Gulf
War Close Air Support: Implications for
the Future
CSC
1995
SUBJECT
AREA - Aviation
EXECUTIVE
SUMMARY
Title:
Gulf War Close Air Support: Implications for the Future
Author:
Major Gary P. Shaw, United States Marine Corps
Thesis:
Although close air support (CAS) played a relatively minor role in the context
of
the
Gulf War as a whole, it had a crucial impact on the performance of Marine
ground
forces.
Background:
This paper presents an analysis of Marine Gulf War CAS using
standardized
CAS case study methodology. Specific topics discussed include: doctrine
and
organization; operations; command, control, and communications (C weaponry and
technology;
decisions and decision makers; and fratricide. Throughout the analysis,
maneuver
warfare and the MEF single battle concept provide a standard by which to
assess
current CAS architecture. The discussion begins with an explanation of CAS
theory
and definitions, and underscores the conceptual incompatibility of current
Marine
CAS
doctrine with the MEF single battle concept. A review of GAS historical
development
follows. Next, comparisons between different basing schemes, such as
carrier
versus air base, illustrate the unsuitability of aircraft carriers for the
direct support
of
sustained ground combat. A study of Marine Gulf War ground combat operations
focuses
on the contribution of CAS and the integration of all supporting arms. An
evaluation
of Marine doctrinal air C3 architecture concludes that present hardware and
procedures
are inadequate to effectively prosecute a maneuver campaign, which becomes
the
central theme of the paper. Comparisons between different aircraft types, such
as
attack
helicopter versus fixed-wing, illustrate the advantages and disadvantages of
each
vis-a-vis
the CAS mission. Crucial decisions by key Gulf War leaders highlight the need
for
strong leadership and open communication, especially between service components
in
joint
operations. A review and tabulation of air-to-ground fratricide incidents
conclude
the
case study.
Recommendation:
Specific CAS lessons learned from the Gulf War should be
incorporated
in order to prepare for the next war. Current CAS architecture, especially in
terms
of command, control, and communications, is not consistent with either maneuver
warfare
doctrine or the MEF single battle concept.
CONTENTS
LIST
OF FIGURES v
LIST
OF TABLES vi
Chapter
Page
l.
FOCUS ON CLOSE AIR SUPPORT l
2.
GULF WAR CAS CASE STUDY 3
Doctrine
and Organization 3
Definitions 3
Uses
of CAS 4
CAS
and Maneuver Warfare 5
Organization
of Forces 7
Operations 11
Combined
Arms Raids 1l
Iraqi
Attack into Saudi Arabia (The Battle of Khafji) l3
The
Ground Offensive l6
Command,
Control, and Communications 2l
CAS
Command, Control, and Communications Processes
2l
CAS
Targeting 2l
CAS
Request Process 22
Pull
CAS: Apportionment and Allotment 25
The
ATO and "Push CAS" 26
Terminal
Control 26
Weaponry
and Technology 28
Attack
Helicopters versus Fixed-Wing 28
Multimission
Versus Dedicated CAS Aircraft 30
Decisions
and Decision Makers 33
Fratricide 36
Gulf
War Air-Ground Fratricide in Context 36
3.
GULF WAR CAS ASSESSMENT 39
Notes 44
Bibliography 49
LIST
OF FIGURES
Figure Page
l.
DESERT STORM Carrier Deployment 9
2.
Location of Marine Combined Arms Raids 11
3.
Attacks of the Iraqi III Corps, 29-3l
January l99l l3
4.
Kill Box Locations in the Kuwait Theater of Operations l5
5.
Ground Tactical Plan l9
LIST
OF TABLES
Table
Page
l.
Sample Raid Force Task Organization l2
2.
CAS/Interdiction Sorties During the Ground Offensive by Day l6
3.
Number of Marine Fixed-Wing Missions in Relation to the FSCL
During the Ground Offensive 20
4.
Coalition Combat Aircraft Losses 3l
5.
Fratricide Causes (by percent) 36
G.
Fratricide Costs and Causes 37
Gulf War Close Air Support: Implications for the
Future
CHAPTER l
FOCUS ON CLOSE AIR SUPPORT
The history of close air support
since World War I has been marked by tragedy--
lives
lost, unduly protracted conflict, and victory deferred--because both air and
ground
officers
have too often failed to benefit as they might from history, from experience
garnered
and recorded by earlier generations of airmen.
--I.B. Holley, Jr.
"A Retrospect on Close Air Support"
Case
Studies in the Development of
Close
Air Support
"Marines in contact!" Perhaps no other phrase better captures the
raison d'etre for
Marine
aviation. As a result, the topic of
close air support (CAS) usually generates a
visceral
response from most Marines, ground officers and aviators alike. The end of the
Cold
War, attendant downsizing of the military, and current focus on "roles and
missions"
have
only heightened the concern. In the aftermath of the Gulf War, a war in which
air
power
as a whole played a decisive role, a critical analysis of the CAS flown and its
contribution
to the overall effort is a fundamental prerequisite for future projections.
Conventional
wisdom would have it that the lack of determined Iraqi resistance during the
ground
offensive and few situations of troops in contact made traditional CAS a
rare/peripheral
aspect of the Gulf War.1 While that may be arguably true in the context of
the
entire war, or even the air campaign, it is decidedly not true in the context of Marine
ground
combat operations. According to MGen Myatt, Commanding General of the lst
Marine
Division during the Gulf War, CAS played a crucial role in all three major
types of
ground
engagements, namely:
l) artillery/combined arms raids
2) defeat of the Iraqi attack into
Kuwait (at Khafji et al.)
3) the ground offensive.2
While each war or campaign is unique
and one should be careful in application of
the
lessons learned, case studies are useful in that they provide both a window on
the past
and
a bridge to the future. Standardized CAS case study methodology includes topics
such
as:
l) doctrine/organization of forces
2) operations
3) command, control, and
communications (C3)
4) weaponry and technology
(platforms/hardware)
5) decisions and decision makers3
In
addition to these, the analysis includes a section on fratricide, both because
of the
disproportionate
share of Gulf War casualties caused by "friendly fire" and the resulting
visibility
this subject has generated. Despite the relatively short duration and
comprehensive
documentation of the Gulf War air campaign, a study of first hand sources
yields
confusing and even contradictory accounts. Nevertheless, this information is
invaluable
to operators and planners alike in order to ensure increased availability and
effectiveness
of CAS in the future. The focus is on CAS provided the Marine Corps,
regardless
of the source -- because evaluating different platforms (tactical jet versus
attack
helicopter),
or basing methods (aircraft carrier versus expeditionary airfield), is at the
crux
of
the current debate.
CHAPTER
2
GULF WAR CAS CASE STUDY
Doctrine and Organization
The case is somewhat different with
regards to the Marines. The Army has always
invested
heavily in artillery support for front-line units; the Marines on the other
hand
have
put resources into support for their
own air component. Consequently,
particularly
in the Kuwait theater they had to have close air support at times, while Army
units
could rely on artillery fire to fight the close in battle.
--Operations
Gulf
War Air Power Survey
Definitions
Close air support is defined by JCS
Pub l-O2 as: "air action against hostile targets
which
are in close proximity to friendly forces and which require detailed
integration of
each
air mission with the fire and movement of those forces."4 The Marine Corps
definition
is exactly the same. The two operative phrases, i.e., close proximity and
detailed
integration, are somewhat imprecise. Regardless, this definition effectively
defines
CAS along procedural lines according to the geographic location where it is
performed,
hence the definition by Marine aviators
of CAS as: air action flown at
the
request of ground commanders conducted short of the fire support coordination
line
(FSCL).
Other air power theorists put slightly different spins on the subject. These
fail
primarily
into two camps: those who define CAS functionally (according to the type of
target
being hit), and those who define it in the context of fire support means ("any
air
operation
that theoretically could and would be done by ground forces on their own, if
sufficient
troops or artillery were available." )5 The functional definition
dovetails well
with
the definition of other types of air action, such as strategic attack and air
interdiction,
which
are differentiated by the distance of target to the battle area and the
immediacy of
its
impact on the close battle. That is, a strategic target is one far removed from
the battle
area
whose loss wilt not have an immediate effect on frontline forces. Interdiction
refers
to
the reduction in the flow of men and supplies to and within the battle area.
The
contextual
definition is useful when evaluating CAS in terms of other fire support means,
as
well as putting it in perspective in comparison to other air power missions.
For the
purposes
of this analysis, all air actions falling within the context of the above
definitions
for
CAS are acceptable, since the purpose of the exercise is to evaluate CAS on a
practical
as
well as theoretical basis.
Uses of CAS
Air power is a potent fire support
means due primarily to its speed and mobility,
which
enables it to concentrate or mass, and its firepower, which considerably
enhances its
shock
effect. Tactically, there are two concepts on the employment of close air
support.
In
The Air Campaign, Col John Warden likens the use of CAS to that of an
operational
reserve
or maneuver element.6 In this context, close air support would be used for the
same
reasons as a ground reserve, namely, either to exploit a successful offensive
or to
counterattack
an attacking force in the defense. A Gulf War example of the former would
be
the attack on Iraqi vehicles retreating along the grade leading up the Mutla
Ridge,
northwest
of Kuwait City (the so-called "highway of death").7 An example of the latter
would
be during what has become known as the battle of Al Khafji, wherein fixed and
rotary
wing aircraft, along with ground forces, stopped and turned back two of the
Iraqi
attacks
into Saudi Arabia and assisted in operations to dislodge and drive back a third
attack
which had occupied the Saudi town of Al Khafji. In addition, potential Iraqi
reinforcements
were turned back both at the Saudi border and in Kuwait itself.8 The
classic
example of the use of CAS as a maneuver element is the assignment to XIX
Tactical
Air Command the mission of flank security for GEN Patton's 3d Army as it raced
east
across France in l944. These examples demonstrate situations where air power's
speed
and mobility enabled it to concentrate at a specific time and place in order to
mass
its
firepower. Additionally, the sheer firepower inherent in today's combat
aircraft can be
a
decisive tactical tool for the ground commander. During the 78-day North
Vietnamese
siege
of the isolated Marine outpost of Khe Sanh in l968, tactical aircraft dropped
more
than
95,OOO tons of ordnance, defeating the attack on 6,OOO Marines by an attacking
enemy
force three times that number.9 This
massive firepower is especially important to
the
Marines. Intentionally organized as an expeditionary, amphibious, light
infantry force,
the
Marines are resultingly light on artillery, which is normally the primary fire
support
means
for infantry. Moreover, during the initial stages of an amphibious assault,
artillery
is
rarely available to troops ashore, due to prioritization and constraints in
ship-to-shore
transportation.
CAS and Maneuver Warfare
The doctrinal orientation of each
service shapes the way it employs air power. In
DESERT
STORM, for example:
Seventh Corps utilized its air power
assets in accordance with the army's "air-land
battle" doctrine--as a tool to fight
the deep battle. . . On the other hand, the
Marines with less organic firepower
in their ground units depended more on close
air support.10
CAS,
especially as traditionally flown by the Marine Corps, was designed and
perfected
to
support set piece infantry battles. On Pacific islands during WWII, where close
air
support
matured as an air mission, the terrain was constrained and limited maneuver.
Even
in Korea, where operational maneuver was used with great success at Inchon,
Marines
primarily fought set-piece battles with a definite front and rear. The advent
of
maneuver
warfare in the l98O's and the single battle concept of the l99O's pose
challenges
to
effective employment of CAS. Maneuver warfare developed as a reaction to the
attrition
style warfare practiced by Americans during WWII, Korea, and Vietnam, with its
reliance
on massive firepower and geographic orientation. Although attrition warfare
effectively
played to the primary strengths of the United States -- its industrial base and
population
-- it was also costly in terms of casualties, time, and money. Maneuver warfare
attempts
to reduce these costs through a reliance on increased tempo and maneuver in
order
to quickly focus combat power at decisive times and places. In the context of
operations,
these decisive times and places are known as critical vulnerabilities, which if
exploited
lead to a rapid defeat of the enemy. The increased tempo of operations
complicates
the planning and scheduling process, while the increase in maneuver places
increased
strain on C3 systems and architectures
tasks logistic support more heavily.
The
farther removed the air bases are from the troops they support (due to
increased
maneuver),
and the higher the tempo of operations (in attempting to out-maneuver the
enemy),
the more difficult becomes the detailed integration with the ground scheme
crucial
to
the effectiveness of CAS. The single battle concept is a refinement of maneuver
warfare
theory that aims to integrate the battlefield, thereby enhancing unity of
effort, and
to
orient the effort on the enemy, rather than on the terrain. Despite the
challenges
presented
to air power by increased tempo and maneuver, its speed and mobility make it
uniquely
able to shift between the deep (shape), close (decisive), and rear
(sustainment)
battles
envisioned in the single battle concept, or indeed conduct all three "battles"
simultaneously.12 That is, to maneuverists air power could not
only shape the battle
through
deep strikes but deliver powerful support throughout the battle and
simultaneously
strike at the enemy's ability to sustain operations through attacking his
rear.
Organization of Forces
As the "customers" of close air support, it is
primarily the responsibility of ground
forces
to define or measure what effective CAS is. The measures of effectiveness
(MOEs)
for
most ground commanders are timeliness and accuracy. Organizing forces to
effectively
conduct close air support is contingent upon several factors. Among them are
a
"corporate" desire to do CAS and an ability to generate the necessary CAS
sorties when
they
are needed. These factors address timeliness. The factors that have an impact
on
accuracy
are training and hardware. Hardware will be addressed later. Training is driven
by
service culture and the emphasis placed on alternative missions. Despite the
views of
many
Marines, there is nothing that makes a Marine pilot inherently better at the
mechanics
of CAS than a Navy or Air Force pilot. The difference is in the training and
service
culture, in that the Marine pilots' knowledge of ground operations is
significantly
greater,
on average, than that of his counterparts in the other services.
The
ability to generate the required CAS sorties when needed differs significantly
between
services, due to differences in basing methods utilized by each. The aircraft
carrier
is particularly ill suited to supply CAS for sustained (more than a day or so)
land
operations.
The best utilization of the aircraft carrier is in a war at sea, which only
makes
sense
since it is a naval asset. It also does well in limited surge operations such
as an
amphibious
assault. The carrier rose to primacy during WWII conducting just such
operations.
The battles of Midway and Guadalcanal are two of many examples. Midway
was
a classic carrier versus carrier battle and Guadalcanal was an example of
carrier
aviation
supporting an amphibious operation. Just as the Marine Corps excels as an
enabling
force but requires augmentation for sustained land operations, the carrier is
likewise
an austere version of an air force based at sea. Due to crew and logistics
limitations,
today's carrier air wings (CVWs) operate best when scheduling as many
aircraft
as possible (about half of their complement) together in one or two launches
per
day.
This method is suitable for scheduled strategic attack or interdiction missions
but too
inflexible
for round-the-clock support of ground forces in sustained combat. Moreover,
the
carriers, with a finite supply of logistic support, must go off line every two
to four
days
to rearm and refuel. This evaluation is borne out by the utilization of carrier
aircraft
in
the Gulf War (figure l). Despite having an average of 34 strike aircraft on
each of the
six
carriers, "they averaged 3O strike sorties per carrier per day."12 During a relatively
short
42-day war, they were on line (launching aircraft) for 2O1 out of 252
carrier-days.13
Despite
flying the same strike aircraft as the Marines (the FIA-l8 and A-6), "no U. S.
Navy
or non-U. S. Coalition fixed-wing aircraft took part in close air support."14
Operation
Desert Storm Carrier Operating Areas - 2l January l99l
Figure
l. DESERT STORM Carrier Deployment17
The
lesson learned here is not that the Navy was unwilling or unable to perform CAS
or to
support
the Marine Corps but rather to point out that during DESERT STORM carrier air
was
used in the most effective manner, that being to support the strategic strike
and
interdiction
missions with scheduled strike packages. Evaluation of the sortie rates and
percentage
of on-line carrier days must be taken in context of a short (42-day) air war,
wherein
tanking was a requirement for all carrier based sorties due to the distance
between
the
carriers' operating areas and the targets. That is, the entire 42-day war could
easily be
considered
a surge operation. This characterization would further reduce sustained carrier
sortie
rate projections. Conversely, a tactical scenario that necessitated less
tanking would
result
in increased sortie rate projections.
The distinction between Air Force and Marine
basing philosophies is in the
inherent
expeditionary nature of the Marine aircraft wing and its structure. By basing
their
aircraft at austere airfields close to the front lines, Marines reduce response
time for
CAS
missions. What is more important, however, is the synergy that develops by
enabling
the
aviators and ground forces to coordinate face to face whenever possible. With
the
current
emphasis on commander's intent the
single battle concept, this coordination
is
increasingly important.
Operations
I can't say enough about the two Marine
divisions. If I used words like brilliant,
it
would really be an underdescription of the absolutely superb job that they did
in
breaching
the so--ca/led impenetrable barrier. It was a class!', absolutely classic,
military
breaching of a very, very tough minefield, barbed wire, lire trenches-type
harrier...
Absolutely superb operation, a textbook, and I think it will he studied for
many,
many years to come as the way to do it.
-- GEN H Norman Schwarzkopf USA
CENTCOM News Briefing
Riyadh, Saudi Arabia
27February l99l
Combined Arms Raids
The first use of CAS in DESERT STORM was as the
air component of twelve
combined
arms raids executed between 2l January and 22 February 1991 (figure 2).
Marine
commanders were extremely concerned about Iraqi artillery; it could outrange
Marine
artillery and there was a lot of it. This concern was understandable, since the
Figure
2. Locations of Marine Combined Arms Raids17
Marines'
task was to breach the vaunted Iraqi defensive obstacle belts. These belts were
presumably
well covered by artillery, since the combination of obstacles and covering
fires
was
consistent with Iraqi doctrine and had been demonstrated during the Iran-Iraq
War.18
The
primary purpose of the raids was to support the CINC's deception plan by increasing
the
activity along the Saudi-Kuwait border, thereby confusing the Iraqis as to the
location
and
intentions of coalition units. Also, the Marine commanders wanted to condition
the
Iraqi
artillerymen that whenever they fired their cannon, there would be an
instantaneous
response
from the air. An added benefit of the raids was the opportunity for ground
forces
to "warm up" in preparation for the ground offensive. Raid forces organization
consisted
of two batteries of artillery, one light armored infantry (LAI) company, and
(preplanned)
on-call CAS from F/A-l8s controlled by an F/A-l8D FastFAC (table l).l9
Since
the raids were conducted at night against known enemy positions, it was an easy
matter
for the CAS aircraft to locate and hit the enemy as soon as Iraqi artillery
attempted
to
return fire.20
"Enemy
prisoner of war reports indicated that the certainty of counterfire was so
pervasive
that
Iraqi cannoneers frequently pulled their lanyard once and 'ran like hell' to
get to
protected
positions before the 'iron rain' began."22 The synergy obtained by combining
the
two
complementary fire support capabilities was a great example of the maneuver
warfare.
The
CAS aircraft were able to mass and engage the enemy in relative safety, whereas
the
alternative
would have been for friendly artillery to slug it out with the enemy in an
attrition
style engagement. Not only were these raids effective, they were unique in that
they
effectively assigned fixed wing aircraft in direct support of ground
units. this
decentralized
command is occasionally used with attack helicopters in support of ground
units,
it is rare to find fixed wing assets used in this manner.
Iraqi Attack into Saudi Arabia (The Battle of
Khafji)
On the night of 29 January l99l, Iraqi forces
launched a brigade-strength attack
into
Saudi Arabia along three axes (figure 3). While not fully appreciated at the
time, this
battle
effectively turned out to be the turning point of the war.
Enemy
prisoner of war reports indicate the probable Iraqi intentions of drawing the
Coalition
forces into a major ground engagement in order to induce casualties, heighten
the
morale of their own forces after enduring the devastating coalition air attack,
and take
prisoners
as a source of intelligence.25 There were five separate enemy attacks in all.
In
the
westernmost attack, an Iraqi armored brigade attacked l7 miles west of Al
Wafrah.
Task
Force Shepard, a four-company LAI unit, engaged them. Marine AV-8s, F/A-l8s,
A-6s,
and AH-lWs, along with Air Force A-10s and AC-l30s, provided close air support.
Long
range fires from 2d LAI Battalion turned back another Iraqi tank column South
of
Wafrah.
Several hours later, an Iraqi mechanized infantry battalion attacked and seized
the
Saudi
town of Khafji. In an attempt to reinforce its success, mechanized infantry and
tanks
soon followed. A combination of LAI and CAS drove these back across the border.
Soon
after sunrise, LAI and CAS engaged another force of 4O tanks west of Wafrah and
drove
them back across the border. Marine AV-8Bs, F/A-l8s, A-6s, and AII-lWs and
Air
Force A-l0s defeated a final Iraqi attempt to reinforce Khafji. On 3l January,
the 2d
Saudi
Arabian National Guard Brigade drove the Iraqis out of Khafji with the support
of
Marine
artillery, CAS, and naval gunfire.26
This was the last offensive action undertaken by
Iraq during the war, and the
contribution
of air power cannot be overstated. During the three-day period of the battle,
a
total of more than one thousand sorties, both fixed wing and helicopter, were
flown in
the
area around Khafji (figure 4: kill boxes AG4, AG5, and AH4).27 AV-8B and OV-lO
sorties
doubled during this period. These aircraft were able not only to stop the Iraqi
attack
in the close battle (traditional CAS), but also to prevent second echelon
forces from
Figure
4. Kill Box Locations in the Kuwait Theater of Operations
moving
to reinforce or attack effectively. A strict definition limiting CAS to troops
in
contact
situations would exclude the attack on second echelon forces. These attacks on
second
echelon forces would be classified as interdiction. The apparent blending of
the
CAS
and interdiction missions is important to note. In many cases, CAS and interdiction
aircraft
were flying exactly the same profiles (for example, attacking enemy armored
columns
under FastFAC control) just a few miles apart. The difference was in the
location
of
the fire support coordination line (FSCL), the location of which is primarily
dependent
upon
the range of organic weapons and the ability to observe their fires. The
challenge lay
in
the C3 and targeting of targets just outside of the FSCL. A reinforcing enemy
tank
column,
for example, was obviously of great interest to the ground commander regardless
of
its position in relation to the FSCL. Although the single battle doctrine
addressed this
problem,
the C3 architecture was not in place to consistently answer it.
The Ground Offensive
The air tasking order (ATO) for 24 February (the
first day of the ground offensive)
provided
over 6OO Marine and Air Force close air support sorties (table 2). In order to
reduce
response time, CAS was provided via the push CAS system, wherein CAS aircraft
were
launched at predetermined intervals, sometimes as frequently as seven minutes
apart.
If
they were not needed at that time by the ground forces, they proceeded on to a
secondary
interdiction mission.
Table
2. CAS/Interdiction Sorties During the Ground Offensive by Day
The
system worked well, as CAS aircraft were available to requesting units and
surplus
CAS
sorties could continue to pound the retreating Iraqis. The CNN view of the
ground
offensive
focused on the rapid advance of Marine forces, with hundreds of Iraqis
surrendering
at every opportunity. This view does a disservice to the Marines of I MEF,
especially
those that lost their lives during the battle. A review of the operational logs
for
units
in the lst Marine Division yields a different view, that of an effective,
professionally
conducted,
exhausting, combined arms effort. A representative sampling is included
below:
G-Day/24 February l99l
TASK FORCE RIPPER
--0530 A-G run on four tanks at grid QS 835908
--0600 Three enemy tanks withdrawing to
northwest. 3d Tanks calls for CAS.
TASK FORCE PAPA BEAR
-- Air on station, Cobra's, AV-8Bs, OV-10s. They
destroyed l FO tower, 2 mortar
bunkers, 2 T-55 tanks, l infantry bunker.
TASK FORCE KING
-- 0930 42 separate counterfire targets cleared
by appropriate maneuver units.
Regt
FDC issued fire orders for attack of 26 targets by artillery; l6 were
coordinated by 11th Marines Air Officer via quickfire channel with
Tactical Air
Controller Airborne (TAC(A)) for attack by close air support aircraft.31
The
following three days of the ground offensive read much the same. The Task Force
King32
entry clearly illustrates the combined arms nature of Marine operations,
wherein the
enemy
targets are: l) identified by maneuver units: 2) called into the appropriate C3
agency,
in this case the artillery fire direction center; and, 3) assigned to the
supporting
arm
(artillery, CAS, or naval gunfire) best suited to engage that target. lst
Marine
Division
units were continually in and out of their nuclear, biological, and chemical
(NBC)
protective
gear due to chemical agent detection. The smoke from the burning oil fires was
frequently
a problem, especially for aircraft. CAS (both fixed wing and helicopter),
artillery,
and organic infantry weapons complemented each other when enemy resistance
was
encountered.
CAS, delivered by tactical jets and attack
helicopters, supported every major
engagement
of the ground offensive (figure 5). "Iraqi artillery fire frequently interdicted
the
breach lanes,"33 as I MEF forces commenced the attack and was engaged by both
air
and
artillery. Cobra gunships screened ahead of the force, strafed Iraqi
trenchlines, and
engaged
armor with TOW and Hellfire missiles. On G+l, the enemy counter-attacked the
lst
Marine Division in the vicinity of the Burquan Oilfield (lO kilometers east of
Al Jaber
Air
Base (MEF Objective A)). They were stopped by attack helicopters, AV-8Bs, and
tanks.34
In fact, "the tank engagements that day were the largest in Marine Corps
history."35
Farther to the west, an OV-1O and an AV-8B were shot down by Iraqi
hand-held
surface-to-air missiles (SAMs) as they engaged an enemy tank column
counter-attacking
the 2d Marine Division. Smoke from the Burquan Oilfield, which the
Iraqis
had set on fire, was particularly bad on G+2, and reduced the visibility in
some areas
to
less than l GO meters. A flight of five Cobra gunships was able to penetrate
the smoke
to
support the l St Marine Division in its attack on MEF Objective C (Kuwait
International
Airport),
earning the Navy Cross for their commander. Gunships were also used by the 2d
Marine
Division in their attack on MEF Objective B (key terrain and road intersections
near
Al Jahra, 33 kilometers west of Kuwait City). MEF Objective B was very close to
Mutla
Ridge and the later "highway of death." During the previous night, electronic
indications
of Iraqi vehicle movement turned out to be a retreat of the Iraqis from Kuwait
City.
Figure
5. Ground Tactical Plan
LtGen
Walter E. Boomer, the MEF Commander, directed as many aircraft with a night
capability
as possible be launched to interdict them. Marine A-6Es and F/A-l8s were
joined
in the morning by AV-8Bs in a devastating demonstration of air power.37
Successful blending of CAS and interdiction
proved just as important in the ground
offensive
as it was in the defensive operations three weeks earlier. The majority of
targets
engaged
by fixed wing CAS were outside of the FSCL, even though those targets were
important
to the outcome of the close--decisive battle (table 3). According to a strict
interpretation,
only those missions attacking targets inside the FSCL are classified as CAS,
while
those missions attacking targets outside the FSCL are classified as
interdiction. The
classification
of these targets, ostensibly a semantic exercise, is not trivial.38
Table
3.
Number
of Marine Fixed-Wing Missions in Relation to the FSCL
During
the Ground Offensive
Command, Control, and Communications
. . . we couldn't talk to them and they couldn't
mark targets.
-- Col Manfred Rietsch
MAG -
11 Commanding Officer
(on
the capabilities of the
ground
FAC C3 system)40
CAS Command, Control, and Communications
Processes
Because of the detailed integration required
with ground forces for successful use
of
CAS, effective C3 architecture and execution is crucial. There are several
vital
processes
which must be accomplished in order to engage enemy forces by air in the
decisive--close
battle. These include targeting, or the identification and nomination of
targets
to be attacked; the request process, whereby ground or airborne controllers
obtain
aircraft
to attack targets under their control; apportionment and allotment, whereby CAS
sorties
are planned for (as a percentage of the total air effort) and assigned to
various
ground
units; and, terminal control, wherein targets are actually engaged. Current
architecture,
both organization and equipment, are inadequate to cope with maneuver
warfare
and the single battle concept.
CAS Targeting
Historically,
CAS targeting has been a relatively uncomplicated affair. In the
limited
area set-piece battles of WWII, troops in contact could see their potential
targets,
or
at least knew where they were based on incoming fire. The same is true today
for those
actual
instances of troops in contact. However, for the fast moving non-linear battles
common
to maneuver warfare and the single battle concept, identification of targets
pertinent
to the decisive battle but outside the range of observation or the FSCL can be
difficult.
Several platforms are available to contribute to the targeting effort. Weapons
platforms,
such as the AH-1W and F/A-18D can double as reconnaissance assets. In fact,
a
reconnaissance "package" for the F/A-l8D has been programmed to increase its
capability
in this area. Remotely piloted vehicles (RPVs) are another, very useful tool
used
to improve targeting capability. Unfortunately, both the reconnaissance upgrade
and
RPVs
are years away from being fielded in operationally significant numbers.
CAS Request Process
Once the targets have been identified, a request
must be made for aircraft to attack
them.
The direct air support center (DASC) is the key node in this process.
Forerunners
of
the DASC go back to the battle of Okinawa, where target information centers
(TICs)
were
used for the first time. The TICs were present at every echelon from corps to
battalion
level. They coordinated, for the first time, the efforts of the three
traditional
supporting
arms: artillery, air support, and naval gunfire.41 According to current doctrine,
the
DASC is normally co-located with the ground combat element (GCE) senior fire
support
coordination center (FSCC), in order to optimize and deconflict supporting
fires.
Normally
the senior FSCC is at the regimental (brigade-sized operation) or division
(MEF-sized
operation) level; but MarCent had a corps-sized GCE in DESERT
SHIELD-STORM,
so the DASC was co-located with the expeditionary force fire support
coordination
center. Although the location of the DASC near the MEF Commander
facilitated
his knowledge of the air picture and ability to employ the aviation combat
element
(ACE), it also increased the distance between a requesting agency, such as a
forward
air controller, and a providing agency, such as the DASC.
Ground forces, pilots, and air control personnel
were unanimous in their frustration
with
the communications problems. The problems were not in the performance of the
DASC
itself as much as its connectivity to the other parts of the net due to the
distances
involved,
mobility of ground forces, and frequency allocation.42 For example, on the
night
of
29/3O January, during the first significant ground action of the war, the Air
Officer of
lst
LAI Battalion, Task Force Shepard, unsuccessfully attempted to contact the DASC
and
DASC(A). With approximately 5O enemy vehicles approaching his position, he was
able
to contact the Air Force airborne battlefield command and control center
(ABCCC).
The
ABCCC diverted Air Force CAS aircraft for support (the ABCCC crew was later
chastised
during debriefing for not checking with the combined tactical air control center
(CTACC)
before diverting aircraft).43 The Air Officer summed up his frustration with
communications
connectivity succinctly: "The Marine Corps command and control
system
is broken!"44 Similarly, only l5
percent of those interviewed by the Marine
Aviation
Battle Assessment Team (BAT) thought the air control communication systems
were
workable.45 The primary problem was distance, and the inability of current
hardware
and
doctrine to cope. When Task Force Shepard was engaged with forward screening
operations,
the distance to the DASC and current doctrine dictated HF communication,
which
was unreliable at best and worse at night. In contrast, artillery support
requests are
passed
directly to the firing units over line-of-sight VHF radios, since they are
located
much
closer.
Several C3 innovations helped make the system
more responsive. Marine Air
Support
Squadron-3, the air control squadron that provided the DASC, sent air support
elements
(ASEs) to the divisions. The ASEs, also known as air support liaison teams
(ASLTs),
were composed of 2O-36 air control personnel and associated communications
equipment.46
In DESERT SHIELD/STORM, the ASEs were co-located with the division
FSCCs.
In addition to adding "muscle" to the GCE air request communications suite and
process,
they were invaluable in keeping the division commanders up to date on the
overall
air picture.47 An airborne DASC, or
DASC(A), expedited the flow of aircraft
through
line of sight communication. The DASC(A) was a KC-l3O aircraft equipped with
an
AN/UYQ-3A air control communications "package."48 During DESERT STORM, the
DASC(A)
effectively functioned as an extension of the Marine tactical air command
center
(TACC),
rather than an extension of the ground DASC, and expedited the prosecution of
interdiction
targets beyond the FSCL.49 Moreover, a Marine liaison officer was located on
the
ABCCC. He provided another link between the Marine and Air Force C3 systems, as
well
as keeping the ABCCC crew advised of the Marine ground situation in their area.
These
liaison officers were so impressed with the capability of the ABCCC, due to its
impressive
communications suite, that they recommended the Marine Corps buy it.50
In
order to reduce reaction time for immediate CAS, a "quickfire" system was set
up,
whereby
the air officer serving with the artillery regiments passed targets that were
not
able
to be engaged by artillery directly to the F/A-l8D FastFAC. "Although this
short-circuited
air control doctrine, [by-passing division, MEF, and the DASC] the
exceptionally
short time required to get aerial or artillery munitions on target was
unprecedented."51
Pull CAS: Apportionment and Allotment
In Vietnam, agreements were reached between air
and ground forces on an
equitable
way of dividing up air assets, the presumption being that there were not enough
aircraft
available to do all that was being asked of them.52 After that, apportionment
became
the prerogative of the overall theater commander and amounted to the division
of
aircraft,
by percentage, for different functions, such as anti-air warfare, strategic
attack,
interdiction,
and CAS. Allotment, on the other hand, became the prerogative of the GCE
commander
and resulted in assignment of allocated sorties to different ground units based
on
his perception of their need/importance. Ground units primarily requested
sorties in
advance
(preplanned) and held some amount in reserve for emergencies (immediate
missions).
The idea was to ensure that limited CAS sorties would be available when
needed
but not be wasted. The request process made this a "pull CAS" system, in
practice
if
not by definition. The time delay inherent in the request process drove several
modifications
to the system. The employment of the AV-8 was a good example. One
way
to improve the timeliness of CAS aircraft was to base them closer to the front.
Modern
jet aircraft required significant infrastructure to operate, so the V/STOL
concept
was
developed whereby tactical jets could use more austere (read smaller)
runways/bases.
Attack
helicopters were another good example. Not only could these aircraft operate
out
of
forward arming and refueling points (FARPs) closer to the front lines, but they
could
set
down and wait for things to heat up. The use of a tactical air coordinator
(airborne) or
TAC(A),
was another way to improve timeliness. By moving to different locations on the
battlefield,
the TAC(A) could establish line of sight communications with both the GCE
and
DASC, greatly reducing communications problems, especially where distance or
channelized
terrain was a problem.
The ATO and "Push CAS"
In order to manage the air campaign in DESERT
STORM, the JFACC published a
daily
ATO. This document listed all the sorties to be flown on a particular day,
including
those
for CAS. One of the problems with the ATO, however, was that it was run on a
72-hour
cycle, effectively requiring sorties to be requested long before the CAS
requirements
could be anticipated. Marines felt that the ATO process was too inflexible
to
respond to a fast paced battle of maneuver. Fortunately, there was an abundance
of
versatile
CAS aircraft available, so a "push CAS" system was used, as has already been
described.
The ACE was comfortable with this method, since it mirrored the air play in
peacetime
exercises. The vast majority of CAS conducted in these exercises, e.g., Team
Spirit
in Korea, was on an immediate basis and requested through the TAC(A). Aircraft
flew
sorties that had been scheduled weeks in advance and diverted as necessary
under
direction
of the TAC(A). As has been noted, the push CAS system worked extremely
well
in the Gulf War, but depended on an abundance of aircraft that may not be
present in
future
scenarios.
Terminal Control
The perennial difficulties of ground-air
communications and target acquisition
remained
as significant challenges. Since WWII, a long list of aircraft have been used
to
improve
performance in this area, by relaying ground requests for air (as noted above)
and
"talking"
the aircraft overhead onto the targets, thus making better use of the limited
time
on
station of tactical jets. The tradeoff has always been between ease of target
acquisition-time
on station (slower aircraft can pick up ground targets better and stick
around
longer) and survivability (faster aircraft are less susceptible to attack). L-5
high
wing
observation planes were used for this role in WWII; they were replaced by the 0-1
in
Korea,
and the OV-lO in Vietnam. On the second day of the Gulf War, a Marine OV-lO
was
shot down. Thereafter, OV-l0s were restricted to areas behind the front lines
and
F/A-18Ds
assumed the TAC(A)/FAC(A) role, continuing the progression towards faster,
more
survivable aircraft.
The FastFAC concept, which developed in Vietnam,
matured in the Gulf War due
to
the importance of prosecuting close interdiction type targets. Along with the
RPVs,
FastFACs
were adept at locating enemy second echelon targets maneuvering to engage
friendly
forces. The FastFAC's ability to effectively straddle the FSCL by providing
terminal
control to aircraft on either side of it proved invaluable in prosecuting the
single
battle/maneuver
warfare style operation. Ground FACs assigned to maneuver units relied
on
line-of-sight communications with the FastFACs to request immediate CAS. And
FastFACs
were frequently the only Marine C3 agency usable in forward areas due to the
communications
problems already discussed.
Weaponry and Technology
The Marine Corps needs to rethink its approach
to close air support. It can ill
afford
to ignore the capabilities of its attack helicopters or limit the scope of its
fixed
wing
aircraft.
--Maj William R. Cronin, USMC
First
Place
l99l
Chase Prize Essay Contest
The key to comparisons of different aircraft is
not in how the advantages and
disadvantages
of one particular aircraft make it better than another but how the
capabilities
of each complement the others. For simplicity, this discussion will focus on
comparing
different types of aircraft (i.e., fixed wing versus attack helicopter and
multimission
versus dedicated CAS aircraft), rather than platform-by-platform
comparisons.
All comparisons boil down to one "tradeoff': target acquisition versus
survivability.
Attack Helicopters versus Fixed-Wing
Attack helicopters, such as the AH-1W Cobra and
AH-64 Apache, share many
characteristics
that make them extremely effective CAS platforms. Since they fly lower
and
slower than tactical jets, it is much easier for them to acquire targets and
get a feel for
"ground
truth" in relation to the ground scheme of maneuver. This ability also
makes
them
less likely, theoretically, to employ weapons against friendly forces.
Additionally,
their
ability to work out of FARPs, or in some cases land among friendly forces,
reduces
their
response time and enables them to coordinate directly with supported units on a
real
time
basis. Attack helicopters (especially those in Army air cavalry units) in
DESERT
STORM
were sometimes massed and tasked as independent maneuver elements in order
to
take advantage of their offensive "shock effect."53 TOW and Hellfire missiles
have
enhanced
this shock effect by increasing firepower and accuracy. Predictably, each of
these
advantages is balanced by a corresponding disadvantage. Flying lower means that
the
attack helo transits a greater number of enemy threat system envelopes, and
flying
slower
increases the helicopters' susceptibility with an associated drop in
survivability.
Specific
tactics, e.g., terrain masking and night employment, have been developed to
reduce
this susceptibility, but ultimately their survival depends more on the nature
and
extent
of the threat than specific tactics. When on the ground in a forward area, the
attack
helo
also becomes susceptible to the same direct and indirect fire weapons that
threaten
the
GCE. Lastly, although proponents of attack helicopters liken their "shock effect"
to
other
types of cavalry units such as tanks or LAVs, their lack of armor limits this
effect to
an
offensive, rather than defensive capability. That is, there are three
components of
shock
effect, namely, firepower, mobility, and armor. Attack helicopters possess only
two
of the three components.
Tactical jets, with greater speed, range, and
altitude capability can either minimize
their
exposure to surface threats, or frequently avoid them entirely. Their altitude
capability
enables them to engage the enemy in three dimensions rather than just at ground
level,
while their increased range capability makes them inherently more flexible.
This
flexibility
is especially important to the single battle concept, which depends on aircraft
able
to perform shaping operations for the deep battle. Nevertheless, CAS platforms
have
to
get relatively close to their intended target in order to acquire and properly
identify it;
and
the faster an aircraft is flying, the less time is available for these crucial
tasks.
Multimission Versus Dedicated CAS Aircraft
Fixed-wing aircraft can be further divided into
two categories: multimission
aircraft
(F/A-l8 and F-l6) and dedicated (or specialized) CAS aircraft (AV-8B, AC-l3O,
and
A-1O). While multimission aircraft are designed to perform several missions
well,
specialized
CAS aircraft incorporate specific design features that enhance their ability to
perform
the GAS mission. These CAS design features normally require sacrificing some
other
capability, non-essential for the CAS mission. For example, the AV-8B
sacrifices
range
and payload capability (in the VISTOL mode) for the capability to work from
austere,
smaller bases close to the front lines, or from amphibious shipping. The
AC-13O
and the A-10 sacrifice speed for massive firepower (AC-l3O) and firepower
combined
with reduced vulnerability (A-10). The CAS arena was a dangerous place to
operate
during DESERT STORM. All seven Marine aircraft lost were CAS aircraft shot
down
by IR SAMs (table 4).
"... [T]he extensive night operations, the
poor weather, and the presence of
obscurants (notably, smoke from burning oil
wells)... made distinguishing
friendly from enemy forces difficult, and had
the important tactical consequence of
rendering GAS missions more dangerous to
execute."56
An additional advantage, depending on one's
point of view, is that dedicated CAS
aircraft
are rarely tasked to perform other missions, and are therefore more often
available
for
tasking by the GCE. For example, Marine AV-8Bs and OV-1Os were not tasked by
the
JFACC, but rather were available for the exclusive use of I MIEF, while half of
all
F/A-18
sorties and all A-6 sorties were allotted to the JFACC under the Omnibus
Agreement.57
The opposing point of view is that this type of arrangement amounts to
sub-optimization
and that multimission aircraft that can perform better in different arenas.
Table
4. Coalition Combat Aircraft Losses
The
difference of opinion goes to the heart of interservice (primarily Marine and
Air
Force)
debate about two primary issues: C3 of aircraft and the priority of the CAS
mission.
The Air Force believes in centralized command and control of all theater
aircraft.
This concept was the driving force behind the creation of the JFACC. By
putting
all aircraft in the same "pot," the theater commander can apportion air assets
to
suit
his own operational vision. Apportioning aircraft to the CAS mission may or may
not
be a priority at the operational level. The Marine Corps, however, believes
that the
primary
role of the JFACC is coordination of, rather than command and control of, air
assets.
Since support of ground forces is the primary motivation for Marine aviation,
CAS
is always their highest priority. If CAS aircraft are not factored in to the
apportionment
process due to their specialized nature, the result is that the Marine Corps
gains
aircraft available for its use and the theater commander loses aircraft
available for
his
use.
Decisions and Decision Makers
The pressure today is for us to provide support
for the maneuvering forces on the
ground.
So be alert and aggressive, I want the close air support to be flown. . . I
think
the
ground forces will do just exactly what they want to do, and they'll execute
superbly.
So
make sure that the air is there where they need it, when they need it--that's
your job.
-- Lt Gen Charles A. Homer, USAF
CENTCOM JFACC
24
February 1991
Marine CAS during the Gulf War could not have
been as successful as it was
without
the contributions of four key leaders:
l) GEN H. Norman Schwarzkopf, USA -- balanced
strategic, operational, and
tactical
requirements
2) Lt Gen Charles A. Homer, USAF -- kept Marine
airs role in perspective
3) LtGen Walter Boomer, USMC -- effectively
fought the whole MAGTF
4) MajGen Royal N. Moore, USMC -- fostered a
spirit of teamwork between the
ACE
and GCE
Due
to the short duration of the campaign, abundance of aircraft available, and
outstanding
leadership, interservice bickering over the control and use of air assets was
extremely
limited in comparison to other wars. Additionally, the Omnibus Agreement
between
the Air Force and Marine Corps in l98O, reaffirmed by the JCS in l986, helped
clarify
the role of Marine aviation in the joint context. According to the agreement,
the
Marines
made sorties available to the JFACC for air defense, interdiction, and
reconnaissance.
After Marine requirements had been met, any "excess" sorties would also
be
released to the JFACC. But at last there was a single coordinating authority
(the
JFACC)
for joint air operations.59
As theater commander (and CTNC), GEN Schwarzkopf
was responsible for
apportionment
of aircraft. On the whole, he struck an effective balance between the
strategic,
operational, and tactical levels of war. For the most part, he "consigned the
strategic
air campaign to Gen Homer and his staff."60 His personal focus was on the
Republican
Guard. Since they were the operational center of gravity of the Iraqi forces in
the
Kuwait theater of operations (KTO), this was entirely appropriate. The focus of
Army
and
Marine ground commanders was on Iraqi forces just across the border. These
forces
were
still a potent threat and had the capability to attack. Two weeks into DESERT
STORM,
the apportionment shifted to weight battlefield preparation more heavily.
On 3l January, [GEN] Schwarzkopf told [Gen]
Horner that. . . As we move into
battlefield preparation, maneuver commander
input into the target selection
process becomes even more important. Therefore,
the opportunity for corps and
other subordinate commanders to plan for and
receive air sorties to fly against
targets of their choosing must increase.61
Even more important than the CINC's allocation,
from the Marine perspective, was
the
relationship between the JFACC and the MarCent Commander, Gen Boomer. In this
Gen
Horner was aided by both the Omnibus Agreement and practical reality. With only
about
nine percent of the coalition fixed-wing aircraft, the Marine ACE was really
only a
junior
partner in the air campaign (albeit an important one).62 Rather than argue
about a
small
slice of the total effort, Generals Homer and Boomer concentrated instead on
effective
communication and how to defeat the threat by using the assets available. For
example,
Gen Horner would trade A-1O CAS/close interdiction sorties to the Marines in
exchange
for F/A-18 strikes on "pure" interdiction targets such as rail yards or power
lines.63
He was also responsive to requests from Gen Boomer. During the Battle of
Khafji,
Gen Boomer requested and received a B-52 strike and two tactical air packages,
diverted
from Republican Guard targets, to strike Iraqi forces when they attempted to
reinforce
their penetrations.64
Gen Boomer fought his MAGTF as a combined arms
team. In addition to the
above-described
example, he made other great calls on the use of air power in the context
of
the MEF single battle. Along with GEN Frederick Franks, USA (XVIII Airborne
Corps
Commander), he properly shifted the focus from enemy tanks to artillery during
the
battlefield
preparation phase and requested B-52 strikes, having learned in Vietnam of
their
immense psychological impact.65 And when the Iraqis commenced their retreat
from
Kuwait
City, he sent all night-capable Marine aircraft to attack them, in order to
capitalize
on
their increased susceptibility during movement.66
LtGen Royal Moore, Commander of 3d MAW in the
war, was also effective at
making
the ACE an effective partner of the MAGTF. Communication between the ACE
and
GCE was the key to this effort. During map exercises, staff exercises, and
"sand table
drills"
conducted by the MEF and two divisions, he ensured that the ACE was well
represented,
frequently with group and squadron commanders. This contact increased the
comfort
level of all concerned, as well as enhancing the ACE knowledge of commander's
intent
and the ground scheme of maneuver.67 Also, he used the F/A-18D crews for real
time
intelligence collection, and continually passed this battlefield intelligence
to the
ground
commanders.
Fratricide
Casualties from friendly fire are never
acceptable and warrant relentless
corrective
action to preclude further occurrences. . . although, given the confusion
inherent
in warfare, will prove virtually
impossible to entirely eliminate.
- -"Fire From Friendly Forces"
Conduct of the Persian Gulf War
Final Report to Congress
Gulf War Air-Ground Fratricide in Context
An Army study conducted during the early l98O's
analyzed the historical causes of
casualties
attributed to all types of fratricide. Table 5 compares historical and Gulf War
causes
of fratricide (all types):
Table
5.FratricideCauses(by percent)68
Drawing
conclusions from statistics based on such a small sample size (Gulf War
casualties
totaled only 6l3) is unwise. However, one important item to note is the
presence
of an entirely new fratricide causal factor: equipment malfunction. In fact,
equipment
malfunction was the cause of two incidents, causing eight of nine Marine
deaths
due to air-ground fratricide. The first incident occurred during an intense
firefight
between
the LAVs of Task Force Shepard and enemy mechanized forces. A IIR Maverick
missile
fired by an A-10 at an enemy vehicle almost a mile away hit a Marine LAV that
was
directly below the launch aircraft.69 In the other, a Marine EA-6B fired a HARM
missile
at an Iraqi radar site on G-Day. When the site stopped transmitting, the
missile
homed
in on an AN/TPQ-36 counterbattery radar of the 11th Marines.70 The third
incident
involved a coordination problem. A Marine A-6 dropped a laser-guided bomb on
an
artillery unit returning from a combined arms raid during the night of l-2
February. The
aircrew
were unaware that the aircraft was on the "friendly" side of the FSCL; they
were
also
unaware of the presence of any friendly units that close to the border.71 A breakdown
of
the Gulf War's 35 fratricide deaths and 28 incident causes is listed in table
6, below:
Fratricide is not likely to end CAS, despite the
heightened visibility generated by
friendly-fire
deaths in the Gulf War, because each fratricide event is evaluated on a
case-by-case
basis. There is almost always a specific cause, either mechanical or human,
which
can be identified and corrected, so fratricide will be reduced incrementally by
technological
improvements such as better navigation systems and more reliable weapons,
by
increased procedural controls, and by better training. Because of the tendency
to view
fratricide
as an episodic phenomenon, it can be compared to the carnage on American
highways.
People tend to ask what caused a specific accident, rather than taking a
systems
approach and evaluating the country's reliance on the automobile. In the same
way,
each fratricide event is preventable, but fratricide itself will continue.
CHAPTER 3
GULF WAR CAS ASSESSMENT
One night during one of combined arms raids, I heard over our radios
the
voice
of the F/A-18D FastFAC telling the "wolfpack" pilots: "... hurry up! They are
attacking
our Marines," as he watched the muzzle flashes of the Iraqi artillery
firing at
our
ground raid force... Such teamwork doesn't just happen -- and it can't be
legislated
by
Congress or created by some instruction. . .But, the result is a marvelous
marriage,
more
powerful than the sum of the parts, where a Marine most sought after privilege is
to
be able to fight for another Marine.
-- MajGen Mike Myatt, USMC
Letter to the Commission on Roles and
Missions of the Armed Forces
December J994
Despite the unique nature of the Gulf War, there
are lessons to be learned from
DESERT
STORM close air support. First, Marines practice what they preach. They
train
and operate as a combined arms team. Tasked by the CINC to proceed directly
into
Kuwait
in the face of entrenched Iraqi forces, they depended on the firepower of CAS
aircraft
to spearhead the way and break up Iraqi counterattacks. The cliché about
"flying
artillery"
is right on the mark. Marine ground operations in the Gulf War show that those
who
would sound the death knell of troops-in-contact CAS are extremely premature.
CAS
aircraft played a critical role in the majority of significant Gulf War
battles. The
overabundance
of CAS aircraft vis-a-vis the actual requirement only highlighted the
importance
of CAS, just as the preparation for massive casualties highlighted the
importance
of medical support. Moreover, since helicopters were effectively a
"non-entity"
in terms of the ATO and the C3 system, documentation of helicopter
operations
in the Gulf War was extremely sparse. As a result, the contribution of attack
helicopters
in the prosecution of CAS is as yet undetermined. Finally, the minor role
attributed
to CAS, in a quantitative sense, is consistent with the limited duration of
ground
operations.
Any analysis of the Gulf War should be tempered by consideration of this
limited
duration, as well as the complementary contributions of both the air and ground
campaigns
to overall success.
Second, the Marine air command and control
system (MACCS), designed to
handle
the set-piece battles of the Pacific in WWII over 5O years ago, is having
trouble
dealing
with new doctrinal concepts like maneuver warfare and the single battle.
Specifically,
the ability to identify, target, and attack enemy forces that threaten friendly
forces,
but are not in contact with them, is currently inadequate. The Air Force
already
has
a doctrine, architecture, and aircraft such as the ABCCC to support their view
of
shaping
operations, which ultimately entails carving up the battlefield. The debate
centers
around
the question of who will control the area outside of the FSCL. Marines believe
the
ground
commander should control this area, since it is vital to the shaping operations
inherent
in the single battle concept and to the effective prosecution of maneuver
warfare.
Conversely,
the Air Force wants control over this same area because of the importance
they
place on the interdiction mission. Because of the priority the Air Force gives
to
interdiction
in relation to CAS, it has effectively ceded the decisive battle area and CAS
mission
to Army aviation and its attack helicopters. In the Gulf War, the JFACC staff
tried
to sidestep the issue by controlling the airspace over the area beyond the
FSCL.
Since
aircraft were the principal means for attacking targets beyond the FSCL, those
who
controlled
the overlying airspace effectively controlled the area under the airspace as
well.
Fortunately,
the reality of imminent combat and the leadership qualities of Generals
Homer
and Boomer resulted in a compromise that allowed for Marine control of certain
airspace
blocks upon request.73 Yet, unless the Marine Corps develops its own concept of
how
to command and control the single battle, it will lose the debate by default.
Even more important than winning the doctrinal
argument is developing the actual
capability
to employ the doctrine. The architectural capability to command and control
the
effort to shape the battlefield needs to be built into the system. Some amount
of
improvisation
in combat is expected and even desirable. But now that the "first aid" has
been
applied, it is time to seriously deal with the problem. Maneuver warfare is a
thinking
man's
game. Therefore, an effective C3 system is vital. Marine aviation can no longer
assign
last priority to the MACCS in general, and the DASC in particular. The
communications
deficiencies noted in DESERT SHIELD/STORM after action reports
must
be corrected; clipboards and grease pencils must be replaced by data links and
computer
screens. Aviators and ground forces alike have depended on the OV-lO for
years
to provide crucial connectivity because of chronic communications problems with
the
ground DASC: HF communications are too unreliable, distance and terrain
prohibit
the
use of line-of-sight transmission, and the ground forces get a copy of the ATO
to
determine if requested sorties have been scheduled. Now that the OV-lO
squadrons
have
been decommissioned, a modern, reliable, dedicated, airborne C3 platform such
as the
ABCCC
may be the answer. The current practice of slapping a "one size fits all" C3
module,
the AN/UYQ-3A, into the back of a KC-l3O is not. The HMLA community
finally
learned the lesson about non-integrated communications modules; it scrapped the
unreliable
AN/ASC-26 communications package that could be installed in the UH-1N and
now
has a system integral to the aircraft. The success of the F/A-l8D FastFAC
concept
suggests
it should be captured into doctrine and training. The capability to identify
and
attack
targets on both sides of the FSCL, inherent in Gulf War FastFAC employment, is
fundamental
to fighting a maneuver warfare style campaign. The F/A-l8D excels as a
survivable
replacement to the OV-lO in the FastFAC role but not without cost. Its limited
communications
suite and greatly reduced time-on-station, in comparison to the OV-lO,
severely
impair its utility in the C3/radio-relay role.
Third, preoccupation with the "Marines in
contact" CAS mission as defined in
doctrinal
publications may be impairing the Marine Corps' ability to conceptually deal
with
threats
to the decisive battle that are beyond the FSCL. Whether it is called CAS,
interdiction,
or battlefield air interdiction, addressing this area is crucial to successful
execution
of the single battle. The semantics of framing these concepts are complicated,
however.
While the services all agree to the doctrine of apportionment, allotment, and
terminal
control of CAS assets, the use of interdiction aircraft is ambiguous. Use of
the
contextual
definition, as described earlier, dovetails better with the emerging Marine
Corps
doctrine. Blurring of the traditional CAS and close interdiction missions in
DESERT
STORM is a precursor of things to come. This blurring should not be viewed as
a
contest between CAS and interdiction, however. Marine experience in the Gulf
indicate
that are crucial to success. The point is that
the targeting-request-allotment process
is
not responsive enough to deal with the tempo of maneuver warfare. Ideas about
using
the
ACE as a maneuver element are attempts to come to grips with this phenomenon.
The
push
CAS method was effectively employed in the Gulf War to overcome this
deficiency,
but
it depends on an overabundance of aircraft, a luxury that may not always be
available.
In conclusion, specific lessons learned about
Gulf War CAS should be evaluated
for
their relevancy to future conflicts by wargaming them against likely scenarios.
In
todays
fiscally constrained environment, finding the dollars and force structure
necessary
to
enhance the MACCS will be difficult. Marine aviation should tackle this
challenge.
The
impending loss of the (I)HAWK component of the Marine anti-air warfare function
presents
one possibility for force structure tradeoffs. Also, some organizational
reorganization
of MACCS components may be appropriate. Despite fielding the largest
single
Marine force since WWII, only one Marine air support squadron was deployed to
southwest
Asia. Since manpower constraints recently drove consolidation of the four air
control
military occupational specialties (MOSs) into one MOS at the field grade level,
an
operational
reorganization may likewise be possible. The Marines' reserve KC-l3O
squadron
is an obvious candidate for a "DASC(A) enhancement" or ABCCC. Tough
choices
are inescapable, but effective C3 of Marine air in the air-ground role should
be a
top
priority. Through thoughtful and effective implementation of Gulf War lessons
learned
in the context of emerging doctrine, future generations of airmen may yet
benefit
from
CAS experience garnered and recorded during war.
NOTES
1 Thomas A. Keaney and Eliot A. Cohen,
Gulf War Air Power Survey Summary
Report
(Washington, DC: GPO, l993), 110.
2 MGen J. M. Myatt, USMC, Close Air
Support and Fire Support in DESERT
SHIELD
and DESERT STORM, unpublished letter to the Commission on Roles and
Missions
of the Armed Forces. December l994, 1-5.
3 Richard H. Kohn, "Forward," in
Case Studies in the Development of Close Air
Support,
ed. Benjamin Franklin Cooling (Washington, DC: GPO, l99O), v.
4 Joint Pub l-O2, Department of Defense
Dictionary of Military and Associated
Terms
(Washington, DC: GPO, l989), 7O.
5 Col John A. Warden, USAF, The Air
Campaign. Planning for Combat
(Washington,
DC: National Defense University Press, l988), lOl-lO2.
6 Warden, lO5.
7 Col Charles J. Quilter II, USMCR, U S.
Marines in the Persian Gulf l99O-1991.
with
the I Marine Expeditionary Force in DESERT SHIELD and DESERT STORM
(Washington,
DC: GPO, l993), 97.
8 Dr. Barry D. Watts and others, Effects
and Effectiveness, vol. II, part II of Gulf
War
Air Power Survey (Washington, DC: GPO, l993), 235.
9 John J. Sbrega, "Southeast Asia," in
Case Studies in the Development of Close
Air
Support, ed. Benjamin Franklin Cooling (Washington, DC: GPO, l99O), 452.
10 Murray and others, 3lO.
11 Throughout this analysis, the term
architecture refers inclusively to the doctrine,
equipment,
software, personnel, training, and other components in the systems analysis
context.
l2
Here the emerging terminology
(shaping, decisive, and sustainment) used for
describing
battlefield areas has been introduced in conjunction with the traditional
(deep,
close,
and rear) terminology. Proponents of the single battle concept prefer the
former,
since
the terms shaping, decisive, and sustainment are functional in nature and
connote an
orientation
on enemy forces, rather than terrain.
13 James A. Winnefeld, Preston Niblack, and
Dana J. Johnson, A League of Airmen,
U.
S. Air Power in the Gulf War (Santa Monica, CA: Rand, l994), 267. It is
interesting
to
contrast the sortie rates of AV-8Bs based aboard amphibious shipping with that
of the
"average"
CVW. The USS Nassau, for example, carried 2O Harriers that had a sustained
sortie
rate of 4O sorties per day. 4th MEB, "DESERT SHIELD and DESERT STORM
Overview,"
briefing presented to the House Armed Services Committee Air War Study
Group,
NAS, Oceana, VA, l July l 99 l.
l4 Winnefeld, Niblack, and Johnson,
2G7. Here, the total number of carrier-days
equals
the number of carriers multiplied by the length of the air campaign in days.
15 Watts and others, 242.
l6 United States Department of Defense,
Conduct of the Persian Gulf War; Final
Report
to Congress Pursuant to Title the Persian Gulf Conflict Supplemental
Authorization
and Personnel Benefits Act of l99J (Public Law lO2-25), (Washington,
DC:
Department of Defense, April l992), 110.
17 An understanding of the concept of
commander's intent is crucial to the execution
of
successful maneuver warfare. As explained in FMIFM l-3, Tactics, "commander's
intent
describes the result [the commander] wants to get from the battle and his
general
concept
of how he will get it." It enables successful completion of the mission by
subordinate
elements despite changing circumstances and/or the absence of specific
orders.
18 LtCol Charles H. Cureton, USMCR, U.S.
Marines in the Persian Gulf,
199O-l99l,
With the 1st Marine Division in DESERT SHIELD and DESERT STORM,
(Washington,
DC: GPO, l993), 28.
l9 The Marine Corps made good use of the
time during DESERT SHIELD to study
the
tactics used by the Iraqis during their eight year war with Iran and had
accelerated the
printing
and distribution of FMFRP 3-2O3, Lessons Learned. The Iran-Iraq War, Vol. I.
20 Twelve Marine F/A-18D aircraft were
deployed to the theater and used in the
tactical
air coordinator (airborne) (TAC(A)) and forward air controller (airborne)
(FAC(A))
roles. Also known as FastFACs, they located and identified targets for other
CAS
and interdiction aircraft.
2l LtCol James L. Sachtleben, USMC,
"Artillery Raids in Southwestern Kuwait,"
Field
Artillery, October l99l, 25-29.
22 Sachtleben, 26.
23 Richard J. Blanchfield and others,
Weapons, Tactics, and Training, vol. IV, part I
of
Gulf War Air Power Survey (Washington, DC: GPO, l993), 236.
24 In this case the term direct support
(DS) is used in the artillery parlance meaning
one
unit is assigned to support another exclusively, e.g., one artillery battery DS
to one
infantry
battalion, as opposed to general support (GS), wherein a unit may support any
of
a
number of other units.
25 Keaney and Cohen, 20.
26 Watts and others, 234.
27 DOD, 5l0-5ll.
28 According to Keaney and Cohen, 52,
the theater was divided on the map into
squares
called kill boxes. These were thirty miles on each side and reflected an
already
existing
Saudi overlay system. The squares, which were further subdivided into four
fifteen-by-fifteen-mile
squares, became the operating areas for attack aircraft.
29 DOD, l35.
30 Blanchfield and others, 22O.
31 MCLLS NO. 4l55l-9l25O, After Action
Report-- The lst Marine Division in
Southwest
Asia, Marine Corps Research Center: WDID, Binder SWA OO73, l-33.
32 Task Force King was the name for the lst
Marine Divisions artillery regiment, the
11th
Marines. The name derived from the traditional moniker for artillery as the
king of
battle.
33 LtCol Dennis P. Mroczkowski, USMCR, U.S.
Marines in the Persian Gulf
1990-l99l,
With the 2d Marine Division in DESERT SHIELD and DESERT STORM,
(Washington,
DC: GPO, l993), 5l.
34 MCLLS NO. 4l55l-9l25O, l8-24.
35 Quilter, 93.
36 DOD, 244.
37 Quilter, 88-lOl
38 For a detailed discussion of
CAS/interdiction mission definitions and associated
ramifications,
see Blanchfield and others, 2l6-2l8.
39 Murray, 246.
40 Maj M.A. Roberts, Battle Assessment Team
Southwest Asia Aviation Study,
unpublished
Marine Corps Research Center Research Paper #92-OOO3. l5 June 199l.
4l Benis M. Frank and Henry I. Shaw, Jr.,
Victory and Occupation, vol. V of the
History
of U.S. Marine Corps Operations in World War II, (Washington, DC: GPO,
l989),
383.
42 Commanding Officer, Marine Air
Support Squadron-3, "DASC Communications
Connectivity,"
Operation DESERT SHIELD/STORM After Action Report, unpublished
MCLLS
input to Marine Air Control Group-38 and 3d Marine Air Wing. lO May l99l.
43 Maj Traphagen, USMC, "Management
Techniques Used by CTACC which
Hampered
Operations," after action item to Marine Liaison, CENTAF DESERT
SHIELD/STORM
AFTER ACTION REPORT, encl. 2, l8 Mar 9l, 43-44.
44 Capt William Wainwright, USMC, Air
Officer, lst LAI Battalion, brief to tactical
air
control party class, Landing Force Training Command Pacific, June l99l.
45 Roberts.
46 For a detailed description of the
ASE/ASLT concept, see FMFM 5-6O, Control of
Aircraft
and Missiles, 6-3.
47 LtCol Asadoorian, USMC, Fire Support
Coordination Center, 2D Marine
Division,
FSCC/ASE Integration, MCLLS No. 3l3ll-8583O (O5l98), 8 Mar 9l.
48 For a doctrinal explanation of the
DASC(A), see FMFM 5-6O, Control of Aircraft
and
Missiles, 6-2, 6-7.
49 CO, MASS-3, "Airborne DASC."
50 Maj Traphagen, USMC, "USMC
Acquisition of the ABCCC system," after action
item
to Marine Liaison, CENTAF DESERT SHIELD/STORM AFTER ACTION REPORT,
encl.2,
l8 Mar 9l, 45.
51 Quilter, 86.
52 Holley, 543.
53 MGen J.M. Myatt, USMC, "The First Marine
Division in the Attack," US. Naval
Institute
Proceedings, November l99l, 72.
54 Here, standard aircraft combat
survivability terminology applies. That is, aircraft
survivability
is a function of its two components: susceptibility and vulnerability.
Susceptibility
refers to the probability that an aircraft will be hit. Vulnerability refers to
the
probability that the aircraft will be "killed," given that it is hit.
55 Marine AV-8Bs during the war refueled
and rearmed at Tanajib, only five minutes
from
the Kuwait border. Blanchfield and others, 224.
56 Blanchfield and others, 2l6.
57 4thMEB.
58 Winnefeld, Niblack, and Johnson,
3l2.
59 Keaney and Cohen, l46.
60 Keaney and Cohen, l52.
6l Keaney and Cohen, l54.
62 DOD, l64.
63 LtGen Royal N. Moore, Jr., USMC, "Marine
Air: There When Needed," U.S.
Naval
Institute Proceedings, November l99l, 65.
64 Blanchfield and other, 2l8.
65 Keaney and Cohen, l55.
66 Quilter, 97.
67 Myatt, Proceedings, 72.
68 DOD, 589.
69 Maj C.W. Gittins, USMCR, JAG Manual
Investigation into the Deaths of
[Marines]
Sustained in an Engagement with Iraqi Forces on 29 January l99l in the
Vicinity
of the Saudi-Kuwaiti Border.
70 Col Thomas F. Reath, USMC, JAG Manual
Investigation into the Circumstances
Surrounding
the Death of [a Marine in the llth Marines].
71 LtCol Timothy J. Cunningham, USMC and
Maj Charles W. Gittens, USMCR,
JAG
Manual Investigation Into the Incident of Ol45, 2 February l99l in Which
[Two]
Marines
Were Injured and [One] Killed From 5th Battalion, llth Marines, lst Marine
Division,
as a Result of Fire Taken From Aircraft.
72 DOD, 59l.
73 Winnefeld, Niblack, and Johnson,
112-il 3.
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