Zambia - Political Parties
Zambia became a republic immediately upon attaining independence in October 1964. Kenneth Kaunda's political party--the United National Independence Party (UNIP)--was founded in 1959 and was in power under Kaunda's leadership from 1964 to 1991. Before 1972, Zambia had three significant political parties, but only UNIP had a nationwide following.
In December 1972, Zambian law established a one-party state, and all other political parties were banned. The constitution promulgated on August 25, 1973, abrogated the original 1964 constitution. The new constitution and the national elections that followed in December 1973 were the final steps in achieving what was called a "one-party participatory democracy."
The 1973 constitution provided for a strong president and a unicameral National Assembly. National policy was formulated by the Central Committee of the United National Independence Party (UNIP), the sole legal party in Zambia.
In December 1990, at the end of a tumultuous year that included riots in the capital and a coup attempt, President Kenneth Kaunda signed legislation ending UNIP's monopoly on power. Zambia enacted a new constitution in August 1991, which enlarged the National Assembly from 136 members to a maximum of 158 members, established an electoral commission, and allowed for more than one presidential candidate who no longer had to be a member of UNIP.
On 4 September 1991, the National Assembly was prematurely dissolved and the election date set. Polling (also for President of the Republic) was held to usher in a system of political pluralism after 17 years of one-party (United National Independence Party - UNIP) rule. In this context, the election campaign was described as lively but generally peaceful. Economic issues figured most prominently therein, with the main opposition Movement for Multi-Party Democracy (MMD) calling for a departure from what it labelled as the ruinous socialist policies pursued since the country’s independence, towards a free market economy marked by wide-scale privatisation to combat acute problems such as inflation, unemployment and the foreign debt. UNIP countered by claiming to be the only party able to maintain “peace and stability”. Altogether 330 candidates from six parties contested the 150 Assembly seats. Voting procedures were monitored by foreign observers. Final results gave the MMD 125 seats, with UNIP winning the remaining 25. Mr. Frederick Chiluba (MMD) won the presidential race by a 76% majority vote over Kenneth Kaunda (UNIP), Head of State since 1964. He was sworn into office on 2 November and, five days later, named the new Cabinet. The 18 November 1996 national assembly election date was set shortly before polling, in October. It coincided with the presidential poll, in which four candidates challenged the incumbent, Frederick Chiluba. During the somewhat negative campaign, the manifesto of the ruling Movement for Multiparty Democracy (MMD), "changing Zambia for good", focused on economic expansion (especially the creation of new jobs through fresh capital investment), continued privatisation of state enterprises and enhanced democracy. The main opposition United National Independence Party (UNIP), which held 25 elected seats in the outgoing Parliament and was led by former President Kenneth Kaunda, accused the Government of corruption and drug dealing, among other things; it ultimately boycotted the elections after Kaunda was declared ineligible to run for the presidency. Altogether 11 parties and 100 independent candidates (of a total of 593) contested the parliamentary seats. On a generally peaceful polling day marked by a low turnout, the MMD swept to an across-the-board victory as Chiluba was re-elected for a five-year term by a wide margin over Dean Mugomba of the Zambian Democratic Congress (ZDC) and the party captured over 130 of the 150 elective National Assembly seats. These results were contested by the opposition alliance, which alleged fraud, as well as by the Committee for a Clean Campaign (CCC), an internal monitor which did not deem the electoral procedures free and fair. The Movement for Multi-Party Democracy (MMD) had won 69 seats followed by the United Party for National Development (UPND) with 49 seats. The United National Independence Party (UNIP) and the Forum for Democracy and Development (FDD) had won 13 and 12 seats respectively. The UPND suffered a severe blow when its founder and president Anderson Mazoka died in May 2006 and was further weakened during the presidential campaign, when members of the party's leadership defected after alleging tribalism in the party ranks. UPND president Hakainde Hichilema was also looking to improve his national political prospects. Although Hichilema received more than 25 percent of the vote in the presidential election, many believe that he irreparably damaged his prospects for office during the last campaign, when he closely identified himself with the Tonga tribe that forms the UPND's base.
The results gave the ruling MMD 72 seats the PF 43 and the UDA 26. The remainder went to small parties and independent candidates. Due to the death of two candidates elections in two constituencies were postponed to 26 October. The MMD won both seats in the deferred elections bringing its total number of seats to 74.
In January 2016, Zambian voters elected Edgar Lungu, the Patriotic Front (PF) secretary general and the defense and justice minister, as the country’s sixth president, following the late 2014 death of President Michael Sata, also of the PF. Lungu narrowly defeated Hakainde Hichilema of the United Party for National Development (UPND), 48.8 percent to 47.2 percent, in a vote that left the nation divided along regional lines and, to a lesser degree, along tribal lines. During Lungu’s first year in office, the PF continued many of Sata’s restrictive laws and policies, including using the colonial-era Public Order Act to interfere with the activities of the opposition.
The major political parties are the PF, the MMD, and the UPND. Since its 2011 election loss, the MMD — which had governed Zambia for the previous 20 years—has been weakened considerably by infighting and PF efforts to coopt its members. The MMD’s loss of seats in recent by-elections meant that no party met the 53-seat threshold to be recognized as the official opposition in parliament. The two main opposition parties, as well as smaller parties, had also been weakened in recent years by harassment and intimidation from the PF, including use of the police and the Public Order Act to prevent them from holding both indoor and outdoor meetings and rallies.
Historically, political parties operated without restriction or outside interference, and individuals could independently run for office. The ruling PF, however, enjoyed the use of government resources for campaign purposes and had police harass opposition candidates and supporters. Opposition parties, particularly the UPND, faced police and legal harassment. Police arrested opposition officials, blocked public rallies, and dispersed participants in opposition political gatherings and public protests.
Party membership was a crucial determinant of political participation. Card-carrying members of political parties were more likely to vote in elections, and engage in contacting and communing behaviors. The organizational weaknesses of parties and the limited numbers of party members, are major reasons why political participation is not more widespread in Zambia.
Cardcarrying members of political parties were more likely to vote in elections, engage in communing behavior, and evince higher overall political participation than are those who were not members of political parties. This finding stands to reason. As loyal partisans, party members reliably turned out in large numbers at election rallies and made up the local workforce to promote candidates for office, activities that lay at the heart of communing. Similarly, all parties engaged in a "get out the vote" efforts around election days.
The preference for individuals over institutions also reflects a deep seated resentment among voters ofthe arbitrary practices of dominant ruling parties in Zambia. These include selecting parliamentary candidates at the national level and imposing them in the locality against the wishes of constituents.
Parties remain a principal mechanism through which political elites mobilize support at the mass level, both between and during elections. Most political parties in Zambia - including the ruling MMD -- are underfinanced, poorly organized and unprofessionally managed.
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