SCHOOL YEAR CSC AY 1995 Political Aerodynamics: Technical Decisions in a Political World,
Why the Acquisition System Cannot be Reformed.
CSC 1995
SUBJECT AREA - Strategic Issues
Political Aerodynamics: Technical Decisions in a Political World,
Why the Acquisition System Cannot be Reformed.
by
Major Gary E. Slyman
Conference Group 10
l2 April l995
Executive Summary
Title: Political Aerodynamics: Technical Decisions in a Political World, Why the
Acquisition System Cannot Be Reformed.
Author: Major Gary E. Slyman, United States Marine Corps
Thesis: To accomplish acquisition reform requires major reformation in the
political process of the system.
Background: The purpose of the weapons acquisition system in the United States is the purchase of arms for the maintenance of national security. Very few have been pleased with acquisition system's results, making it the focus of numerous reform attempts. Implementation of the many reforms still have failed to achieve the desired goals.
This brief study attempts to answer why the reforms have failed. It does this by
looking at acquisition reform recommendations, from five studies, and their
implementation over the last decade. It also attempts to gain an explanation for the reform failures. The study draws the conclusion that for reform to work, it must alter the system's susceptibility to manipulation by special interests. Reform must include changing the role and relationship of Congress and the military in the acquisition process.
Without modifying this relationship, the acquisition system is incapable of
reformation. Incapable, because its structure today allows the system to do much more than buy weapons for national security. It is a social program that keeps businesses afloat, maintains local economies, provides subsidies to certain businesses, and keeps politicians in office. There are too many special interests served by the current system to gain a viable constituency for reform. Everyone wants reform until it negatively affects them. Until reform strikes at the heart of the problem, which is political intervention, and focuses
on national security for the long term, the country will continue to muddle through the weapons procurement process.
Recommendation: Reform into an integrated system, the Planning, Programming, and
Budgeting System, the requirement generation process, and the Life Cycle Management Process. These reforms must include more interaction between the military and Congress in the early phases of the procurement of weapons systems.
CONTENTS
EXECUTIVE SUMMARY i
INTRODUCTION 1
THE THREE DIMENSIONS OF ACQUISITION 2
HISTORIC ACQUISITION 3
Historic Examples 3
REFORM ATTEMPTS 5
Implementation of Reforms 8
Insights on Implementation of Reforms 14
CONCLUSIONS l5
Politics and Other Interests in Acquisition 17
RECOMMENDATIONS l9
APPENDIX A: THE STUDIES RECOMMENDATIONS 23
Packard Commission Study Recommendations 23
Defense Organization Study Recommendations 25
Senate Armed Services Committee Study 27
Defense Management Review 29
National Performance Review 3O
NOTES 32
BIBLIOGRAPHY 34
Political Aerodynamics: Making Technical Decisions in a Political World,
Why the Acquisition System Cannot be Reformed.
Introduction
He who dies with the most toys wins! To some it seems that this is the United
States weapons procurement policy. From the Civil War until now, few have been happy with the weapons procurement system. The military complains the system is incapable of keeping pace with technology. Taxpayers and Congressmen, cry the system is full of fraud, waste, and abuse, while accusing the military of "gold-plating" weapons. Contractors complain of low profits, lack of freedom in exploiting technology, and that they are victims of continually changing requirements. How is it possible that a system so mired in controversy has produced such high tech weaponry? Its products make the United States the sole remaining superpower. Yet, there is still the demand for major reforms in the system.
Numerous reform attempts have failed to accomplish the desired results. The truth is; to reform acquisition requires a transformation of the politics affecting the process. The United States adheres to civilian control of the military. Congress, by the Constitution, has the task of raising and maintaining the Nation's Armed Forces. Therefore, to achieve genuine reform, requires the reformation of all areas of the process, including Congress. The flaw of acquisition reform has been the failure to effectively reform the political process. We will explore and back up this conclusion with the
remainder of this study.
The Three Dimensions of Acquisition
Acquisition has three dimensions; technical, military, and political. The
technical dimension is the transformation of technology into weapons.
Militarily, the weapons are to ensure national security. The political
dimension is the use of tax dollars for their procurement.2
The technical and military dimensions are the areas the acquisition community should focus the majority of its effort. Their efforts should focus on research in technical areas to meet military requirements. The military dimension deals with the end product's use--security of the United States and its allies.
The last dimension is the political dimension. Thomas McNaugher, an analyst of the acquisition system, divides the political dimension into two parts, access and accountability. Access, ensures the public a fair opportunity to compete for acquisition dollars, while accountability ensures each tax dollar is properly spent. Access has created the unique defense sector economy, built on a foundation of monopolies, subsidies, lack of competition, and a market where the government is the customer and the regulator.
Accountability, has created the bureaucratic organization to regulate the system. Acquisition dollars are to enhance national security not to ensure jobs, or the economic health of a portion of the country. However, their expenditure has had this social consequence and its realization has influenced many decisions on defense spending.
Historic acquisition
Historically, the goals of acquisition have remained constant--efficient procurement of effective, easily supported weapons. The evolution of the weapons procurement system has produced the large, slow, overregulated bureaucratic process now in place. However, the unresponsiveness of the system, in times of crises, has always been temporarily repaired. If the reparations made during the crises have common characteristics, are they applicable today, or were they only applicable to the time frame that they were applied? We will examine several historic cases and draw the common characteristics from each.
Historic Examples
As far back as the Civil War there is documentation of weapons acquisition
problems. In Milletts' For the Common Defense, he talks of how the Union was
overwhelmed by the Army's rapid expansion. The government's inability to produce the required supplies forced it to turn to private industry for a solution. A lax administration, with few controls on procurement, had the result of massive profiteering and a logistical system full of corruption and shortages. The replacement of this system, with a centralized logistical effort was implemented by then Secretary of War Stanton. Once the system was in place, industry responded so successfully that the Union was able to discontinue foreign purchases, and surpluses became the rule. The results of Congressional investigations, into the fraud and profiteering, were laws to regulate
contracting. This was the birth of the bureaucracies in place today.3
The entry of the United States into World War I was marked by a shortage of men and material, requiring a rapid expansion of the country's industry and economy. Government acquisition was characterized by decentralized control with little strategic planning. Though armed with the technical knowledge to deal with wartime expansion, the government ignored it. The United States attempted to mobilize without regulating or expanding the economy. To meet the war demands, the War Department shifted its public bidding of contracts to contracts negotiated with sole-source suppliers on a cost-plus-fix-fee basis. However, it would not take the needed steps of: (l) suspending antitrust laws,
(2) providing strategic direction, or (3) setting of priorities for war industries, all which would have increased productivity. The government was forced to provide centralized control in several critical areas such as; food, fuel, railroads, and shipping. Those areas performed better than other sectors, but as a whole, the American economy did not respond well to it mobilization during World War I.4
For its entry into World War II, the United States' mobilization policy was to be one of minimal government regulation and intervention. The government issued cost-plus-fixed-profit contracts to reduce the risk assumed by industry. Additionally, the contracts included incentives for early delivery, provided tax write offs for plant expansions, and suspended antitrust legislation. This left the war mobilization in the hands of business, creating shortages in many areas. To finally solve the shortage problems, the administration formed a number of agencies to oversee and centrally control acquisition. The agencies made determinations on the allocation of scarce raw materials and set priorities for development in accordance with the Joint Chiefs of Staff and the President.5
The common characteristics to expedite weapons procurement and meet the
demands of wartime expansion were: (1) government centralizing control and setting priorities based on the military requirements, (2) lifting some restrictions on contracting, and (3) the government accepting some of the risks inherent to developing weapons. If these are the traits of success in a crisis, have the current reformers identified the same traits to always be part of the process? A further look into reform attempts will answer those questions.
Reform attempts
Since the formation of the Department of Defense in l949, eight government
commissioned studies have addressed government and acquisition reform.6 There have also been a number of privately funded examinations of the process. Few of the studies solely address acquisition, but integrate acquisition reform as a major component of overall military or government reform and reorganization. Congress' response has been the passing of legislation to enact study recommendations. Since l983, the following major procurement reform bills have been passed:
. Department of Defense Authorization Act
. Competition in Contracting Act
. Defense Procurement Reform Act of l9S4
. Small Business and Federal Procurement Competition Enhancement Act of
1984
. Defense Procurement Improvement Act of l985
. Goldwater-Nichols Department of Defense Reorganization Act
. Defense Acquisition Improvement Act of l986
. Defense Acquisition Workforce Improvement Act of l99l
· National Defense Authorization Acts, Fiscal Years l988 through 1994
. Federal Acquisition and Streamlining Act of l994
We will examine five studies. The first two of the reform studies undertaken in the l98O's are of particular interest, because of their scope and the prominence of the participants. One private study initiated in l983 called the Defense Organization Project, was sponsored by the Center for Strategic and International Studies of Georgetown University (CSLS).7 The most prominent government study began in l985, with the establishment of a Blue Ribbon Commission on Defense Management, commonly known as the Packard Commission. Both sought overall reform within the Department of Defense (DoD).
A third study was conducted in l985, by the Senate Armed Services Committee, and a fourth, in l989, to examine the implementation of the Packard Commission recommendations, called the Defense Management Review (DMR). The fifth is the current administration's study called, the National Performance Review (NPR).
The Packard Commission and the Defense Organization authors include former
Secretaries of Defense, Joint Chiefs, future Secretaries of Defense, industry leaders, and legislators.8 Each study was an examination of the military as a whole and addressed better ways of executing the department's duties. We will investigate only the portions affecting DoD acquisition.
The recommendations of the Packard Commission and the Senate Armed Services
Study were enacted into legislation by the l986 Goldwater-Nichols Act. Those items not requiring legislation were implemented by National Security Decision Directive 2l9.
Much of the DMR was enacted by policy decisions of the Secretary of Defense. The similarities among the five studies' recommendations and conclusions are astounding. Many recommendations are identical. A condensed list of all five of the studies recommendations affecting the Department of Defense acquisition is in Appendix A. The following matrix is a synopsis of the recommendations.
By summarizing the recommendations in broad terms several messages become clear: (l) streamline and simplify the acquisition process and the organization; (2) stabilize programs through multiyear procurements; (3) increase competition in the process, making maximum use of commercial products; and (4) develop a professional acquisition corps. In the budget area, the studies call for a biennial budget integrated with long range plans, using expected resources as the basis of both the plan and the budget.
A reexamination of the historic cases from the beginning of our study, provide the following solutions: (1) centralized control and setting of priorities, (2) lifting restrictions on contracting, and (3) letting the government share some of the risk in the development of weapons systems. The conclusions are close parallels to recommendations from the latest studies. Multi-year procurements, and integrated long range plans parallels centralized control and setting of priorities. Increased competition and greater use of commercial products directly conforms to lifting restrictions on contracting and loosely fits the government sharing the development risks. The characteristics required for success years ago still holds today. But, have those characteristics been successfully implemented with the reforms?
Implementation of Reforms
Identification of a problem is simple, implementing the change to correct it is very difficult. Many changes require congressional action, through legislation, to institute. The Reagan administration very aggressively sought implementation of the Packard reforms. So much so, that after receiving an interim report in February l986, the President enacted many of them through National Security Decision Directive 2l9. The remainder were implemented by the Goldwater-Nichols Act of l986.
The resulting implementation by the Department of Defense was far from the
expectations of the Commission. A Government Accounting Office study in l989 reports the military services did not achieve the Commission's objectives in (l) creating short unambiguous chains of command, (2) decentralizing program execution by increasing program managers authority, (3) reducing the reporting and reviewing layers, and (4) reducing the number of acquisition personnel. The primary impediments to their implementation were unique interpretations of the Commission's recommendations by each service and overall resistance to change.9
The implementation of the first Under Secretary of Defense for Acquisition did not provide the full authority of the acquisition system as intended, resulting in his resignation after less than a year.10 In fact, it took the issuing of the DoD 5OOO Series instructions, almost five years later, to fully implement the four-tiered reporting structure (Figure l) recommended by the Commission The Directives also attempted to standardize Acquisition policy and directives.
The establishment of this chain was the first step in streamlining, by centralizing control and decentralizing execution. The Undersecretary of Defense for Acquisition is known as the Defense Acquisition Executive. Each service now has an Acquisition Executive. Under each Service Acquisition Executive, are a number of Program Executive Officers (PEOs), whom manage Program Managers (PM). Program Managers can be responsible for one large program, or several smaller ones.
Reforms have left the Planning, Programming, and Budgeting System (PPBS)
intact as a very complex process. Although PPBS is considered one system, in reality it is three. They are connected at specific points by several documents with a different person responsible for each part. Planning, the responsibility of the Under Secretary of Defense for Policy includes: the planning process from the President's National Security Strategy, the National Military Strategy, to the generation of the Defense Planning Guidance (DPG), which provides broad fiscal guidance. Programming, the responsibility of the Assistant Secretary of Defense for Program Analysis and Evaluation, takes the DPG and develops a strategic plan for future years by generating the Program Objective
Memorandum (POM). A POM for each service documents every program and the
projected funding levels for five years.
Finally, budgeting, the responsibility of the DoD Comptroller, is the determination of dollars to individual line items. The budget cycle starting with the POM, is updated by the services with Budget Estimates Submissions (BES). The office of the Secretary of Defense holds hearings to review the submissions. Program Budget Decisions PBD), document the approval of the submissions for inclusion in the President's Budget. This is a brief, simplified explanation of the process that is graphically depicted in Figure 2. The
Department of Defense, in fiscal year l989, began using a two year budget submission cycle, however, Congress is still enacting an annual budget. The biennial budget in DoD saves the man years involved in producing the budget annually. In the off years, updates to the budget are submitted.
Requirements are generated to address deficiencies, through a document called a Mission Need Statement (MNS) (Figure 3). Once validated by the Joint requirements Oversight Council (JROC), the MNS serves as the governing document for an acquisition program to enter the Life Cycle Management Process, the title for the defense acquisition system. A program in the Life Cycle Management Process goes through five phases, meeting specific requirements at the conclusion of each phase. For the largest programs, the JROC validates the requirement at each phase. This process is event driven, where each system passes through phases ending in milestone decisions (Figure 3). Each phase
requires adequate funding to ensure the program is executable throughout development. The budget, however, is a calendar driven process. A program delay can cause the event driven program, to be out of synch with the calendar driven budget. This forces major budget revisions and program adjustments to ensure a program remains executable.
Insights on Implementation of Reforms
In light of the process just described, it appears many of the recommendations have been successfully implemented. The acquisition system now has a shortened chain of command, with a smaller overall organization. Programs are based on requirements from the users, validated by the JROC, with realistic estimates of the resources that will be available to execute the programs. Cost estimates by an independent group, ensure the validity of the data at major milestone reviews, and the Department of Defense submits a consolidated budget based on realistic inputs.
Reform and streamlining is occurring, although it is not at the desired pace or magnitude. Rules are being simplified, burdensome specifications are being repealed, and the acquisition force is being educated. Defense acquisition is making use of commercial technology to save money, time, and gain a technological advantage. In general, the system is moving towards a centrally controlled, decentrally executed system with fewer restrictions. All of these reforms are improving the system, but not to the extent required for desired. Insight into the real problems of acquisition comes from examining the reform
recommendations not implemented.
The recommendations that only meager or token efforts have been taken to
implement, fall in the categories of, increased competition or the budget. The institution of the biennial budget and the modification of the PPBS to a more integrated system are the most glaring deficiencies. The reason--they are the most politically sensitive. The budget and the system creating it is where the power of the acquisition system lies. By instituting a biennial budget, Congress is giving away its control of the military and its ability to influence specific special interests. Increasing competition requires modification of the defense industrial base to a more market based system. This requires dismantling
the "monopoly type" relationships in place today.
Conclusions
The obvious conclusions from this study are: (l) the problems with the acquisition system have been very well identified (many times over), (2) the implementation of reforms have failed to significantly change acquisition, and (3) it is a very difficult and slow process to implement reforms. Another, not so obvious, conclusion is that the recommendations implemented are treating the symptoms of the procurement problem. Though treatment of the symptoms is essential, treatment of the disease will make the symptoms disappear. The disease is, weapons procurement is a political process that is accomplishing considerably more than acquiring weapons. It has become a social program that has jobs, economies, special interests, and votes all tied to it.
That is why the implementation of significant reforms has not taken place on the Planning, Programming, and Budgeting System. It is not in the best interests of many to reform acquisition. However, it is in their interest to give the impression of reform. Consequently, military and technical decisions are driven by politics, not national security concerns. Reform will remain an impossible abstract until all the players are willing to accept their role in the process, and focus on national security.
Congress, in particular, has not accepted its responsibility in the process. The United States adheres to the principle of civilian control of the military. Congress is charged in the Constitution with raising and maintaining the Armed Forces with the President as Commander in Chief This arrangement strikes a balance of power within the government. The military is an extension of policy for the State, existing to aid in obtaining policy objectives. Presidential control of the military is spelled out in law. The control Congress exerts is through the execution of the annual budget. Acquisition dealings with the military require clear political objectives, to easily translate into military objectives. The political objectives in the current acquisition system are more than national security.
Politics and Other Interests in Acquisition
The many threats to the United States' vital interests has never been, nor is now easily quantifiable. In deterring a threat, we face the question of how a threat to our vital interests translates into a military capability? The money spent to develop that capability must then be justified. On the economic side, it is difficult to measure the return on the defense investment. There must be the justification of any money spent against the opportunity cost of domestic spending. In peacetime, this is a daunting task.
By examining acquisition's three dimensions, technical, military, and political, it is apparent the technical and military dimensions are relatively manageable. Militarily, threats to national security require definition and the development of requirements to counter them. The priority, severity, and volatility of the threats are open to political interpretations, which complicate the threat evaluation. Since threat evaluation is a subjective process with monetary implications, anyone who perceives an interest in the outcome imbeds themselves in the debate. However, once defined and accepted, the military requirements of how high, how fast, and how big then becomes a technical problem. The technical solution is the conversion of a requirement into a weapons system within the given constraints. The political dimension is the determination of the funding
level, the contracting to ensure fair access, and the accountability of the funding. This dimension is subject to continual tinkering to support competing interests.
In the current budget climate, one would think cuts in the defense budget would be welcome, particularly if the military determined the programs were no longer needed for national defense. However, Congressmen are stepping forward to defend more or continued spending, without regard for national security, if it is in their district. A recent Washington Post article highlights the politics of the acquisition system:
The show of parochialism suggested the extent to which national security
legislation serves as a form of public works funding at a time of decreasing federal largess in other areas. Although defense spending always has been a crucial source of funds to many communities and companies, it has become an even more common justification in a post Cold War world in which the strategic rationale for defense projects is often fuzzy.14
The Secretary of Defense has made the decision to terminate an Air Force aircraft improvement program because the work was duplicative with a capability currently in the Navy. Senator D'Amato from New York is fighting that cut, $27.8 million this year from a multiyear program totaling $l billion. Why--because the main contractors are in his state. This decision affects his state in the areas of large business, jobs, and possibly his votes. It does, however, reduce the defense budget, reduce duplication of capabilities, downsizes the Air Force, and is not required for national security.15
Senator Conrad from South Dakota is requesting that trailer procurement continue in his state in fiscal year '95, despite the Army reaching its inventory goal. Additionally, he wants to ensure the use $15 million dollars remaining from the trailer procurement to pay the same company on a minority set aside contract to build more trailers. Senator Bond from Missouri wants the continuation of an aircraft modernization program in his state, which the Army determined was not required.16
This is an accepted and encouraged process. Look at the interests served in the above examples. First, big business, which a congressman is fighting to keep large companies in his state viable: second the workers, by maintaining jobs and small minority businesses, through the establishment of special contracts: third, possibly the Air Force or Army who may have been directed to cancel the programs from the DoD level under duress: lastly, the Congressman, who in the eyes of their constituency, did what was required of them. The loser in every case is the United States taxpayers, they are not receiving a return on their national defense dollar. The focus of the system, because of the ability to intervene politically, is only on short term goals.
For real reform there must be a constituency, someone who wants it. Why would any of the participants in the above examples want the system reformed? The current system has allowed big businesses to act as monopolies, small and minority businesses to receive preferential treatment, special interests to intervene in the process, and the military to make it almost impossible to cancel a program. By enacting real reform, special interests will be impotent to short circuit the system. The current method of muddling through reforms protects all involved from being adversely affected.
Recommendations
There are four recommendations from this brief study:
. Continue with the reforms underway.
. Implement a review of the top down reforms from a bottom up perspective. This
is to ensure the accomplishment of the desired goals to the lowest level.
. Reform the PPBS, the requirement generation process, and Life Cycle Management
Process into a more integrated system. This must include Congressional
involvement at the initiation of a program.
. Increase competition where possible in the defense sector.
These reforms are worthy and must continue. The rewriting and simplification of the Defense Federal Acquisition Regulations, and the passage of the Federal Acquisition and Streamlining Act improves many contracting practices. This act modifies laws allowing the use of commercial equipment and commercial practices in defense acquisition. The continuation of the DAWIA program to build a professional acquisition corps is a necessity and making great progress. The simplification and deletion of many military specifications will relieve many man-hours of needless work. Though they do not solve the root cause of the acquisition problem, all the mentioned reforms are desperately needed.
It is recommended that an evaluation of the implementation of these top down reforms, be made from the lowest levels of the process. Eliminating military specifications is useless, if contract specialists must write new specifications with each contract. Simplified regulations at the DoD level are useless if each service, followed by each organization in the chain of command, imposes increasingly restrictive regulations on its users. To be effective, top level studies also need more involvement of workers from the lowest levels, not just policy makers from the top.
The Secretary of Defense has appointed a Deputy Under Secretary for Defense for Acquisition Reform to mange and focus the reform process. This type of commitment by the Secretary of Defense is a prerequisite for progress. This commitment needs to come from the Administration and Congress as well. Changes need vigorous implementation, as was seen with the Packard recommendations, execution was weak, with more form over substance. Initiating change in a bureaucratic organization is very difficult, requiring strong leadership from the top and persistence.
To solve the ultimate political problems requires radical changes in the execution of acquisition at the highest levels of government and the military. There needs to be the acceptance that weapons procurement is for national security only and that it is an expensive proposition. Congress must accept the fact that it is responsible for the procurement process and DoD is executing that process. The military must accept the fact that Congress is in charge of acquisition. The golden rule applies here--he who has the money rules, and Congress has the money. In the procurement process the only area where Congress and DoD formally interact is in the execution of the budget. Although,
there is also the argument, considerable interaction occurs when Congress does not approve of a program's progress. As it stands today, DoD spends an inordinate amount of time on Capitol Hill justifying programs.
The specific recommendation is to reform, into an integrated system, the PPBS, requirement generation, and the Life Cycle Management Process. The system in place allows too much finger pointing and rejection of responsibility for the problems. Congress has the role of oversight once the majority of the decisions are made. The reformation must allow for detailed Congressional involvement at the initiation of the procurement and budget development process. This will make Congress and DoD both responsible and accountable to each other and to the country for weapons acquisition. As it is today, Congress is responsible and holds DoD accountable. Early involvement in the decision-making process precludes intrusive involvement later. This is a major cultural change for
the military--to include politicians in the process from the beginning, as well as an acceptance of who is responsible for the military.
The final recommendation is to increase competition in weapons programs to
create more of a market economy. The defense and commercial markets are very
different. In many areas, it is impossible to create market conditions. However, there are areas capable of operating in a market environment, such as the electronics and software industries. In those areas, competition needs to be carried out as long as possible to take advantage of benefits created by competition: better technology, efficient production, and low overhead. Extending competition will require more spending in the research and
development phases to reap the benefits in production. The defense industry is a "pay me now, or pay me later business." The United States has paid millions of dollars to modify and improve systems pushed into production prematurely. Spending the money in the research and development phases to get it right would have saved that money. Weapons procurement is an expensive business.
The desired end state for weapons acquisition, is a market-based, competitive, defense industry that responds to the military's. The integration of the Life Cycle Management Process and a budget process must take place, with multiyear procurements for stable programs as the standard. Getting there from here is a difficult process, but the United States can ill afford to maintain the status quo. The military must take the lead, forcing Congress and the Executive Branch to mold the current systems into a workable integrated process.
Appendix A: The Studies Recommendations
Packard Commission Study Recommendations
The Packard Commission focused on what the common characteristics were of
successful businesses and projects and came up with the following six: (l) clear and short command channels, (2) stability, (3) limited reporting requirements, (4)small professional staffs, (5) communications with users, and (6) the ability to prototype and test.17 The following paragraphs summarize the recommendations of the Commission.
a. On organization and procedures, to establish an Under Secretary of Defense for Acquisition and a Service Acquisition Executive for each service. To have each Service Acquisition Executive to appoint Program Executive Officers to manage a number of programs. Lastly to recodify federal procurement laws into a simple single statue and reduce the number of acquisition personnel.18
b. On the use of technology to reduce cost, high priority use of prototypes to demonstrate technology and improve cost estimates. The use of prototypes for early operational testing and informal competition in the research and development phase. The competition is to emphasize ideas and technology rather then cost. Further use of the Defense Advanced Research Projects Agency (DARPA) to prototype and examine technology on high-risk, high payoff technology.19
c. In balancing cost and performance the recommendations were to restructure a Joint Requirements and Management Board (JMRB), chaired by the Under Secretary of Defense (Acquisition) and the Vice Chairmen of the Joint Chiefs of Staff. The board will oversee all joint and major Service programs as well as defining weapons requirements for development.20
d. To stabilize programs, the institutionalization of baselining and expansion of multiyear procurements for high-priority systems. The baseline is an agreement between the Program Manager, the Program Executive Officer and the Defense Acquisition Executive on the program cost, schedule, and performance. Multiyear procurement is to request Congress to fund for more than one year of production21
e. Expansion of the use of commercially developed products. To reduce cost and take advantage of the commercial economies of scale by using "commercial off the shelf" (COTS) products. The Department of Defense should develop custom items only when commercial products will not meet the military requirements.22
f. Modify the Federal law to allow for the increase use of commercial style competition.
g. Clarify the need for technical data rights. This allows the government to acquire the required data rights to develop and maintain systems while still protecting the private sector's proprietary rights. Companies retaining propriety rights encourages innovation as private investment that will benefit the government.
h. Enhance and improve the quality of acquisition personnel. To establish an education criteria and personnel management system to serve as the basis for
professionalism in the acquisition career path.23
i. Improve the capability for industrial mobilization. The President through the National Security Council establish an industrial responsiveness policy to support national emergencies.24
In the area of budgeting the Packard Commission had several recommendations
that were tied to overall defense and national security strategic planning, Remembering the study was addressing the defense establishment as an interrelated whole. In summary the Commission recommended the establishment of a process for defense planning. It would start with the statement of national security objectives and priorities from the executive branch. Considering these objectives, the President would issue a provisional five year budget. In response the Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff would prepare a
broad military options to meet the national objectives. The options would address trade offs based on operational concepts and the established budget levels. The president would select one of the options presented and the associated budget level, The Department of Defense would then develop a five year defense plan and two year budget conforming to the President's selection.25
The specific budget recommendation is:
The institution of a biennial budget process with a five year defense plan that it is based on. The Congress should authorize and appropriate for two years. The second year is for review of program execution where required.
Defense Organization Study Recommendations
The Defense Organization Study examined the Department of Defense as whole
just as the Packard Commission did. The study group made the assumption that for
reform to be effective, it must touch all elements of the defense establishment.
Understanding that in order to implement reforms they require broad based support, the authors moderated their recommendations accordingly.26
In the area of acquisition the study identified three problem areas, inadequate planning and selection process, instability in programs and budgets, and the lack of market incentives throughout the acquisition process.27
The recommendations:
a. To develop a long range capital investment plan for the Department of
Defense. The plan will be integrated and address allocation of resources in broad mission categories. The plan would be updated annually. It will serve as a guide to link long range acquisition plans to strategic objectives.
b. To review the budget request on a biennial basis. Internal to the services establish a contract to set cost, schedule, and performance baselines. Allowing the baseline to include reserves for uncertainties.
c. To establish market incentives, promote competition between contractors
throughout the life of the program. Allow contractors to increase profit margins when costs fall. Encourage services to reinvest cost savings in increased quantities or improved performance of the weapon system.
d. Enhance career opportunities and training for acquisition managers.
e. Establish unit cost as a primary criterion in the initial design of a weapon.28
In the planning, programming, and budgeting arena the recommendations were:29
a. Expand the responsibilities of the Under Secretary of Defense for Policy to ensure program and resource decisions reflect mission-oriented planning.
b. The Chairman and his Joint Staff should be charged with preparing force
recommendations constrained by realistic budget estimates.
c. Merging the programming and budgeting process that retains program and
mission orientation while establishing relevant budget inputs.
d. Implement a fourth step, evaluation into the process to link objectives to actual performance.
Senate Armed Services Committee Study
This particular study was undertaken to address the overall organization and decision making process of the Department of Defense. Four problem areas were identified. The first was insufficient connection between national military strategy and the formulation of military requirements. Second, the lack of commonality of military systems and subsystems between services. Third, the weak management and general resistance to joint programs. The last was lack of effective coordination between services on acquisition policies and practices.30
The specific recommendations by problem area were:
a. Enhance the role of the role of Joint Staff in the formulation and assessment of requirements
b. Create a formal structure to promote communications between services to
enhance opportunities for common utilization. Or, provide the Under Secretary of
Defense for Research and Engineering with a staff to act as an advocate for utilization of common equipment.
c. Urge the Secretary of Defense to use existing budget authority to ensure
financial commitments to joint programs.
d. Urge the Secretary of Defense to use existing authority to require where
appropriate common acquisition policies and practices by the Services.
In the budget area the study identified seven shortfalls. They are ineffective strategic planning, an insufficient relationship between strategic and fiscal constraints, absence of realistic fiscal guidance, deemphasis on the output side of defense planning, the inability of the Joint Staff to make meaningful programmatic inputs, insufficient attention to execution, and PPBS is too long, complex and unstable. The following are the recommendations. The below recommendations address all the areas of deficiency.31
a. Diminish the focus on resource decisions and strengthen the focus on mission orientation to include establishing an interactive strategic planning process
b. Require that the Joint Strategic Planning Document reflect fiscal constraints.
c. Expand the IPPBS to include for execution and oversight.
d. Reissue strategic planning documents less frequently and merge the
programming and budgeting phase of PPBS.
Defense Management Review
The Defense Management Review (DMR) is the Secretary of Defense's plan to
fully implement the Packard Commission recommendations, improve the defense
acquisition system, and improve the management of DoD resources. The results of the DMR were recommendations and direction to implement the changes. The results from the DMR are:
a. Direction to the Service Secretaries to implement clear command channels. Assignment of a Service Acquisition Executive, Program Executive Officers (PEO's), Program Managers (PM's), and reorganization of Systems and Materiel Commands.
b. To improve stability in programs the recommendation to change the law
regarding the 10% saving threshold for multiyear procurements. Additionally maintain Program Managers in positions for four years or completion of a milestone phase.
c. To reduce reporting requirements, the Secretary of Defense chartered a team to review all regulatory guidance of the in the acquisition process.
d. Develop a plan for the establishment of a dedicated corps of officers in each Service as full-time career acquisition specialists. For civilians the recommendation for legislation to establish an alternative pay system for acquisition employees.
e. Elimination of acquisition management layers by at least l5 percent. The
consolidation of all DoD contract administration services under the new Defense Contract Management Agency (DCMA)
f. To improve communications with users, the Secretary of Defense will with the Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff (CJCS) review all program deficiencies with the possibility of necessitating a new program. Additionally, the Joint Requirements Oversight Council will maintain a continuous role in validating of performance goals program baselines.
g. To improve the system development process the Defense Acquisition Board
(DAB) review process will be restructured, ensuring more exacting requirements are met as program progresses. The Under Secretary of Defense, Acquisition will have a broad mandate to encourage more competition, technically driven prototyping, and use of commercial technologies.
h. Recommended legislation to improve commercial-style buying practices, to
take advantage of cost savings.
i. Recommended the implementation of laws to implement a contractor review
process.
j. Recommended legislation to allow for expanded education opportunities
for acquisition personnel.
National Performance Review
The National Performance Review (NPR) is the Clinton Administration's attempt at government reform, Its goal to reinvent government. This effort is refers not only to DoD but the entire federal government. The recommendations of the NPR regarding the DoD acquisition process follow:
a. Simplify the procurement process by rewriting federal regulations--shifting from rigid rules to guiding principles
b. Increase the authority of federal agencies for the purchase of information technology, including hardware, software, and services
c. Simplify the procurement process by allowing agencies to buy where they want, and testing a fully 'electronic marketplace.
d. Allow agencies to make purchases under $100,000 through simplified purchase procedures
e. Rely more on the commercial marketplace.
f. Bring federal procurement laws up to date.
g. Reframe acquisition policy.
h. Authorize multi-year contracts.
i. Improve Workforce
In the budget area the report had the following recommendations:
a. Institute biennial budgets and appropriations
b. Allow agencies to roll over 5O percent of what they do not
spend on internal operations during a fiscal year
c. The President should begin the budget process with an executive budget
resolution, setting broad policy priorities and allocating funds by function for each agency.
Notes
1 The idea for the title is taken from Major Dan Lyons, IJSMCR, Cherry Point, North Carolina.
2 Thomas L. McNaugher, New Weapons Old Politics: America's Military
Procurement Muddle (Washington D.C.: The Brookings Institute l 989), 10.-il
3 Allan R Millet,., Peter Maslowski, , For the Common Defense: A Military History of the United States of America (New York, The Free Press, l9B4), 2l4-2l8
4 Millet, 333-337
5 Millet, 4O8-4l4
6 The Commissions are: The Hoover Commission (l949), The Hoover Commission
l955), The Fitzhugh Commission (l969), the Commission on Government
Procurement (l972), The Carlucci Initiatives (l98l), The Grace Commission (l982), The Packard Commission (l986), The Defense Management Report (l989).
7 Barry M. Blechman II and William J. Lynn, Toward a More Effective Defense: Report of the Defense Organization Project, (Cambridge Massachusetts: Ballanger Publishing), xi
8 The Packard Commission was made up of David Packard, Robert Barrow,
Nicholas Brady, Louis Cabot, Frank Carlucci, William Clark, Barber Conable, Jr., Paul Groman, Carla Jills, James Hollaway, III, William Perry, Charles Pilliod, Jr., Brent Scowcroft, Herbert Stein, and R. James Woolsey.
The Defense Organization Study Steering Committee consisted of: Philip A. Odeen,
Andrew J. Goodpastor, Melvin R. Laird, Les Aspin, Norman R. Augustine, Barry M,
Blechman, William K, Brehm, William S, Cohen, Edwin A. Deagle, Robert F. Ellsworth, Jacques S. Gansler, Newt Gingrich, Samuel P. Huntington, David C. Jones, Nancy L. Kassebaum, Edward C. Meyer, Sam Nunn, William J. Perry, Donald B. Rice, Alice M. Rivlin, Thomas B. Ross, William Y. Smith, Samuel S. Stratton, Harry S. Train, Togo D. West, Jr., John P. White, R. James Woolsey, and William J. Lynn.
9 Government Accounting Office, Acquisition Reform: A Report on the
Implementation of the Packard Commission Recommendations, (Washington D.C., l
November l989 National Security Affairs Division, GAO/NSIAD-9O-2l,3-4.
10 Government Accounting Office, Acquisition Reform: A Report on the
Implementation of the Packard Commission Recommendations, (Washington D.C., l
November l989), National Security Affairs Division, GAOINSIAD-9O-2l,3-4.
11 Introduction to Defense Acquisition Management 2nd Edition, (Fort Belvoir Va: Defense Systems Management College Press, l 993), l 2
12 Introduction to Defense Acquisition Management 2nd Edition, (Fort Belvoir Va: Defense Systems Management College Press, l 993), 22.
13 Introduction to Defense Acquisition Management 2nd Edition, (Fort Belvoir Va: Defense Systems Management College Press, l993) 26
l4 Walter Pincus and Dan Morgan, "Pork Barrel Hitches Ride on Pentagon Train"
Washington Post, 23 March l995, Sec A8.
15 Walter Pincus and Dan Morgan, Sec A8
16 Walter Pincus and Dan Morgan, Sec A8
17 Blue Ribbon Commission on Defense Management, A Quest for Excellence, Final Report to the President, June l986, 5O-5 l
18 Blue Ribbon Commission 52-55
l9 Blue Ribbon Commission 55-57
2O Blue Ribbon Commission 57
21 Blue Ribbon Commission 59-6O
22 Blue Ribbon Commission 6O-6l
23 Blue Ribbon Commission 66
24 Blue Ribbon Commission 7O
25 Blue Ribbon Commission xix
26 Barry M Blechman. H, and William J. Lynn, Toward a More Effective Defense:
Report of the Defense Organization Project, (Cambridge Massachusetts, Ballanger
Publishing Co l98S), x-xi
27 Barry M. Blechman II and William J. Lynn, 3 l
28 Barry M. Blechman LI and William I. Lynn, 37
29 Barry M. Blecbman H and William J. Lynn, 37
30 U.S. Congress, Senate, Staff Report to the Committee on Armed Services United States Senate, Defense Organization: The Need for Change, October l6, l9S5, 99th Cong., 1st sess., S. Prt. 99-S6, Committee Print, 55l-552
3l U.S. Congress, Senate, Staff Report to the Committee on Armed Services United States Senate, Defense Organization: The Need for Change, October l6, l98S, 99th Cong., 1st sess., S. Prt. 99-86, Committee Print, 52G-529
32 National Performance Review: From Red Tape to Results I-S-S
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