King Norodom Sihamoni
On 14 October 2004, the Cambodian Throne Council unanimously (9-0) elected Norodom Sihamoni as the new King of Cambodia. Sihamoni (51), a son of former King Norodom Sihanouk and Queen Monineath, has lived for years in France as a dancer and Cambodian Ambassador to UNESCO. He was formally invested in a ceremony in Phnom Penh 29 October 2004. Sihanouk engineered the choice of Sihamoni to ensure the continuation of the monarchy. PM Hun Sen supported the choice, perhaps because Sihamoni is apolitical and believed to be relatively pliable.
It was long a well-known fact in Phnom Penh political circles in the 1990s that one of Norodom Sihanouk's main goals was to make his beloved consort queen Monineath (formerly Monique Izzi) a reigning queen after his death or incapacitation. To achieve his royal wish, King Sihanouk needed the support of Hun Sen and the CPP. For that reason Sihanouk struck a deal with Hun Sen to have the constitution changed to make possible a female to become a reigning queen, which the constitution did not allow for. Queen Monineath, in turn, would groom her son, Prince Norodom Sihamoni to become king of Cambodia after her retirement or death.
Sihamoni's half-brother, Prince Ranariddh, went along, probably grudgingly, but may still harbor desires someday to replace Sihamoni, possibly upon Sihanouk's death. Sihanouk seemed likely work behind the scenes to train Sihamoni and keep his hand in politics. The succession went forward in a remarkably orderly and peaceful fashion in apparent conformity with the constitution and will likely contribute to stability. Sihamoni had the bearing and open spirit of a King. It was striking that the Cambodian people showed little reaction to Sihanouk's decision to step down after 63 years at the center of Cambodian political life.
King Sihanouk was never satisfied with his constitutional role as a monarch who "reigns but does not rule." Since reassuming the throne in 1993, Sihanouk had seen his power progressively eroded by powerful politicians, especially Hun Sen, and a more open political system. Sihanouk apparently took particular offense when his son, Prince Ranariddh, and opposition politician Sam Rainsy walked away from a new power sharing formula Sihanouk had brokered in November 2003. He was further disappointed when political leaders refused his summons to Pyongyang in the spring of 2004 to settle the political deadlock. Sihanouk found himself uncomfortably marginalized. At the same time, Sihanouk at 81, had complained of increasing medical problems, and has no doubt focused on his legacy.
When Sihanouk announced his resignation 07 October 2004, many assumed it was another empty threat designed to provoke calls for him to assume a greater role. In fact, it seems that a tired Sihanouk was focused on using what cards he had left to ensure his own succession and the continuation of the monarchy. Sihanouk had spoken openly about his concerns about the strength of republic sentiment, which existed in all three top political parties, including the royalists. It is now apparent that Sihanouk had worked behind the scenes with Hun Sen and others to permit him maximum influence in the selection of his own successor.
Many had long speculated that Ranariddh, Sihanouk's oldest son, would be the logical choice for King. However, Sihanouk had a rancorous relationship with Ranariddh for years. Sihanouk may have worried that having such an overtly political son as King would put the monarchy itself in danger. But, most important, Sihanouk was devoted to Queen Monineath, and, therefore, had long expressed support for his son by her, Norodom Sihamoni. The selection of Sihamoni no doubt took on even greater emotional urgency for the Queen with the untimely death of her other son my Sihanouk, Prince Narindrapong, earlier in 2004.
Sihanouk needed Hun Sen's support to control his own succession because Hun Sen controlled a majority of the seats on the nine-member Throne Council. Hun Sen expressed his support for Sihamoni, who was likely an attractive choice for two reasons: first, Sihamoni was widely assumed to have no political experience or ambition; second, the selection of Sihamoni put Ranariddh, a key competitor of Hun Sen, in a kind of political box, limiting Ranariddh's political options and increasing his dependence on Hun Sen.
At Sihanouk's request, the National Assembly quickly passed laws to permit election of a new King upon abdication and to permit election by a simple majority of the Throne Council, thus ensuring that Ranariddh -- a member of the Council by virtue of his position as president of the National Assembly -- could not block a vote on Sihamoni. Ranariddh claimed his support for Sihamoni, to which Sihanouk publicly replied, "anyone who tells you he does not want to be King is lying."
Sihanouk claimed he intended to live quietly in retirement. But no one was counting Sihanouk out yet. He had indicated his intention to live in Phnom Penh probably in the palace in close proximity to King Sihamoni. Speculation was that Sihanouk would seek to mentor his son as King. There were also rumors that Sihanouk may someday reenter the political fray openly, possibly by starting his own political party. As far fetched as that may sound, Sihanouk abdicated the first time in 1955 precisely so that he could play an overtly political role and become prime minister.
Ranariddh professed support for his brother Sihamoni as King and voted for Sihamoni in the Throne Council. Nevertheless, there was ongoing speculation in Phnom Penh that Ranariddh still hoped one day to ascend the throne. While the selection of Sihamoni probably portended greater stability in Cambodia, observers could not rule out a tense period upon Sihanouk's eventual passing. Sihamoni had been King for only 24 hours, and the rumor mill in Phnom Penh was already churning out speculation that Ranariddh may still hope to succeed his half-brother, possibly upon Sihamoni's eventual abdication.
There was initially no indication of any negative impact of Sihamoni's ascension on the throne. The process by which Sihamoni was chosen was remarkably peaceful and orderly, which boded well for stability in Cambodia. At the same time, observers knew little of Sihamoni's political views. He has a close attachment to France and is a French citizen. Since Sihanouk became King in 1941, U.S. relations with the palace had often been rocky or worse.
Sihamoni, a one-time ballet dancer and cultural ambassador, is seen as completely apolitical and has given little problems to Hun Sen or his senior officials, raising expectations that the prime minister, who said he will remain in power for another decade, will keep the monarch. There is no reason to expect that Hun Sen will act against the monarchy in its present form, despite his occasional highly critical comments on some members of the Cambodian royal family.
King Sihamoni followed a strictly correct role as king without any hint of involvement in political issues. He is relatively young and in good health, and could remain on the throne for many years to come. King Sihamoni is unmarried and has no children, but this does not threaten the succession because Cambodia's constitution provides for an elective monarchy drawn from descendants of the 19th century monarch, King Ang Duang.
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