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Spain-US Relations

Spain’s most important foreign ties are with the US. Since 1947, a key Spanish foreign policy goal has been to seek economic assistance and diplomatic support through official channels and through contact with influential persons and organizations in the US. Efforts to achieve these goals culminated in the conclusion of three bilateral arrangements in September 1953 concerning economic and defense matters.

Because of the general hostility of the Spanish Catholic Church toward Protestantism and the political influence of the church, representations by US diplomats in behalf of US Protestant missionaries and the small Protestant minority in Spain were largely ineffective. At the time the bilateral arrangements were signed, a large segment of the Catholic hierarchy was apprehensive concerning increased contacts in the future between Spaniards and American, particularly non-Catholics.

Spain and the United States have a long history of official relations and are closely associated in many fields. In addition to U.S. and Spanish cooperation in NATO, defense and security relations between the two countries are regulated by the Mutual Defense Assistance Agreement signed on September 26, 1953 and the 1989 Agreement on Defense Cooperation, revised in 2003. Under this agreement, Spain authorized the United States to use certain facilities at Spanish military installations.

The two countries also cooperate in several other important areas. The U.S. National Aeronautics and Space Administration (NASA) and the Spanish National Institute for Aerospace Technology (INTA) jointly operate the Madrid Deep Space Communications Complex in support of Earth orbital and solar system exploration missions. The Madrid Complex is one of the three largest tracking and data acquisition complexes comprising NASA's Deep Space Network.

An agreement on cultural and educational cooperation was signed on June 7, 1989. A new element, support by both the public and private sectors, gave a different dimension to the programs carried out by the joint committee for cultural and educational cooperation. These joint committee activities complement the binational Fulbright program for graduate students, postdoctoral researchers, and visiting professors, which is among the largest in the world and celebrated its 50th anniversary in 2008. Besides assisting in these exchange endeavors, the U.S. Embassy also conducts a program of educational, professional, and cultural exchanges, as well as hosting high-level official visits between officials from Spain and the United States.

Spanish military cooperation is important to the U.S. The southern Spanish bases of Rota and Moron are strategic hubs, midway between the U.S. and theaters of operation in Afghanistan and Iraq. As of 2008 Spain had troops in Lebanon (roughly 1,100), Afghanistan (780), Kosovo (500), Bosnia (260), and a smattering of others in various UN & EU observer missions. Defense Minister Chacon had talked publicly of the need to remove the GOS self-imposed cap of 3,000 military deployed overseas, but at the same time GOS officials stressed that the solution in Afghanistan cannot be purely military and that a new strategy is needed.

Elsewhere on the diplomatic front, Spain in recent years has more often been a follower than a leader, looking to stay within EU consensus on issues such as Iran and missile defense. Concerned about setting a precedent for Spanish separatists, Spain had not recognized Kosovo and declined to train or fund Kosovar security forces. Nonetheless, its commitment to KFOR remained firm. Spain is supportive of U.S. efforts towards Middle East peace. Driven by the twin threats of terrorism and illegal immigration, Spain is also increasing its engagement with the countries of North and Western Africa. The seizure by Somali pirates of a Spanish fishing ship in April 2008 led to a ransom payment and sparked GOS interest in addressing piracy.

Spain is a good customer for U.S. defense items and one of the largest Foreign Military Sales (FMS) customers in Europe, with more than $2.58 billion in purchases from 1997 to 2007. The Spanish military often favors U.S. equipment, and in recent years, Spain has made politically difficult decisions to buy U.S.-made combat systems for its S-80 submarines and F-100 frigates (Spain uses the AEGIS system). It also negotiated the purchase of Tomahawk missiles, a deal notified to the U.S. Congress in June 2008 but on hold due to Spanish defense budget constraints.