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King Juan Carlos I

On 18 June 2014 King Juan Carlos signed legislation setting out the legal framework for his son to replace him as King of Spain. The ceremonies were kept frugal in response to the country's economic woes. The formal abdication by 76-year-old King Juan Carlos paved the way for his 46-year-old son to be crowned King Felipe VI.

On 02 June 2014, King Juan Carlos annnounced that he would be abdicating in favor of his 46-year-old son, Crown Prince Felipe. The 76 year old's abidcation came after nearly four decades on the throne. Far from being a mere ceremonial figurehead, Juan Carlos played a determining role in Spanish modern history when he stepped up as the first crowned head of state in 44 years after Franco's death.

Possibly King Juan Carlos of Spain has done something to redeem the name of the house of Bourbon. At the time of the restoration of the Boubons to the throne of France in 1814, it was said that the Bourbons had forgotten nothing, and learned nothing. Close readers of Hugo's Les Miserables will recall the brevity of this Bourbon restoration. At one time or another Bourbons sat on the thrones of France, Spain, the two Sicilies, Lucca and Parma, and brought ruination to them all. The persisent underdevelopment of the south of Italy is an enduring monument to the Bourbon penchant for kleptocracy. The terms "Bourbon" and "reactionary" were long synonyms.

The democratization that Franco's chosen heir, Juan Carlos, and his collaborators peacefully and legally brought to Spain over a three-year period was unprecedented. Never before had a dictatorial regime been transformed into a pluralistic, parliamentary democracy without civil war, revolutionary overthrow, or defeat by a foreign power. The transition is all the more remarkable because the institutional mechanisms designed to maintain Franco's authoritarian system made it possible to legislate a democratic constitutional monarchy into existence.

When Prince Juan Carlos took the oath as king of Spain on November 22, 1975, there was little reason to foresee that he would be the architect of such a dramatic transformation. Franco had hand-picked Juan Carlos and had overseen his education. He was considered an enigma, having publicly sworn loyalty to the principles of Franco's National Movement while privately giving vague indications of sympathy for democratic institutions. More was known of his athletic skills than of his political opinions, and observers predicted that he would be known as "Juan the Brief."

His Majesty the King was born on 5 January 1938 in Rome where the Royal Family was living, having had to leave Spain when the Republic was proclaimed in 1931. His parents were Juan de Borbon y Battenberg, Count of Barcelona and Head of the Spanish Royal Household since his father, King Alfonso XIII, relinquished this status, and Maria de las Mercedes de Borbon y Orleans. At the express wish of his father, he was educated in Spain as from the age of ten, after a period as a boarder at the Marianist school in the Swiss town of Fribourg. His parents, meanwhile, had been living since 1946 in the coastal town of Estoril in Portugal.

In 1954 he completed his secondary education at San Isidro School in Madrid and then went on to study at the Military Academies and Colleges of the Army, the Navy and the Air Force reaching the rank of Officer. During that period, he went to sea as a midshipman on the "Juan Sebastian Elcano" training ship, and also qualified as a military pilot. He completed his education from 1960 to 1961 at the Complutense University, Madrid, where he studied constitutional and international law, economics and taxation.

On 14 May 1962, in Athens, he married HRH Princess Sofia of Greece, the eldest daughter of King Paul I and Queen Federica. After their honeymoon, the Prince and Princess went to live at La Zarzuela Palace just outside Madrid which is still their residence today. Their first daughter, HRH the Infanta Elena, was born in 1963, followed two years later by HRH the Infanta Cristina and in 1968 by HRH Prince Felipe.

After the death in November 1975 of the Head of State, Francisco Franco, Juan Carlos was proclaimed King on 22 November 1975. In his first message to the nation in the Spanish Parliament, he expressed the basic ideas of his reign - to restore democracy and to become the King of all Spaniards, without exception.

The transition to democracy, under the guidance of a new Government, began with the 1976 Law for Political Reform. In May 1977, the Count of Barcelona transferred to the King his dynastic rights and his position as Head of the Spanish Royal Household in a ceremony which confirmed the role of the Crown in the restoration of democracy. A month later, the first democratic elections since 1936 were held, and the new Parliament drew up the text of the current Spanish Constitution which was approved by referendum on 6 December 1978 and received the royal assent in a solemn session of the Parliament on 27 December of the same year.

Following the death of Franco, Juan Carlos confirmed Arias Navarro's continuation in office as prime minister, disappointing those who were hoping for liberal reforms. Arias Navarro had served as minister of the interior under Carrero Blanco, and he was a loyal Francoist. Juan Carlos, increasingly dissatisfied with the prime minister's ability (or willingness) to handle the immobilists as well as with his skill in dealing with the opposition, asked for Arias Navarro's resignation. Arias Navarro submitted his resignation on July 1, 1976.

Proponents of reform were both surprised and disappointed when the king chose, as Arias Navarro's successor, Adolfo Suarez Gonzalez, who had served under Franco. The new prime minister's Francoist links made it appear unlikely that he would promote major evolutionary change in Spain, but it was these links with the political establishment that made it possible for him to maneuver within the existing institutions to bring about the reforms that Juan Carlos desired. Throughout the rapid democratization that followed the appointment of Suarez, the collaboration between the king and his prime minister was crucial in assuaging opposition from both the immobilists of the old regime and those who agitated for a more radical break with the past. Whereas Suarez's political expertise and pragmatic approach enabled him to manipulate the bureaucratic machinery, Juan Carlos's ability to maintain the allegiance of the armed forces made a peaceful transition to democracy possible during these precarious months.

King Juan Carlos and Prime Minister Suarez were able to achieve a peaceful transition to democracy by proceeding with extreme caution and consulting with the military leadership throughout the process. Thus, the military leaders retained the belief that they had the right to be consulted on matters of national importance. The democratic leftists were also aware of the ever-present possibility that reformist measures could alienate the military and could provoke a coup attempt, which led them to accept many compromises throughout the transition period.

The role of King Juan Carlos was vital in gaining the army's acceptance of the new democratic regime. He had been trained in military academies, and he understood the viewpoint of the officer corps. He made a point of establishing close ties with the armed forces after Franco's death in order to gain their loyalty to him as Franco's chosen successor. At the same time, he was able to keep the government informed as to how far it could go in the reform process without provoking a military reaction.

But Army leaders, who had only grudgingly accepted political reforms out of loyalty to Juan Carlos, grew increasingly hostile to the democratic regime as ETA terrorism intensified. A coup plot had been uncovered in the fall of 1978, and the possibility of military subversion continued to be a threat. As discontent with his leadership grew, Suarez realized that he had lost his effectiveness, and on January 29, 1981, he announced his resignation as prime minister. The king appointed conservative centrist Leopoldo Calvo Sotelo to replace him. Before the new prime minister could be confirmed, a group of Civil Guards, led by Lieutenant Colonel Antonio Tejero Molina, marched onto the floor of the Cortes and held the representatives hostage in an attempted coup.

The plan of the rebellious military leaders was to set up an authoritarian monarchy under the protection of the armed forces. The Monarch saved the Constitution and democracy during the night of 23 February 1981 when the other Constitutional authorities had been held hostage in the Parliament building. That the coup failed was primarily due to the decisive action of Juan Carlos, who ordered the conspirators to desist and persuaded other military officers to back him in defending the Constitution. Juan Carlos then appeared on television and reassured the Spanish people of his commitment to democracy. The foiled coup was over by the next day, but it demonstrated the fragility of Spain's democracy and the importance of Juan Carlos to its continued survival. On February 27, more than 3 million people demonstrated in favor of democracy in the capital and elsewhere throughout Spain, showing the extent of popular support for democratic government.

HM the King has encouraged a new style in conducting relations with Latin America, stressing the identity of a cultural community based on a common language and pointing out the need to generate joint initiatives and take part in suitable kinds of co-operative activity. This is the rationale behind the Ibero American Summit Conferences, the first of which was held in Guadalajara in Mexico in 1991. King Juan Carlos has always insisted on Spain’s European vocation throughout its history, and encouraged it to join the European Communities. The importance of the European Union in the contemporary world and especially in the areas most akin to it, including Latin America, has been stressed by the King in many of his messages.

The Constitution establishes that the King shall be the Supreme Commander of the Armed Forces. In this capacity, His Majesty meets the three Services on the occasion of the annual Military Celebration, chairs the presentation of dispatches and diplomas in the Military Academies and Colleges, visits many units and attends maneuvers and exercises.

The strong Moroccan reaction to the November 5-6 visit of the King and Queen of Spain to Ceuta and Melilla seems to have caught the Zapatero government completely by surprise. When Morocco recalled its ambassador, Spanish FM Moratinos and his number two, Bernardino Leon, were reportedly spending All Saints Day (effectively a four-day weekend for most Spaniards) out of the country. Zapatero visited Ceuta and Melilla in 2006, and criticism was more muted than now. Also, a visit by the Prince of Asturias in 2006 aroused relatively little controversy. The problem this time may be the head of state aspect of the visit and its timing, which coincides with the thirty-second anniversary of Morocco's "Green March" into the Western Sahara.

Judging from the reaction in Spain, King Juan Carlos seems to have been speaking for many when he asked Venezuelan President Chavez to shut up at the November 2007 Iberoamerican Summit. The King's wonderfully succinct message to Chavez and the evident anger with which it was delivered will not be forgotten. Most Spaniards would agree that Spain had a "rey de lujo" (luxury model king).

His angry rebuke of Chavez went over well with the Spanish public, and the recording of it was reputedly the most popular cell phone ring tone download in Spain. The Spanish Government, on the other hand, tried to play down the story even while the opposition Partido Popular tried to take advantage of the incident by suggesting it was a result of President Zapatero's weak handling of Chavez. There is a certain irony here since the incident was provoked when Chavez insulted former Spanish President Aznar -- of the Partido Popular -- and Zapatero gamely rose to Aznar's defense. It was apparently Chavez's interruptions of Zapatero that finally snapped the King's patience. The press has reported on Aznar's subsequent phone call to thank Zapatero.

A distinctly minority view is that the King's outburst was a mistake because it will merely serve as grist for Chavez's populist tactics. The left-wing media, perhaps trying to burnish Zapatero's handling of the summit, has reported that the King's subsequent walk-out during Nicaraguan President Ortega's rant about Spanish business and alleged Spanish interference in his country's elections was orchestrated by the King and Zapatero on the fly, with them agreeing that one needed to make a gesture while the other stayed behind to hold the fort.

The King had a respectful relationship with President Jose Luis Rodriguez Zapatero and they communicated well. Zapatero consulted and informed the King on issues from time to time and the King hds no reluctance to offer his thoughts - but not his advice - on issues. The King was selective when he wanted the government to do something, discreetly passing the word through Zapatero or his Cabinet. The King had influence with Zapatero when he wanted to use it.

For example, the King was probably the guiding force - over the objections of Foreign Minister Moratinos - in the naming of Jorge Dezcallar to be the Ambassador to the United States. The King identified Dezcallar to the Ambassador as the next Spanish envoy to Washington six months before the decision was announced. Juan Carlos chose Dezcallar because he believed Dezcallar would do the best job for Spain in that position. Of course, it also helped that Juan Carlos liked Dezcallar and that Dezcallar had some personal allegiance to the King.

The King speaks English well. King Juan Carlos I, the Spanish Head of State, is well-disposed to the US, but he will always act in what he perceives to be the best interests of Spain. Where U.S. and Spanish interests coincide, he can be a formidable ally. In meetings, the King will try to charm interlocutors and will bring down the level of formality and protocol to make them feel comfortable, thereby seek to guide the relationship. It is best to stay at the King's level of banter and not be cowed by his aura. If you push back with joviality at any verbal jousting, you will win his respect.

The king decided in January 2014 to step down, but delayed the announcement until after the European Union election on 25 May 2014. Political analysts said the ruling conservative People's Party was eager to put the more popular Felipe on the throne to try to combat increasingly anti-monarchist sentiment, after small leftist and anti-establishment parties did surprisingly well in the election. It was not immediately clear when the abdication will take place, allowing Felipe's assumption of power.

Juan Carlos' popularity had been deeply eroded by scandals swirling around him and his family. He went on a luxury elephant safari to Botswana in the middle of Spain's financial crisis during which he broke his hip and had to be flown back to Spain for medical treatment aboard a private jet. Further damaging the royal family's standing, a judge opened a corruption investigation in 2010 centered on former Olympic handball player Inaki Urdangarin, the husband of the king's youngest daughter, Cristina, who has also been accused of involvement.

Sixty-two percent of Spaniards were in favor of the king stepping down, according to a January 214 poll by Sigma Dos. That compared with 45 percent a year earlier. Only 41 percent of those polled had a good or very good opinion of the king. Felipe had a positive rating of 66 percent and most Spaniards believe the monarchy could recover its prestige if he took the throne, according to the poll.

In March 2020, reports began to surface that Juan Carlos I allegedly received illegitimate financial contributions from Saudi Arabia. As a result, investigations were underway in both Switzerland and Spain. Spain's Supreme Court announced in June 2020 a probe to determine the legal responsibility of the former king, but only for conduct following his 2014 abdication due to the immunity he held. The allegations center around a $100 million fee paid secretly into a Swiss bank account in 2008. In a letter addressed 03 August 2020 to King Felipe VI, his son, Juan Carlos Isaid he decided to leave Spain in order to not distract from the work of the reigning monarch.