1914 - French Socialists and the Great War
At several international congresses before the outbreak of the Great War the Socialists of the world tried to lay down some principle or set of principles by which the different Socialist parties might be guided in times of war and threatened war. At the Stuttgart Congress, in 1907, there was a memorable debate in which the principal participants were August Bebel, the great leader of the German Social Democracy, Jean Jaures, the eloquent apostle of French Socialism, and Emile Vandervelde, president of the International Socialist Bureau, now a Belgian Minister of State. Jaures proposed a radical policy: in the event of a war-crisis arising, the workers must take action to prevent the war by means of public agitation, the general strike, and insurrection. This course, if it were energetically pursued in the belligerent countries would, so Jaures argued, effectually prevent war.
"If a government does not go into the field directly against Social Democracy, but, frightened by the growth of Socialism, seeks to make a diversion abroad; if a war should arise in this way between France and Germany, would it be allowable in such a case that the French and German working-classes should murder one another for the benefit of the capitalists, and at their demand, without making the extreme use of their strength? If we did not try to do this, we should be dishonored."
The First Balkan War brought the Socialists of the leading European countries face to face with the grave peril of a general European conflagration. A special and extraordinary congress was held at Basel, Switzerland, in November, 1912, to consider what the various Socialist parties must do. In the event of any warlike policy being undertaken by the Russian government, whether by attacks on Constantinople or on Armenia, even for the avowed purpose of protecting the Balkan nations, the Socialists of Russia, as well as those of Russian Poland and Finland, must immediately inaugurate a revolutionary fight against Czarism, to bring about its downfall. The Socialists of Germany, France, and Great Britain must demand that their governments abstain from intervention in the Balkan trouble and refuse all support to either Austria or Russia.
The Basel Congress had enjoined upon the Socialists of France the duty of repudiating the alliance with Russia, and Jaures and other French Socialist leaders had denounced that alliance in unmeasured terms. The Congress had likewise laid upon the Socialists of France the duty of using their power to prevent their government from supporting Russia, just as it had declared it to be the duty of the German Socialists to prevent their government from giving support to Austria.
Within less than two years Europe was plunged into the greatest war in all human history, and the international solidarity of the Socialist movement was broken and destroyed.
How came the Socialists in France, of all sects and factions, to unite in supporting the French Republic in its alliance with Russia? And jet in the decisive hour all sections of the French Socialist movement united in support of their government and in defense of the Republic. Under the leadership of Jaures the French Socialists loyally observed the rules laid down for their guidance by the Basel Congress. They brought pressure to bear upon their government to withdraw from the alliance with Russia if (a) Russia did not consent to mediation and arbitration, or (b) if she took the initiative in declaring war. There is ample evidence that the French government honestly and bravely acted in accordance with these principles. On the 30th of July 1914, at the great peace demonstration in Brussels, Jaures announced with deep conviction, "The French government is the best peace ally of that admirable government of England, which took the initiative toward mediation. And it is influencing Russia by its counsels of wisdom and patience."
A few hours before his death at the hands of a cowardly assassin Jaures had an interview with the highest officials of the French government and received convincing assurances of the sincerity with which the course suggested by the Socialists was being followed. The act of the government in ordering the withdrawal of the French troops ten kilometres from the frontier was an indubitable pledge of its good faith.
Germany declared war upon Russia and France, and rejected all attempts at mediation. It was apparent that the German Social Democrats would not make any effective resistance to the action of their government. Under such conditions the French Socialists must either give up all idea of defending their country, and so abandon the very basis of internationalism, or they must accept as a temporary necessity of the war the alliance with Russia.
The criterion of proletarian interest turned out to be quite as unreliable as that of the differentiation between aggressive and defensive war. Experience had shown that French and German Socialists, while accepting the principle in good faith, arrive at opposing conclusions. The French Socialists identified the victory of France with the interests of the proletariat, while the German Socialists identified the victory of Germany with the interests of the proletariat.
The French Socialist Congress closed its session on the last day of 1915. The Congress was of special interest because it afforded an official record of the attitude of the French Socialists. The final resolution, adopted by 2,736 votes against 76, there being 102 absentees, announced that the French Socialists were united with all France in "a war purely of defense and exclusive of all plans of conquest and annexation." The resolution proclaimed that the French Socialists would remain with the Government until conditions of peace should be assured. The principles of internationalism and pacifism carried hitherto by the labour movement and 2nd Internationale were called into question by the adhesion of the SFIO and CGT to the policy of sacred union.
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