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Hungary - Political Parties

Immediately after World War II, Hungary was governed by a "grand coalition" of Hungarian political parties. By 1948, however, all non-communist parties had been abolished with the support of the Soviet Union. The Hungarian Socialist Workers Party dominated all facets of government until 1990. During the Cold War, the Hungarian Socialist Workers' Party (HSWP) formed the "revolutionary vanguard of the working class" that "organizes and guides the people in their struggle to construct a Socialist society." The ideology, method of decision making, and structure of the HSWP all derived from the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (CPSU). The method of decision making--democratic centralism--stifled intraparty dissent and secured the control of central party organs over the personnel appointments and the activities of lower party organs.

In the late 1980s, the HSWP was a top-down, centralized organization. In theory, representative party bodies such as the party congress held supreme decision-making authority. In practice, bodies such as the party congress and the Central Committee on the national level and the conference on the county and district levels were too large and met too infrequently to exercise decision-making power (see fig. 9). The Politburo and Secretariat centralized power on the national level, and the party bureaus did so on the county and district rungs of the hierarchy.

During the late 1980s, the political system in Hungary changed dramatically. On October 23, 1989, Hungary was proclaimed a republic, and to signify the country's change in status to a free democratic state, Hungary's name was changed from the "Hungarian People's Republic" to the "Republic of Hungary". Also in 1989, the constitution was substantially amended to its current form. Under this new constitution, Hungary instituted a multi-party democratic government, making it one of the first formerly communist countries in Central and Eastern Europe to undertake democratic reforms. Non-communist political parties were established in 1989 and in 1990 the first multi-party elections in the country since 1947 took place.

The first free parliamentary election, held in May 1990, was a plebiscite of sorts on the communist past with the Democratic Forum (MDF) winning 43% of the vote and the Free Democrats (SZDSZ) capturing 24%. Under Prime Minister Jozsef Antall, the MDF formed a center-right coalition government with the Independent Smallholders' Party (FKGP) and the Christian Democratic People's Party (KDNP) to command a 60% majority in the Parliament. Parliamentary opposition parties included SZDSZ, the Socialists (MSZP), and the Alliance of Young Democrats (Fidesz). Peter Boross succeeded as Prime Minister after Antall died and the Antall/Boross coalition governments achieved a reasonably well-functioning parliamentary democracy and laid the foundation for a free market economy.

FIDESZ – Hungarian Civic Alliance was by 2014 the largest Hungarian political party, which is ideologically considered conservative. Originally founded as a student organization in 1988, Fidesz was Hungary’s largest political party both in terms of party membership and parliamentary representation. Initially a catalyst for the system change, FIDESZ gradually shifted from the liberal side of the spectrum to the conservative in the mid-1990s, embracing the causes of ethnic Hungarians and the traditional churches. Between 1998 and 2002, FIDESZ was the senior governing party. The party leadership promised to "keep fighting" to uphold the interests of Hungarian conservatives though the 2006 defeat was the second for the party in as many elections.

In parliamentary elections held in 2010 Fidesz won 53% of the popular vote (46% turnout amongst eligible voters), and by 2014 held 223 seats in parliament. The party’s co-founder and chairman is Prime Minister Viktor Orban, who according to Anomalocaris "... really likes playing with giant, inflatable copies of Earth in his study". Fidesz’s other significant politicians are Tibor Navracsics (Vice PM and Minister of Justice), Péter Szijjártó (Secretary of State of Foreign Affairs), János Lázár (Secretary of State) and Zsolt Semjén (Vice PM). Initially, the party represented liberal views; however, in the mid-1990s they changed their profile and started emphasizing the importance of family and Christian values with a conservative attitude.

Christian Democratic People’s Party (Keresztenydemokrata Neppart, KDNP) was founded in 1989. The KDNP is the junior member of the Fidesz-led electoral alliance that won two-thirds super majorities in the National Assembly of Hungary in both 2010 and 2014 national elections. The Christian Democratic People’s Party has been closely allied with FIDESZ since 1998. In 2006, the party formed an electoral alliance with Fidesz. It held 34 seats in parliament in 2014. Its chairman is Zsolt Semjen who also served as deputy prime minister. The KDNP forms independent caucuses in the National Assembly following elections, which the party has contested in alliance with Fidesz since 2006. Roman Catholic theologian and sociologist Zsolt Semjén has served as the president of KDNP since 2003.

Jobbik – Movement for Hungary is probably the most infamous Hungarian party of all, founded in 2002-2003 by young university undergraduates and its chairman Gabor Vona. Jobbik was a social movement at the beginning, but later was transformed to a political party. The radical right-wing party was Hungary’s third largest in terms of parliamentary representation going into the 2014 election. Performing poorly in 2004 parliamentary elections, it won 12 per cent of the votes cast in European parliamentary elections in 2009, enough to send three candidates to the European Parliament in Brussels. In the 2010 elections it won 16.7 per cent of the popular vote and ended up sending 47 candidates to parliament, making it the most successful radical right-wing party in all of Europe electorally. Four Jobbik MPs subsequently left the party to become independent MPs.

Jobbik is an extreme right-wing party, based on conservative and nationalist values. Jobbik is best known for their often shocking acts and explicit (or implicit) radical views regarding ethnic and religious minorities of Hungary. Jobbik’s leading politicians are Gábor Vona (member of Parliament, head of party), Elod Novák (MP), Krisztina Morvai (Member of the European Parliament) and Dóra Dúró (MP, married to Novák). Jobbik’s strong electoral base consists of mainly young, graduated people.

In 2007 Gabor Vona founded the party’s militant wing called the Hungarian Guard (Magyar Garda). The Hungarian Guard was banned in 2009 under the government of Gordon Bajnai. However, none of its successor organizations (New Hungarian Guard, Association of Civil Guardsmen for a Better Future, etc.) have been banned under the current Fidesz-KDNP government.

Hungarian Socialist Party (Magyar Szocialista Part, MSZP) was the largest of the four opposition parties both in terms of party membership and number of seats (48) in parliament going into the 2014 election. MSZP was constituted from the Hungarian Socialist Worker's Party, Hungary's former communist party. Anomalocaris noted "After the change of regime, the more cunning MSZMP members formed MSZP, the social democratic successor party. Founded by former state party members, but on democratic principles. It started out as a more or less social democratic formation and have been steadily moving towards populistic neoliberalism ever since". Scoring a mere 8.5 percent in the 1990 elections, MSZP received an overwhelming majority four years later, when it became a governing party for the first time.

After four years in opposition from 1998 to 2002, MSZP then returned to power, forming a coalition with the liberal SZDSZ party. Peter Medgyessy, the party's PM candidate in 2002, was not a party member, In September 2004, Medgyessy lost his position and Ferenc Gyurcsany emerged as the new PM over the objections of the party's "old wing." Having now won reelection, MSZP is the first party in the history of democratic Hungary to win two consecutive general elections. Although the 2006 race was a tight one, the party's victory may signal that it has largely shed its negative communist stigma. Since 2010 the party had been led by its chairman, Attila Mesterhazy. Mesterhazy had served in Hungary’s National Assembly since 2004.

Democratic Coalition (Demokratikus Koalicio, DK) held 10 seats in parliament going into the 2014 election. The center-left party was founded in 2010 by former socialist prime minister Ferenc Gyurcsany after he and nine other Socialist MPs left MSZP to form a new party. Gyurcsany served as party chairman.

Alliance of Free Democrats (SZDSZ) [now defunct] was a small, liberal party that grew out of an opposition organization created in the late 1980s. In the 1990 and 1994 elections, SZDSZ finished second. Between 1994 and 1998, it was the junior governing party in a coalition with MSZP. With its popularity declining substantially, SZDSZ's representation in Parliament dwindled to just 24 MPs following the 1998 electoral loss to FIDESZ. In 2002, as in 2006, SZDSZ narrowly surpassed the 5 percent threshold required to obtain seats in Parliament. Traditionally, SZDSZ's support base was urban and centered in Budapest.

Politics Can Be Different (Lehet Mas A Politika, LMP) was founded as a political party in 2009. LMP is the largest green party functioning in Hungary having been represented in Parliament since 2010. Receiving less than 3 per cent of the votes in 2009 European parliamentary elections, the party won 5.7 per cent of the vote in national parliamentary elections of 2010, enough to send seventeen representatives from its national list to parliament. LMP faced many changes in the past few years, since several members of the party left, renounced their MP status and formed another political party, PM (Benedek Jávor is the founder), independent from LMP. The green party’s most significant members by 2014 were András Schiffer (head of LMP), Katalin Ertsey (MP), Ágnes Osztolykán (MP, expert on Roma issues) and Bernadett Szél (MP). LMP strongly promotes the participation of women in politics.

The party’s program consists mainly of promoting equal opportunities for national and ethnic minorities; ensuring financial transparency in economic, political and social policy-making processes; creating a sustainable agricultural program in rural areas, while preserving natural resources (e.g. water, land, etc.); improving food security mechanisms; and building up cooperation with Europe in a democratic and sustainable way.

Dialogue for Hungary (Parbeszed Magyarorszagert, PM) is a green/liberal party that split off from LMP in 2013 over the question of whether or not to form an electoral alliance with the other opposition parties in the interest of defeating the governing party in elections scheduled for 2014. The party was led by co-chairs Javor Benedek and Timea Szabo. Dialogue for Hungary immediately formed an electoral alliance with Together-2014. The two parties campaign together under the name Together-PM (Együtt-PM).

Together 2014 (Egyutt 2014, E14) was founded in October 2012 when three Hungarian civil organizations, Patriotism and Progress (Haza es Haladas), One Million for Press Freedom (Egy millió a sajtó szabadságért, or Milla), and the Hungarian Solidarity Movement (Magyar Szolidaritas Mozgalom), joined together to form a center-left party for the 2014 elections. Patriotism and Progress, a public policy think tank, was founded in 2011 by former Prime Minister Gordon Bajnai (2009-2010). Milla was founded in 2010 when civil activist Peter Juhasz started a Facebook page after Hungary’s Fidesz-led parliament adopted a media law which severely curbed press freedom. Szolidaritas was founded in 2011 to represent the interest of Hungary’s trade unions. Together 2014 had no parliamentary representation but formed a coalition with Dialogue for Hungary in 2013. The party was run by a triumvirate of three co-chairs: Gordon Bajnai, Peter Juhasz, and Peter Konya.

Democratic Forum (MDF) led Hungary's first democratically-elected administration between 1990 and 1994. Its conservative foundations date to the time of the system change, although its popularity has declined considerably since the mid 1990s. As FIDESZ stepped to the forefront of the right wing, MDF has struggled to reach the five-percent mark in recent elections. Between 1998 and 2002, it governed in coalition with FIDESZ. After a bitter campaign in 2006, in which it vied openly with its former ally FIDESZ for votes, the MDF saw its 2006 return to Parliament as a major victory, and announced plans to reform the party and establish a "truly" conservative entity with a broad support base on the right.

4K Anomalocaris says "These young folks are the closest Hungary has to a proper left-wing party. They are under-financed and under-manned, but within a few years, when all the other opposition parties managed to destroy each other, they could theoretically become an interesting faction."

By 2008 increasing disenchantment with Hungary's political parties as well as its political institutions left public discourse held hostage by a far right agenda. But the MSzP's rivals had yet to turn this unpopularity to their own advantage. FIDESZ's pronouncements on the economic crisis turned once again to pessimism and populism, offering little to educate the public or to encourage foreign investors. Both the MDF and the SzDSz continued to contend with serious - and some say insoluble - internal problems. Both were polling below the five percent minimum required for representation in Parliament, often statistically even with the far-right JOBBIK party. The trend lines for the small moderate parties are down, however, while the media-savvy JOBBIK can see a clear opportunity to capitalize on the economic downturn and the public's discontent.

The now defunct liberal party SzDSz lost both public support and political credibility. The divide between the supporters of Party President Gabor Fodor and his predecessor, Janos Koka remains deep, and elections for lower-ranking positions continued to reflect a 51-49 split between the party's two factions. The SzDSz was left in a state of limbo: their reformist policies were at variance with the public mood, their coffers are reportedly low, and their long-time administration of Budapest has opened the party up to serious charges of incompetence ... or worse. As a result, the SzDSz's poll numbers remain well below the five percent threshold required for representation in Parliament despite the fact that up to twenty percent of Hungarians identify themselves as liberals.

With FIDESZ's attempts to move toward the center which provide an opening for the far right - both the SzDSz and the MDF are fighting each other for political survival at the center of the spectrum. Though better off than the SzDSz, the MDF was weakened as well. An ugly wiretapping scandal preceding the party elections has revealed intense competition within the party leadership, and Party President Ibolya David survived her reelection bid with a substantially lower share of the votes than she received in 2006. Her rival, MP Kornel Almassy, was expelled from the party praesidium at their September 27 convention and has vowed to take his appeal to the courts.

The SZDSZ was not the same SZDSZ that came into being at the time of the change of regime. And not just because it had lost about 90% of its supporters. Gyula Horn’s MSZP was very different from Ferenc Gyurcsány’s party. The MDF had also changed considerably. In addition, there had been a great deal of individual movement between parties: former members of the inner sanctum of the MSZMP supported the Fidesz today while former SZDSZ members ended up in the MIÉP or the Jobbik.

The Hungarian electoral system underwent a major reform in 2011 and will be applied for the first time in the parliamentary elections in 2014. The electoral system applied in the period from 1990 to 2010 was a result of a negotiated transition, in which the interests of the old and the new political elite were reconciled in the creation of a mixed system. Due to the domination of two parties in the Hungarian political party system - the Conservative Fidesz – Hungarian Civic Union (Fidesz) and the Hungarian Socialist Party (MSZP) - dominate the SMDs and the territorial party lists, while smaller parties win most of their mandates on national lists.

Fidesz-KDNP won a two-thirds majority in parliament in April 2014. Fidesz-KDNP held a total of 133 seats in the new parliament, the Socialists-Together-DK-PM-MLP alliance held 38, radical nationalist Jobbik 23, and the small opposition LMP hade 5 seats. With 99.99 percent of the votes counted, Fidesz garnered 2,264,730 votes on the national party list, the leftist alliance 1,290,804 votes, Jobbik 1,020,476 and LMP 269,413. The other 14 parties setting a national list did not pass the 5-percent threshold for winning a mandate in parliament.

In the May 2014 European Parliament election, the governing Fidesz-KDNP won the election outright, receiving 51.49% for 12 EP mandates. Jobbik came in a distant second with 14.68% – enough to send three delegates to Brussels, including Bela Kovacs who has been accused of being a Russian spy. The Hungarian Socialist Party (MSZP) received just under 11% of the vote. Former prime minister Ferenc Gyurcsany’s Democratic Coalition (DK) received 9.76% of the vote, and one candidate each from former prime minister Gordon Bajnai’s Together 2014-PM political alliance (7.22%) and Politics Can Be Different (LMP), which just managed to clear the 5% threshold with 5.01% of the vote.