• Military Menu                       

• Introduction
• Systems
• Facilities
• Agencies
• Industry
• Operations
• Countries
• Hot Documents
• News
• Reports
• Policy
• Budget
• Congress
• Links

• WMD
• Intelligence
• Homeland Security
• Space

Gagauz Autonomous Region (GAR)

Gagauzia's 140,000 residents, mainly ethnic Turks who adhere to Orthodox Christianity, have had uneasy relations with central authorities since Moldova threw off Soviet rule in 1991. A Christian Turkic minority, the Gagauz, enjoys local autonomy in the southern part of Moldova. The Gagauz are the only group on earth that ever voluntarily converted from Christianity to Islam – and then back to Orthodox Christianity. In addition, the Gagauz are a heavily armed population (thanks to Turkey) and have a constitutional right to choose independence.

The Moldovan authorities want to liquidate Gagauzia, said the head of the autonomy, Evgenia Gutsul, on the GRT TV channel 12 April 2024. “We are seeing excessive pressure on the autonomy, we understand what goals the ruling elite is pursuing. These actions are aimed at eliminating the Gagauz autonomy,” she said.

Moldova's pro-European government faced a new challenge from its restive pro-Moscow Gagauzia region after its leaders denounced proposed judicial reforms and demanded enhanced status for the Russian language. On 19 April 2024, Gagauzia's local assembly rejected judicial reforms which would shut down an appeal court in the region and called for special status for Russian, alongside Moldova's sole state language, Romanian. Under Moldova's constitution, Gagauzia's leader is automatically a member of the government.

President of Moldova Maia Sandu and her team, despite the reluctance of the majority of residents, are “secretly” doing everything to unite the republic with Romania, but “it is better to be in the sands than in a golden cage - the EU,” the chairman of the people’s assembly of the Moldovan autonomy of Gagauzia, Dmitry Konstantinov, said 21 April 2024. “Madam (President of Moldova) Sandu and her team are doing everything to ensure that we unite with our neighbors, with Romania,” Konstantinov said, speaking at a congress of opposition deputies in Moscow. “Every state, when it decides to join an alliance, must remember history,” Konstantinov said and recalled that during the Romanian occupation at the beginning of the 20th century, Bessarabia experienced heavy oppression and repression.

Moldovan opposition politician Ilan Shor announced 21 April 2024 in Moscow the creation of the “Victory” election bloc, the congress of Moldovan politicians and representatives of the Moldovan public supporting the entry of the Republic of Moldova into the Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU) and the Eurasian Economic Space (EEA) and opposing integration with the European Union (EU). Shor proposed electing the head of Gagauzia, Evgenia Gutsul, as the executive secretary of the national council of the new bloc, and himself and parliamentarian Marina Tauber as chairman and secretary of the executive committee, respectively. The leaders of the parties “Shor”, “Chance”, “Victoria”, “Renaissance” and “Power of Alternative and Agreements of Moldova”, present at the congress, signed an agreement on the creation of an electoral bloc.

In August 1990, a pro-Soviet faction of the Gagauz ethnic minority (approximately 153,000 in the entire republic) proclaimed a “Gagauz Soviet Socialist Republic” (Gagauz-Yeri), with its capital in the city of Comrat. In 1994, however, Chisinau and Comrat reached apower sharing agreement that created the Gagauz Autonomous Region (GAR) and granted it significant autonomy, including a separate legislative assembly to deal with strictly regional issues.

The GAR is not a territorially-contiguous entity, but consists of a number of towns and villages in the vicinity of Comrat that voted for inclusion in the GAR. The Gagauz language is a Turkic dialect. Few Gagauz speak Moldovan/Romanian, and Russian serves as the public language. The Gagauz are traditionally Orthodox in religion, adhering to the Moscow Patriarchate.

In general, establishment of the Autonomous Region has been a successful case of a tolerant central government policy toward an ethnic minority. Although the Gagauz compromise of 1994 did not specifically address the issue of districting for the Moldovan parliament, the Gagauz leadership opposed retention of the “one-country, one-constituency” arrangement and favored instead the creation of distinct election districts representing specific constituencies. They saw the present arrangement as placing the Autonomous Region at a disadvantage interms of national representation and inconsistent with the spirit of the compromise.

The Gagauz elected a new governor and 35 deputies to their Popular Assembly in free and fair elections in September 1999; however, during 2002 central authorities pressured him to resign, and there were irregularities in the gubernatorial elections in October 2002 to replace him. The Gagauz complained frequently that the central Government did not abide by the terms of the agreement giving Gagauzia autonomous status and that it enacted laws that directly contradicted both local and national legislation establishing Gagauz autonomy. When central government commission members submitted a new status law governing the autonomy in December 2001 without first discussing it with the Gagauz members of the commission, the latter left the commission and complained to the OSCE Mission and the Congress of Local and Regional Authorities of Europe (CLRAE).

In January 2002 pro-Communist members of the Gagauz People's Assembly failed to gain a two-thirds majority in anattempted vote of "no confidence" in popularly elected Gagauz Governor Dmitry Croitor. On February 24, anti-Croitor members of the commission organized a popular referendum to unseat Croitor, against the Gagauz legalcode. Croitor and his supporters opposed the referendum, which attracted less than the required 50 percent ofregistered voters, and in March Gagauz official Ivan Burgudji was arrested and charged with interfering with thereferendum (see Section 1.d.). Croitor challenged the legal validity of the referendum in court, but the Supreme Court did not rule in his favor in a June 5 trial that some observers saw as politically motivated.

Under increased pressure from pro-Communist elements, Croitor eventually resigned on July 6, and new gubernatorial elections were called for October 6. In violation of local legislation, pro-Communist leaders in the local legislature took control of key executive seats in the regional capital after Croitor's departure. Many Gagauz observers posited that Croitor's forced departure was orchestrated from Chisinau in violation of both local and national legislation. In a second round of elections held on October 20, the Communist-backed candidate, Gheorghe Tabunshchik, was elected governor with 51 percent of the vote, after the first round of elections proved invalid with less than the required 50 percent of registered voters participating. The OSCE noted some irregularities in these elections,including the illegal exclusion 36 hours before polls opened of a candidate who had won third place in the first round.

Legislative elections in Moldova's autonomous region of Gagauzia were scheduled for 16 March 2008. Lack of funding created uncertainty about whether the elections may have to be cancelled. Candidate registration finished February 14, with 160 candidates running for 35 seats in the Gagauz People's Assembly. Three major political forces were competing in the race: candidates promoted by Bashkan (Governor) of Gagauzia Mihail Formuzal, candidates supported by the Communist Party, which has a majority of seats in the current legislature, and candidates supported by Mayor of Comrat Nicolai Dudoglo. With Communist Party influence weakening in Gagauzia, prospects looked good for Formuzal to gain a clear majority in the People's Assembly.

With international observers and a strong American contingent watching widely and carefully, March 16 elections for the 161 candidates contesting 35 positions in the Gagauz autonomous region's People's Assembly proceeded for the most part without incident. Problems that did occur were relatively minor and included a shortage of ballots at a few polling stations, showboating local mayors, apathetic human-rights observers, and some inconsistencies in applying the rules. Initial results showed that 17 of the 35 contests went to runoff elections on March 30. First- and second-round voting in March 2008 yielded results that bore no relationship to the actual loyalties or voting intentions of the 35 members of the PA (MPAs): election winners included 10 Communists (PCRM), one from the Democratic party, one from the Social Democrats, two from Ravnopravie, and 21 independents.

In September 2012 the autonomous region of Gagauzia held two rounds of elections for its 35-seat People’s Assembly (local legislature). The NGO Piligrim-Demo, which monitored the election, noted minor problems at the polls, including violation of the secrecy of vote, overcrowded polling stations, campaign materials in the proximity of polling stations, and police on polling station premises. There were some problems with voter lists, including missing names and deceased persons on the lists, but no evidence of widespread multiple voting or legitimate voters being denied the right to cast ballots. After the results were validated, a court suspended the mandate of one deputy in what some alleged was a political move to intimidate the other deputies during the People’s Assembly’s leadership selection.

On 02 February 2014, Gagauzia held a controversial referendum, asking locals if they favor closer relations with the EU or the CIS Customs Union. Moldova's central government tried hard to stop the February 2 referendum, which it saw as a challenge to the country's territorial integrity. The referendum asked whether Gagauzia should be able to declare independence in the event that Moldova loses or surrenders its own independence and whether Moldova should pursue closer relations with the EU or with the CIS Customs Union. In this referendum on the choice of foreign policy vector, more than 98 percent of the Gagauz participants were in favor of integrating the republic into the Customs Union.

The political party “Shor” [RO = “Equality”] was until 19 June 2023, a political party in the Republic of Moldova. Since 2019, party chairman Ilan Shor has been on the run and was put on the international wanted list in connection with the theft of $1 billion from the country’s banking system. In 2022, after the Russian invasion of Ukraine , the Shor party began to actively interact with the Russian authorities. On October 26, 2022, the political party was added to the US sanctions list [16] as a party associated with Ilan Shor. On April 14, 2023, after four years of consideration of the case, the Court of Appeal of Chisinau (AP) sentenced the fugitive deputy Ilan Shor to 15 years in prison. On June 19, 2023, the Constitutional Court of the Republic of Moldova declared the Shor party unconstitutional.

On March 22, 2023, Evgenia Hutsul was registered as a candidate for the post of Bashkan (head) of Gagauzia from the opposition political party "Shor". On 30 April 2023, she won the first round of the election as head of the autonomy. She was supported by the Shor party, which the Moldovan authorities had declared unconstitutional. On May 14, Evgenia Gutsul won the election for the head of Gagauzia. She was supported by 52.36% of voters. By April 2024 President Maia Sandu had not yet signed a decree approving Hutsul as a member of the government, although this is required by law. Hutsul emphasized that not a single president of Moldova allowed himself to so flagrantly violate the law on the special legal status of Gagauzia , which was adopted in 1994, and even the constitution.

Moldovan President Maia Sandu said 18 March 2024 that she will not yet sign a decree appointing the head of Gagauzia, Evgenia Gutsul, as a member of the government. “No, I will not rush to sign a decree appointing Hutsul as a member of the government. She works for the Shor criminal group, and not for the residents of the autonomy. This person makes statements against her own state,” Sandu said at a briefing.

After the elections, Chisinau began to put pressure on the region. In October 2023, the Parliament of Moldova supported the initiative of the ruling party “Action and Solidarity”, according to which VAT refunds to economic agents of the autonomy are transferred from the republican budget to the regional one. The Constitutional Court declared these amendments illegal. At the same time, parliament was ready to re-adopt the relevant law.

Evgenia Hutsul, the head of Gagauzia, an autonomous region within Moldova, said that in March 2024, Russian President Vladimir Putin promised her support in the face of pressure from Chisinau. She said that she told the Russian president about the pressure that Chisinau is putting on the autonomy, and expressed hope that the region will be able to enlist the support of Moscow. “Fortunately, Vladimir Vladimirovich Putin reacted in such a way that he gives us the opportunity and made us understand that the Russian Federation will always be with the Gagauz people and will always support.... No matter how the authorities of Chisinau go against the Gagauz autonomy, the Russian Federation will support us: will support both in the economic aspect and in the social aspect,” Hutsul told RIA Novosti 09 April 2024.

Gagauz politics often revolve around issues related to autonomy, cultural preservation, and economic development. Gagauz politics are characterized by efforts to improve conditions for the Gagauz people within the framework of Moldova's political system. Gagauzia enjoys a degree of autonomy within Moldova, granted by the Moldovan government in the early 1990s after the Gagauz people expressed concerns about their cultural identity and rights. The Gagauz Autonomous Territorial Unit (Gagauz-Yeri) was established in 1994, granting Gagauzia its own legislative and executive bodies.

The main legislative body of Gagauzia is the People's Assembly (Halk Toplusu), which consists of deputies elected by Gagauz citizens. The assembly is responsible for passing laws and making decisions regarding local governance. The executive power in Gagauzia is vested in the Governor (Baskan), who is the head of the Gagauz Executive Committee. The Governor is elected by the People's Assembly and oversees the implementation of laws and decisions. Several political parties operate within Gagauzia, representing various interests and ideologies. The main political parties include the Gagauz People's Party (Gagauz Halk Partiyasi), the Democratic Party of Gagauzia, and the Socialist Party of Moldova, which also has influence in Gagauz politics.

Gagauzia faces economic challenges, including high unemployment rates and reliance on agriculture. Political actors often focus on strategies for economic development, including attracting foreign investment and promoting entrepreneurship. Gagauz politics are also influenced by relations with the central government of Moldova and neighboring regions such as Transnistria. Issues such as language rights, education, and representation in national institutions are often debated.

While Gagauzia primarily focuses on internal governance and relations with Moldova, there is also interest in developing international relations, particularly with countries that have sizable Gagauz diaspora communities.

USAID assistance programs have supported strengthening Gagauzia’s economic growth, expanded on its tourism potential, promoted trade digitization, and helped Gagauzian wine producers improve production and increase exports. In May 2022, US Ambassador Logsdon opened the Tekwill Comrat ICT Excellence Center. This ICT Excellence Center will help create jobs in Gagauzia and attract more investment through providing ICT education and training for the local workforce and encouraging businesses to improve and engage in innovative new technologies. In the agriculture sector, USAID’s High Value Agriculture Activity (HVAA) has provided assistance to Gagauzian agribusinesses operating in the fruit, table grape, wine, and honey sectors. This includes support related to production, post-harvest handling, international standards on good agricultural and food safety practices, and capacity building of the local agricultural association.