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Law and Justice [PiS]

Since its establishment in 2001, [Prawo i Sprawiedliwosc PiS[] has been one of the main political forces in Poland. For several years, the group has either formed the government or has been the largest opposition party. Three former and current prime ministers (Kazimierz Marcinkiewicz, Jaroslaw Kaczynski and Beata Szydlo) and two presidents (Lech Kaczynski and Andrzej Duda) come from the group. Law and Justice came to power after the 2015 elections. Power was exercised by the so-called United Right camp. PiS ran in the parliamentary elections together with Zbigniew Ziobro's Solidarna Polska and Jaroslaw Gowin's Poland Together. This was not the first time that the party has co-formed the government - in 2005-2007 it was in power in a coalition with Self-Defence and the League of Polish Families.

In 2006, with President Lech Kaczynski in office and his brother Jarek Kaczynski confirmed as Prime Minister, the Law and Justice party (PiS) had unexpectedly established dominance over the government coalition in Poland to a degree unparalleled in the post-Communist era. As twins who instinctively understand one another, they can rule with a singleness of purpose between head of state and head government perhaps never before seen in a parliamentary democracy.

After his confirmation 19 July 2006, Jarek made clear quickly that he was in charge of every aspect of policy and decision-making. His advisors had no real policy voice but rather simply "channel" his views. By contrast to the Kaczynskis' strong grip on domestic affairs, Poland's foreign policy floundered. Already under Marcinkiewicz the PiS-led government lacked expertise following the May 2006 appointment of Kaczynski insider Anna Fotyga as Foreign Minister. Defense Minister Radek Sikorski was the only experienced foreign policy practitioner in the government, but he was not in the inner circle and the Kaczynskis were apparently circumscribing his autonomy more and more.

Although "freedom" ranks high on the list of values listed in the party's program, the individual in this context is understood not so much as an independent entity, but as part of a community. Mention is made of its "individual" character, but the importance of the community in the use of individual abilities is significantly emphasized.

PiS puts a particularly strong emphasis on the need to strengthen national identity in society: "The nation, which we understand as a community of culture, language, historical experience, political tradition and civilizational values, lived fate, is the widest social group constituting an effective basis for democratic political communities."

Importantly, the program noted that PiS members do not define the nation "in an ethnic sense." This means that PiS recognizes the primacy of common tradition and culture over ethnicity. The desire to build attachment to the national tradition in Poles can be seen, for example, in the proposals concerning education. Particular emphasis on teaching history and the Polish language is proof of the desire to shape patriotic attitudes from an early age.

PiS declares attachment to Christian values. The teaching of the Catholic Church is, in the opinion of its members, an important source of moral principles. The party has never advocated the separation of church and state or the secularization of public life. It also usually recognizes the authority of church hierarchs. The program states: "To this day, the Church is the bearer and preacher of the universally known moral doctrine in Poland. […] For these reasons, the specific status of the Catholic Church in our national and state life is extremely important; we want to uphold it and we believe that attempts to destroy and unjustly attack the Church are dangerous for the shape of social life."

Members of PiS do not accept any manifestations of "progressiveness" in the moral sphere. The only acceptable form of progress is economic, but it is not an end in itself - it is primarily for the benefit of families. "The rapid development and fundamental modernization of our economy are the best guarantors of improving the living conditions of Polish families" the program says.

An example of reluctance to "progressiveness" in the worldview sphere is the opposition to the so-called gender ideology: "The spread of gender ideology is also dangerous for the family and society. […] Putting up barriers to the spread of gender ideology is important."

In the PiS program, at the very top of the list entitled "Our principles and values", the sub-item "Right to life" was placed. The Party states: "The right to life determines the relationship between individuals and the community […]. Today, it is about the protection of life from conception and the rejection of euthanasia. On these issues, the position is clear - we defend and will defend life and oppose euthanasia."

From time to time PiS sends signals from which it follows that it questions the so-called abortion compromise (allowing abortion in three exceptional cases). In 2013, MPs from this group supported a bill banning abortion in cases of severe fetal damage. "A person with a disability has the same dignity and the same rights in the Republic of Poland as a non-disabled person. The fact that someone may be disabled should not prejudge that person will be killed" said PiS MP Jan Dziedziczak.

There is no shortage of voices in PiS calling for a total ban on abortion. The last draft of this type of act (by the Ordo Iuris Association) was, however, finally rejected, also by the votes of PiS deputies, due to social resistance and the provision contained in the draft on the criminal liability of women who would decide to have an abortion. The party therefore avoids making drastic changes; Of course, also for political reasons.

As for the legalization of same-sex marriages, PiS's position on this issue remains unchanged. The party strongly opposes not only the recognition of same-sex marriages, but also the legal regulation of the so-called partnerships.

The party recognizes the need for instruments of state support for citizens in the material dimension. In this case, we have no problems with indicating priorities - pro-family policy is particularly important from the point of view of PiS, the instruments of which would ensure the reversal of the unfavorable trend in the demographic structure.

In the activities of the government and PiS deputies, many observers see a desire to weaken the position or politicize the judiciary. Such opinions are supported by chaos related to the Constitutional Tribunal, the merger of the functions of the head of the Ministry of Justice and the Prosecutor General, and the planned changes in the National Council of the Judiciary. Similar proposals also provoke reactions from foreign media. PiS replies that it only combats pathologies in the environment of judges (a large part of which, as he emphasizes, had connections with the communist system).

The foreign policy of the government is characterized by the pursuit of close cooperation between the Visegrad Group countries and building a strong position in the EU. Polish diplomacy is sometimes criticized for some moves or statements addressed to partners from the West. PiS's anti-Russian rhetoric intensified after the Smolensk catastrophe (denying the findings of the Russian investigation, dispute over the return of the government Tupolev wreck). In the context of the turbulent geopolitical situation, defense is an important aspect of government policy. Already in its program, PiS postulated strengthening the army and basing Polish security on deepened cooperation with NATO.