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Christian Socialists

The Christian Socialist party's policy in some respects seemed a reaction from the former liberalism, but at the same time seemed to some to be in the direction of radical socialism. Among the working-classes of Vienna the Social-democratic party had for some time been an active demonstrative organization, but with little influence either in local or national government. The Christian Socialist party was entirely distinct from the Social-democrats; and in fact these were the two main opposing parties in Vienna.

The Christian Socialist party was formed on the basis of religious, racial, and economic convictions or prejudices, fused and welded by the organizing ability of Karl Lueger, its undisputed leader and for the ten years burgomaster of Vienna. On the religious side it was intensely clerical, strongly supporting and supported by the Catholic Church. The racial factor was entirely distinct from the more general race questions in Austria, and was a strong anti-semitic sentiment, fostered by the large number and growing influence of the Jews in Vienna. Its economic basis was the opposition of the great body of small traders and merchants to the power of the great industries and wealthy capitalists, which had been apparently promoted by the policy of the Liberals. Each of these considerations appealed most strongly to the middle classes, with whom the bulk of electoral power rested, but the party also included large numbers of the laboring classes, and later many of the wealthy as the main bulwark against the more radical socialists.

The financial catastrophe of 1873 brought about a violent popular reaction against the Jews, who mainly controlled the German Liberal party - Liberal only in name - and who had largely immigrated into Vienna and obtained control of its trade and industry, proving themselves very hard masters.

In 1887 Dr Psenner founded the "Christian Socialist Union," the beginning and nucleus ot the future Christian Socialist Party, which, once it had swollen to immense proportions, liked to date its origin to that year - though it was not till much later that the name was definitely adopted. The avowed leader of the Catholic cause at this time was a North German, Baron Vogelsang, who, in consequence of the disabilities under which Catholicism laboured and the hatred of the Church which the Liberal regime had created, had been hitherto surrounded by but few open adherents. So difficult was it, almost penal, for a man to proclaim himself frankly and staunchly a Catholic that to be seen with Baron Vogelsang had for long meant to be boycotted. But this regime drew to a close, and in 1889 Baron Vogelsang was able to unite the Christian leaders, who already numbered thirty in the Municipal Council, under the name of " United Christians." Of this union the Christian Socialists were the lineal descendants, having borne at various times the names anti-Liberal, United Christian and anti-Semite.

The incorporation in 1890 of the outlying suburbs in the electoral district of Vienna brought a large increase to the anti-Liberal vote, and in the elections that followed ninety-four Liberals and forty-two anti-Liberals were returned to the Municipal Council. The anti-Semitic opposition could now make their strength felt, and were able at last to take the initiative. One of Lueger's first acts was to defeat a Liberal attempt to remove remaining crucifixes from the elementary schools of the town, and actually to carry a motion reintroducing prayers into those schools - a proposal that had been laughed to scorn ten years before.

In 1894 the new party first gained control of the Vienna municipal council. But the imperial government refused to confirm Lueger's election as burgomaster; and when the council elected him a second time, it was dissolved and a new election ordered. In the new council Lueger and the Christian Socialists were as strong as ever, and a compromise was made. The former first vice-burgomaster was made burgomaster; and Lueger was elected in his place, with the understanding that in a few years he should become burgomaster.

On April 1, 1895 the Liberals were morally defeated throughout Vienna by a combination of Christian Socialists and National Germans, sixty-eight Liberals, sixty-four anti-Liberals (including twenty-four anti-Semites) and six Independents being returned to the Council. Lueger, now the popular hero, was at once elected First Vice-Burgomaster. A final but utterly futile Jewish attempt was made to divert public support from him by depicting him as hostile to Dynasty and Church, and the hitherto dominant party collapsed for good.

A colossal agitation spread all over Lower Austria, carrying all before it, directed chiefly against Jews and Hungarians, calling for the renovation of society on a Christian basis, and proclaiming that Germanism and religion were not, as alleged, antagonistic. In 1896 elections took place again, and this time the Liberal minority sank still further. Ninety-six antiLiberals and forty-six Liberals were returned in spite of the almost superhuman efforts of the latter to discredit their opponents. On April 18 Lueger was elected Burgomaster for the fourth time.

In 1895 the letter of warning which Cardinal Rampolla addressed by order of Pope Leo XIII to Prince Lichtenstein, chief of the Austrian anti-Semites, the Cardinal informed the Prince that social agitation ought to remain within the limits of Christian principle, and that the Pope cannot approve of class and racial hatreds such as were fomented by the anti-Semites. It was the first time that the Pope had publicty condemned these views. The Pope's letter to Prince Lichtenstein, Chairman of the Christian Socialist Union and chief of the anti-Semites, arrived in Vienna on Thursday, March 7th. His Holiness regretted that the object of the union had been forgotten, and that passions had been aroused which the Church cannot tolerate. He desired the union to return to its original purpose of helping the oppressed, spreading charity and humanitarianism, and setting an example of moderation and self-control.

In May, 1896, a measure was passed in Parliament still further extending the franchise. To the four already existing electoral classes was added a fifth, which consisted of all males twenty-four years of age not already enfranchised, and the members of which, after residing for six months in an electoral district, had the privilege of voting, directly in the six largest cities, indirectly elsewhere, for the purpose of electing seventy-two additional members to the Reichsrat. Austria thereby receiveda first instalment of Universal Suffrage, conditioned only by indirect voting and the system of classes. The reform resulted in important gains to the Christian Socialists and the Old Clerical Party - and - it must also be said - to the Social Democrats who now appeared for the first time, to the number of fifteen, in the new Assembly.

More important than even this change, for the cause of Lueger and his party, was the recomposition that now took place in the anti-Semitic camp. It cleared the air and enabled the Christian Socialists to advance united. For a long time the differences already indicated between the various sections had been growing more and more accentuated, and culminated at last in a large secession of most of the dissident groups. Many German Radicals went out for personal reasons, nettled at having failed to secure the election of one of their own number as Burgomaster.

But the National Germans split, as was inevitable, on the question of religion, and accused Lueger and his associates of "steering the anti-Semitic movement into a Clerical current." The now avowed sympathy of the Church and the accession of the majority of the clergy to the ranks of the Christian Socialists gave the impetus to the secession, and with loud cries Schoenerer and Wolf went over to the enemy, where they inaugurated the famous "Los von Rom Bewegung" [Away from Rome movement], preaching not only hostility to the Church but hostility to the Hapsburg dynasty and calling for a universal Pan-Germanism on a Protestant foundation and under the rule of the Hohenzollerns. This was more than even the Government could tolerate and mild steps were taken to suppress them as a treasonable party. vSchoenerer and Wolf decamped to North Bohemia, whence they carried on a desultory and losing campaign till they were practically wiped out in the elections of 1907.

The Christian Socialist triumph in Vienna itself was by this time complete. On April 8, 1897, Lueger was elected Burgomaster for the fifth time, and at last confirmed by the Emperor. A daring municipal program was carried out to the letter, and carried out not for the city as ruled (or misruled) by the Liberal Council, but for a city rendered twice the size by the addition of suburbs, bringing another million souls into the population. In ten years Vienna was brought up to the level of the great European cities.

In 1907 the elections under the new suffrage took place, and resulted in the return of sixty-seven Christian Socialists in the place of the twenty-six who had sat in the old Curia Parliament. They were immediately joined by the Conservative Clericals, who, by their adhesion to the Party, raised it to the number of ninety-six, making it the strongest party in the House; and a few months later two of its members, Dr Gessmann, Lueger's oldest ally, and Dr Ebenhoch entered the Cabinet. The Social Democrats who equally benefited by the new suffrage are the next largest party with eighty-seven members. But the German Liberal groups of every shade have sunk into powerlessness, and it is clear that as a party their control of the State has vanished for ever. In every case the Christian Socialists can command a majority in the House. For the defence of Catholic interests they can depend on the support of the various Slav and Italian Clerical contingents.

The accession of the Conservative Clericals and the election of a great number of priest-deputies strengthened the Catholic tendencies of the Party, and the universal support of the Church made it for all political purposes a reliable Catholic body. Nevertheless, Dr Drexel, one of the most prominent speakers of the Party and a priest, defined the position as follows: The Christian Socialist is not a religious but a political Party, which rests, however, on a Christian basis; it stands for evolution not revolution; it demands a drastic social reform for all classes, regarding the State not as a collection of individuals but as a richly endowed organism. The Christian Socialist Party was one of the great pillars of the Throne and the justification of the Emperor's great act of wisdom in initiating Universal Suffrage. It was the rallying ground of all who stand for Church and Dynasty and Order against the forces of national and social disruption.

Since 1910 a meat shortage in Austria had made itself more and more felt, especially in the towns, owing to their rapid growth, the decrease of cattle-raising in the Alpine lands, and the reduction in the imports of Serbian meat through the antiSerbian agrarian policy of Hungary. The Christian Socialist party, from being originally an urban party, had become partly an urban and partly a peasant party, and the Minister of Commerce, Richard Weisskirchner, who had come from its ranks, had not only to reckon with the opposition of Hungary but also to pay particular attention to the peasant voters, in the question of buying meat abroad and importing frozen meat from the Argentine. On this account, especially after the death of Lueger (on March 10 1910), a dominating personality who had held all parties together, opinion in Vienna and other towns turned against the Christian Socialists, who were accused of refusing all active measures of relief. Thus it happened that the elections to the Reichsrat in July 1911 were characterized by a temporary coalition of the German Liberals with the Social Democrats against the Christian Socialist party; this led to heavy losses on the part of the latter, especially in the towns. In Vienna especially they lost every seat at one blow.