rejected out of hand any suggestion that false guidance from the air traffic controllers had led to the crash. "The Russian investigation sees no grounds to talk about even a minimal responsibility of the flight control group for the air crash," the Investigative Committee said in a statement 10 April 2015. "They were acting in full accordance with instructions and international civil aviation rules," it added, saying the crash was caused by "a combination of factors."
Polish transcripts of conversations held in the plane's cockpit shortly before the crash have meanwhile lent weight to Russian claims that the Polish pilots were largely to blame for choosing to land in heavy fog. They suggest that a Polish air force commander pressured the pilots into making the landing despite the adverse weather conditions - evidence which also undermines any assassination theory.
The Russian investigators said in their statement that the investigation was almost finished, but that they still needed information from the Polish side before they can conclude the probe and send the plane debris to Poland. Poland has been angered by Russia's refusal so far to hand over the wreckage. The Russian statement said, however, that keeping evidence during an ongoing investigation was "standard international practice."
Poles appear sharply divided in their assessment of Kaczynski’s legacy. Elderly voters with links to the country’s powerful Roman Catholic church supported his conservative policies. But critics accused him of antagonizing Europe and living in the past. Among Kaczynski’s controversial moves was the banning of a gay pride parade in Warsaw at a time when he served as the city's mayor.
President Lech Kaczynksi will be remembered as a man with traditional values that sharply divided European opinion. Kaczynski was frequently vilified by those on the left of the political spectrum for his policies, which included banning a gay pride parade when he was mayor of Warsaw. However, his tough stance on law and order and emphasis on family values gained him support among many Poles, especially older voters.
Lech Kaczynski's wife, Maria, was an economist. Their daughter Marta is married to a lawyer and both are legal trainees. Mr and Mrs Kaczynski had two granddaughters: six-year-old Ewa and two-year-old Martyna. The presidential couple had a great liking for animals. The family owned two dogs – a mongrel called Lula and a Scottish terrier called Tytus as well as a cat, Rudolf, adopted from an animal shelter.
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