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Robert Ley

The International Military Tribunal trials at Nuremberg [Nuernberg] in 1946 charged the defendants with four crimes. Count One charged all of the defendants with being "leaders, organizers, instigators, or accomplices in the formation or execution of a common plan or conspiracy to commit, or which involved the commission of, Crimes against Peace, War Crimes, and Crimes against Humanity." Count Two charged the defendants with crimes against peace by their participation "in the planning, preparation, initiation, and waging of wars of aggression." Count Three charged the defendants with war crimes. Count Four charged the defendants with crimes against humanity.

Dr. Robert Ley had several offices. He was the national organization chief of the party, and formerly managed the annual party conferences in Nuremberg. He was leader of the Labor Front and he directed the "Strength through Joy" organization which in earlier years provided working people with recreation and better factory conditions.

Ley seized the German labor unions "brutally and ruthlessly" on May 2, 1933, in what was probably the most daring attack upon organized labor since the industrial revolution. The attack succeeded. The unions were destroyed, and Ley was in the position of having to satisfy German labor in order to keep his job and the party's promises. Furthermore, he had to ask labor to accept additional hardships. Prices rose ; taxes were deducted from wages ; insurance increased. Pay declined below depression figures. Labor was not allowed to strike and was subjected to work-conscription similar to military service. Freedom to change a job, to choose a trade or to move to another part of the country was severely restricted. White-collar workers had to submit to disagreeable hardships. But the number of jobs and hours of work greatly increased. As a consequence, most workers thought they were better off. For a time, in some ways, they were. Ley had seized the birthright of the German workers and he meant to keep it. But being a practical man, he offered a number of high-sounding rewards which gave all workers a new sense of dignity and of self-respect. First of all he cracked down on the capitalists as hard as he had on labor. Then he promised higher real earnings in the future-time unspecified ; he improved working con ditions in both offices and factories ; he offered recreational and cultural opportunities at little cost, sometimes free.

Meantime Dr. Ley preached "The New Socialism." It is not entirely clear what this was. Apparently it has nothing to do with public ownership or operation of means of production, nor had it anything to do with the right of labor to a voice in their own government. What it seemed to mean was a thoroughly regimented society, overshadowed by a military outlook. This society worked hard, received little, but had "great honor and a communal sharing of recreation and culture." For example, the property-owner keeps his property if he "behaves himself " and does not run afoul of powerful party members. He keeps his property and the Nazi officials tell him exactly what he can do with it. The Nazis also take an increasing proportion of all earnings.

How had Ley managed to make the German people swallow his flimsy program ? Partly because he was backed by the full strength of a dominating party organization ; partly because he was an expert in camouflaging the ends by the means. He always sought out the worker at his job in the office, the factory and the shop, to ask him about his work, his salary and his family, and to shake his hand. He set up "Courts of Social Honor" which imposed heavy fines on employers found guilty of offences against their workers' rights or honor. In some cases the Courts removed control of the businesses and placed them under other management of Ley's selection.

Ley laid claim to improving the working conditions of the German people. For a time he operated spectacular holiday schemes to which a great deal of publicity was given. He made the leisure time of the people far more enjoyable than it ever had been before. He had two 25,000-ton ships built and leased two others for workers' and employees' cruises. He ordered construction of a gigantic seaside resort for Labor Front leaders. Finally, he organized excursions and vacations all over the Reich, and in Italy at nominal cost, or no cost at all. These arrangements paid huge dividendsin display value and in the mass morale.

The truth of the matter was that other reasons had been more importantin making National Socialism a going concern. There has been no alternative to National Socialism. Them, too, Hitler won victory after victory, which pleased not only the German High Command and the political leaders, but gratified the workers and the lower middle class as much as anyone else, if not more. Nevertheless, Ley, with his cheerful back-slapping manner, brought energy and imagination to the whole business of selling National Socialism to the German worker. He sold with enthusiasm and with a boisterous good nature what appealed to Hitler and the working man alike.

Pending the opening of the trial on 20 November 1945 the defendants were held in the prison at the Palace of Justice in Nurnberg, under the custody of the United States Army. In the evening of 25 October 1945 the guard on watch before the cell of Robert Ley noticed that the prisoner had maintained the same position for some time without moving. The guard entered the cell to find that although the prison officials had taken every known precaution, Ley had succeeded in committing suicide. Ley had ripped the hemmed edge from a towel, twisted it, soaked it in water, and fashioned it into a crude noose which he fastened to an overhead toilet flush pipe. He had then stuffed his mouth with rags, apparently torn from his own underwear. When he seated himself, strangulation was produced, and Robert Ley had succeeded in accomplishing his exit from the court of judgment, and from the world of living men.