Waging Peace: The Non-Lethal Application Of Aerospace Power
CSC 1995
SUBJECT AREA - Topical Issues
Executive Summary
Title: Waging Peace: The Non-Lethal Application of Aerospace Power
Author: Major Gregory P. Cook, USAF
Problem or Research Question:
In what ways can the non-lethal application of aerospace power further US
national strategy?
Discussion:
1. Clausewitz's basic definition of war is that it is "an act of force to compel our
enemy to do our will." He also says that "kind-hearted people might of course
think there was some ingenious way to disarm or defeat an enemy without too
much bloodshed, and might imagine this is the true goal of the art of war." Yet
Sun Tzu argues that "those skilled in war subdue the enemy's army without
battle." What is the relevance of these arguments as they relate to current US
national strategy objectives?
2. Many aerospace capabilities are non-lethal in nature, and perform
supporting roles in the prosecution of violent warfare. In Operations Other
Than War, however, many of the supporting activities become front-line
weapons in the waging of non-violent military operations. History point to
examples where the non-lethal use of airpower contributed to the resolution of a
conflict without violent confrontation.
Conclusion: The non-lethal use of aerospace power can be decisive in the
resolution of conflicts short of war.
INTRODUCTION
Kind-hearted people might of course think there was
some ingenious way to disarm or defeat an enemy without
too much bloodshed, and might imagine this is the true
goal of the art of war.
Carl von Clausewitz1
Those skilled in war subdue the enemy's army without
battle.
Sun Tzu2
We are nearing the end of the 20th century, a time in which the
destructiveness and violence of war has resulted in the deaths of millions of
people and, at times, widespread devastation across significant portions of
the globe. The cost in human tragedy and economic waste has been
enormous, and few nations have escaped the impact of war. During this
period, the role of technology and science in warfare has been particularly
profound, and has pushed the theoretical limits of war to its absolute
extreme -- the potential to destroy life on the planet in a nuclear maelstrom.
Man stood on the brink of absolute, total war for nearly forty years and even
now is only slowly stepping back from the edge.
The conduct of warfare throughout history has reflected not only the
state of technology available at the time but the character of existing
civilizations as well. Changes or transformations in either or both inevitably
led to an a further evolution, or perhaps a revolution, in the nature and
conduct of war. Military doctrine, as a result, came to represent a fusing of
societal beliefs with the military technology of the period.
Some historians trace the evolution of war and military doctrine in
this century to the rise of industrialism in the 19th century and the writings
of the Prussian military theorist, Carl von Clausewitz. His classic military
strategy work, On War, influenced the formulation of virtually every major
military power's military doctrine during the early 1900s.3 Its emphasis on
war as a violent act with no logical limits gave rise to the idea of total war,
and the technological and social developments of the industrial age made the
waging of total war possible. The application of his theories could very well
have contributed to the devastation and violence the world experienced
during the all-out wars of the 20th century. B.H. Liddell Hart, one of this
century's leading military minds, blames shallow interpretations of
Clausewitz's writings as a major contributor to the destructiveness of World
Wars I and II.4 For Clausewitz also discussed in On War "another way" of
success that did not entail the defeat of the enemy's forces: "operations that
have direct political repercussions" that "can form a much shorter route to the
goal than the destruction of the opposing armies."5 Morever, "the political
object -- the original motive for the war -- will thus determine both the
military objective to be reached and the mount of effort it requires."6
In recent years, another military theorist's views have been
rediscovered, those of the ancient Chinese philosopher Sun Tzu. His work,
The Arc of War, contrasts greatly with Clausewitz's views of war, and stresses
moderation, skill, and strategy over the application of violence to its logical
extremes. As Samuel B. Griffith states in the preface to his translation of
Sun Tzu's work:
He (Sun Tzu) considered the moral, intellectual, and
circumstantial elements of war to be more important than
the physical, and cautioned kings and commanders not to
place reliance on sheer military power. He did not
conceive war in terms of slaughter and destruction; to
take all intact, or as nearly intact as possible, was the
proper objective of strategy.7
Sun Tzu believed in attacking the mind of the enemy, overcoming him
by isolating and demoralizing him through the use of deception, subversion,
and political activities. Only when these measures failed to sway the enemy
did he advocate the use of armed force. Even then, he believed force should
be applied judiciously in order to gain victory in the shortest time possible, at
the lowest cost in lives and effort, and with as few casualties inflicted on the
enemy as possible.8 Sun Tzu clearly believed in the utility of limiting war,
and his moderation stands in stark contrast to Clausewitz's ideals of
escalating violence and conflict.
As we near the 21st century, technological and social developments
continue to influence our views on the conduct and nature of war. Many
argue that certain technological advancements are dramatically
transforming advanced industrial societies like the United States, and that
they portend a corresponding "Revolution in Military Affairs." The impact of
emerging technologies, especially in information and aerospace capabilities,
has the potential to fundamentally alter the character and conduct of
military operations. US national defense policy embraces this concept, and
emerging military doctrine is beginning to develop new strategies to apply
these technologies to improve the effectiveness of military operations.
One concept under study and development is the idea of non-lethal
warfare. In the post-Cold War era, the United States' Armed Forces find
themselves involved in a growing number of "Operations Other Than War"
and other missions where they must act in a highly constrained environment
that may not require the destructive, violent application of military force. In
military operations that fall below the threshold of war, such as
peacekeeping, peace enforcement, humanitarian relief, and nation building,
US forces may be called upon to employ non-lethal capabilities to overwhelm
or defeat an adversary who may themselves be using lethal force. In many of
these cases, international and public support is dependent upon our ability to
minimize the destruction of life and property while achieving our objectives.
Armed and organized primarily to inflict wholesale violence and destruction
on our enemies a la Clausewitz, however, the US military establishment is
groping for ways to maintain its lethal combat power yet still be able to
conduct these military operations that are ostensibly non-lethal and non-
destructive in nature. To put this in a different perspective, the U.S. military
must be prepared to wage peace as well as war. As outlined in the 1995
National Military Strategy of the United States:
The challenge of the new strategic era is to selectively
use the vast and unique capabilities of the Armed Forces
to advance national interests in peacetime while
maintaining readiness to fight and win when called upon.
... The three components of this strategy are peacetime
engagement, deterrence and conflict prevention,
and fighting and winning our Nation's wars.9
As never before, the U.S. military is being used as an instrument of
national policy across the spectrum of peace and conflict, lending credence to
Clausewitz's famous dictum that "war is not merely an act of policy but a
true political instrument, a continuation of political intercourse, carried on
with other means."10 If we agree with Clausewitz that war is an extension of
politics and policy, then it also follows that anything the military does short
of war also falls in the realm of politics. Therefore, by extension, everything
the military does is political by nature. War, preparations for war,
Operations Other Than War, humanitarian operations - all have political
implications at home and abroad. Moreover, in this new era of increased
military action, many mission objectives are political rather than military in
nature, such as restoring democracy, preventing human rights abuses, or
dealing with refugees.
Americans tend to believe that war and peace are distinctly different
spheres - that there are dear lines between peace and war - and that politics
and diplomacy are the tools of peace and the military an instrument of war.11
Thus the concept of military operations other than war can be confusing to
our citizens and soldiers alike. When American servicemen are engaged in
military operations over the skies of Bosnia and Iraq, or are being killed in
the streets of Mogadishu, the line between peace and war becomes extremely
vague. If recent trends hold true, American forces will continue to operate in
this gray area between relative peace and conventional war more often than
not in the coming years. Does the US military have effective tools to deal
with the wide range of possible scenarios that fall short of conventional
armed conflict?
Much of current US force structure and military doctrine still focuses
on the lethal application of military power through violent, destructive force.
Yet the US arsenal contains a vast amount of non-lethal capabilities that can
also be effectively applied across the spectrum of conflict to achieve our
national policy goals. The purpose of this paper is to illuminate some of
those capabilities, especially those in the realm of aerospace power, and to
develop a conceptual and doctrinal framework for the non-lethal application
of military power across the conflict spectrum.
To do this, we must first understand the underlying precepts of the
ongoing Revolution in Military Affairs, and its implications for the future.
Concepts of non-lethality must also be defined and clarified in order to
increase and enhance our understanding of the potential and limitations of
non-lethal warfare. We will then explore the historical effectiveness of non-
lethal aerospace power in achieving national policy objectives.
Non-lethality is not a panacea, and there are many scenarios that will
still require the application of lethal and destructive military force in order to
achieve our objectives. Yet non-lethal and non-destructive capabilities can
provide our policy makers and military leaders with an expanded set of tools
and greater policy options for the use of military force in any scenario.
CHAPTER ONE
TOWARDS NON-LETHALITY:
REVOLUTIONS IN MILITARY AFFAIRS
Victory smiles upon those who anticipate the changes in the character of war,
not upon those who wait to adapt themselves after the changes occur.
Airpower Theorist Giulio Douhet12
"There is nothing more difficult to carry out, nor more doubtful of success, nor
more dangerous to handle, than to initiate a new order of things. For the
reformer has enemies in all those who profit by the old order, and only
lukewarm defenders in all those who would profit by the new order.
Niccolo Machiavelli, 1513 A.D.13
The history of warfare has been characterized by the ever-increasing
capability to wreak violence and destruction, with successive advances in
technology continually driving increases in the range, speed and lethality of
weapons and armies. The bow and arrow, the mounted cavalryman, the
cannon, the tank, and the airplane -- each altered warfare in its time, and
contributed to the evolution of the art and science of war. Improvements in
supporting capabilities like logistics, intelligence, and communication also
served primarily to multiply or enhance the destructive effectiveness of war.
As a result, success in battle many times went to the side that was most able
to capitalize on the edge that new tactics, weaponry, or capabilities gave
them over their enemy. Those who could go further, faster, and hit their
enemy with greater firepower usually won.14
Revolutions in Military Affairs
Occasionally, however,the nature of warfare undergoes a fundamental
shift in its character -- not just an evolutionary change, but a revolutionary
one that radically transforms the nature and conduct of war. While many
developments might cause this shift, some contend that revolutions in
warfare reflect both the impact of evolving technology and the changing
values and structures of societies. Thus when societies or civilizations
transform themselves into something wholly new, their methods of warfare
change accordingly. This shift is commonly referred to as a "revolution in
military affairs," or RMA, which occurs "when the incorporation of new
technologies into military systems combines with innovative operational
concepts and organizational adaptations to fundamentally alter the character
and conduct of military operations."15
Noted futurists Alvin and Heidi Toffler have identified three such
revolutionary changes throughout the history of warfare, and claim each was
precipitated by technological progress and a corresponding transformation in
the conduct of human affairs.16
Food Wars
The Agricultural Revolution spawned early forms of war, they say, by
enabling primitive societies to produce food beyond their daily survival
needs, which led to the formation of permanent settlements and early social
and political structures. As societies and states became more organized, food
surpluses became both a means to sustain armies and a resource worth
fighting for. In general, warfare during this period revolved around
agriculture, with conflicts fought according to the planting and harvesting
seasons. Hand-to-hand fighting prevailed, with weapons that evolved from
farm and hunting implements, the dominant technology of the period.17
During the "Age of Tools," as historian Martin van Creveld refers to this
period, the technology of war derived its power from the muscles of men and
beasts of labor.18
Machine Wars
Beginning sometime around the 16th or 17th century, technological
changes ushered in a second transformation of societies and warfare, giving
rise to the "Industrial Age" and the modern nation-state system. The rise of
machines and the innovation of interchangeable parts made mass production
possible, which spawned social systems that "linked mass production, mass
education, mass communication, mass consumption, (and) mass
entertainment with increasingly, weapons of mass destruction."19 Vast
improvements in manufacturing and transportation made it economically
possible to feed, equip, and transport huge quantities of soldiers. Political
transformations created the conditions for national conscriptions and ever
larger armies, and professional military staffs were created to "manage" the
affairs of war.20 As war became even more technological, especially in the
20th century, machine warfare became prevalent on the battlefield. With
men at the helm, the capabilities and use of machines began to determine
ultimate success in battle, with air, naval, and mechanized land warfare all
dominated by machines fighting for control of that particular medium.21
The Impact of Air and Space Technology
In particular, the evolution of air and apace -- or aerospace --
technology over the last 50 years profoundly altered the prosecution of war
and, many believe, laid the foundation for a third revolution in military
affairs.22 No longer constrained by the physical features of land and sea,
warfare in the third dimension brought with it substantial increases in the
range, speed, and maneuverability of platforms and weapons. This increased
mobility gave aircraft certain advantages over surface forces in terms of
overall responsiveness, flexibility and versatility in the application of
overwheming destructive force. Any point on the globe can now be affected
by aerospace power within hours or minutes with little or no warning, and it
allows military power to be brought to bear against any aspect of an
adversary's power, be it political, military, economic, or social. Employed at
the strategic, operational, and tactical levels of war, either simultaneously or
separately, air and space power has become integral to military operations on
land or sea as well..28 This is especially true for the US military when you
consider the aircraft carrier's central role in Navy operations, and airpower's
impact on the Army's AirLand Battle doctrine and the Marine Air/Ground
Task Force concept.
The Synergy of Aerospace and Information Power
The role of space power in military and civilian applications is
exploding, especially in the gathering, processing, and dissemination of
information. As we move further into the "Information Age," we discover
that there is a symbionic and synergistic relationship between aerospace and
information power. By spurring the development of satellite, information
processing, and communications technology, aerospace power enabled the
explosion of information technology around the world. In turn, aerospace
power capitalized on the Information Revolution to improve the efficiency
and effectiveness of its own capabilities. The result, as demonstrated in the
Gulf War, was unprecedented precision in striking capability. The synergy of
these technogies and capabilities, many believe, have precipitated a third
and ongoing revolution in military affairs.24
Information Wars
Few today disagree that we are entering the Information Age, with its
accompanying explosion of knowledge and information technologies. If
predictions hold true, incredible amounts of information will be available to
anyone who has the right equipment to receive, process, and use it. From
live Cable News Network coverage of the Gulf War to the explosive growth of
the Internet and the emergence of the "Global Village," we see evidence of
radical social transformation around us caused by information technologies.
Accordingly, the nature and conduct of war cannot help but also be affected
by this ongoing revolution. Indeed, it has already happened, for one of the
promises of the RMA is that emerging technologies will allow us to fight a
more humane war that minimizes violence and destruction on the battlefield.
American Values, Morality, and the Conduct of War
The U.S. military and its conduct of war tend to reflect the values of
our society. As stated in the Army's basic field manual, "the people expect
the military to accomplish its missions in compliance with national values...
In the end, the people will pass judgment on the appropriateness of the
conduct and use of military operations.25 Political scientist Sam Sarkesian
also asserts that in a democracy, all "instruments of policy, domestic and
foreign, must operate in accordance with basic rules of law, principles of
democracy, and the proper notions of morality and ethics."26 Thus the
American way of war gave rise to the belief that the military would act
according to accepted rules of conduct, and were expected to behave
honorably, even in times of war. American forces were seen as being on a
higher moral plane than the enemy -- that they were fighting the "forces of
evil." "Morally and ethically, such perceptions and beliefs justified conflict;
U.S. involvement was viewed as just and necessary."27 When the public
perceived that we had lost the moral high ground in a conflict, such as in
Vietnam, their support waned and our national policy and strategy changed
accordingly.
Sun Tzu believed that the moral and intellectual dimensions of war
were decisive, and made the distinction between fighting a righteous and
unrighteous war. This "moral influence" was what caused the people to be in
harmony with their leaders, and contributed to their willingness to fight for
the state.28 His thoughts parallel contemporary notions of just war. As
Michael Walzer states, "No political leader can send soldiers into battle,
asking them to risk their lives and to kill other people, without assuring
them that their cause is just-- and that of their enemies unjust."29 Just wars
are by their nature limited, with their conduct guided by rules designed to
minimize violence against non-combatant, thus protecting their basic human
rights of life and liberty. When they combatants choose to fight however,
they give up these rights.30
Today, US policy makers and military leaders are searching for ways
to maintain the moral high ground -- and public support -- as they commit
American forces to military operations around the world to achieve national
policy objectives. In an age where every use of US military force is intensely
scrutinized by the media, the American public, and the international
community, military operations are severely constrained. In order to gain
and hold the moral high ground, rules of engagement for US forces now
stress minimizing the number of casualties, both American and that of our
adversaries, and limiting the amount of destruction caused by US military
operations.
During the air campaign in Operation DESERT STORM, for example,
coalition planners followed stringent procedures to select and attack targets
to minimize Iraqi civilian casualties. Precision-guided munitions were used
in built-up or populated areas and attack routes were planned carefully to
reduce the effect of errant ordinance. Pilots could not release weapons until
they could positively identify their targets and be sure that their weapons
would guide properly. The apparently low number of Iraqi civilian casualties
during the war are a testament to these efforts.31
The concept of non-lethality therefore reinforces America's moral
values with regard to respect for human rights and the protection of non-
combatants. Other important moral issues are also at stake, however,
including the loss of American lives, respect for international boundaries and
sovereign rights, and the proper use of public fluids.32 These are just some of
the compelling reasons to incorporate the non-lethal application of military
force into our military doctrine.
CHAPTER TWO
ON NON-LETHALITY
Military commanders will increasingly focus on non-lethal, discriminate, and
electronic neutralization of targets, rather than their destruction by fires.33
The concept of non-lethality is receiving increased attention by US
policy makers, the military, the media, and by various organizations
concerned with international and internal security. According to a
Department of Defense internal guidance memorandum, this is partly due to
growing conviction about the potential utility of non-lethal weapons in
emerging military missions along with technological advancements that
enable their effective employment. Coupled with arms control constraints
and political sensitivities to casualties and collateral damage, the use of non-
lethal weapons has entered the mainstream of US military strategy. One of
their main purposes is to "provide commanders and policy makers additional
options between no use of military force at all and use of lethal military
force."34
Definitions and Concepts of Non-Lethality
As a relatively new concept in American military affairs, non-lethality
is somewhat ill-defined, and there is much confusion and debate on its
meaning. Christopher and Janet Morris, policy analysts who have written
extensively on the subject, define non-lethality as "non-lethal and anti-lethal
weapons and information warfare to project high-precision power in a timely
fashion, delivering results that are life conserving, environmentally friendly,
and fiscally responsible."35 In its definition of non-lethal weapons, the
Department of Defense echoes this rationale, calling them "discriminate
weapons that are explicitly designed and employed so as to incapacitate
personnel or material, while minimizing fatalities and undesired damage to
property and the environment."36
As these definitions illustrate, much of the debate on non-lethality has
focused on non-lethal weapons rather than on non-lethal capabilities or non-
lethal applications of lethal and non-lethal technology. This focus on
weapons unnecessarily limits the debate on non-lethality, and necessitates a
broader construct that demonstrates the application of lethal and non-lethal
capabilities (including weapons) across the spectrum of peace, conflict, and
war.
All military capabilities possess certain basic characteristics with
regard to their effect on personnel, materials or objects. By design, their
intended effect on personnel can be classified essentially as either lethal or
non-lethal, and their effect on material or objects as either destructive or
non-destructive. For the purposes of a theoretical construct of force
application, these characteristics are defined as follows:
Non-Lethal. The intended effect or use of capabilities in this category is
neither to kill nor permanently disable or maim personnel. Non-lethal
force may be used to influence individual behavior or to temporarily
incapacitate or slightly injure personnel. Accidental death or severe
injury may occur even though the intent is otherwise. Sometimes referred
to as Less Than Lethal or Low-Lethal.
Lethal. The intended effect or use of these capabilities is to neutralize
personnel through injury or death. May result from use of destructive
capabilities against material or objects.
Non-Destructive. Capabilities that do not cause permanent physical
damage to materials, equipment and/or objects. Equipment may be
temporarily disabled or their usefulness degraded or denied without being
destroyed.
Destructive. Capabilities whose intended effect on material or
equipment is to destroy them wholly or in part in order to permanently
degrade or deny their usefulness.
It should be obvious that these definitions do not cover all possibilities,
and given the uncertainty of results, that there are varying degrees of
lethality or destructiveness. Yet they are useful for framing a construct on
the subject at hand, and more easily defined than other potential concepts.
The term disabling might be used, for example, but it is subject to wide
interpretation and could be considered a subset of each characteristic listed
above. What is most important is that these terms accurately convey the
intended effect or use of a particular capability when it is applied in a given
scenario and the permanence of that effect. If it performs as we expect or
plan it to, then what is the intended result?
The Four Dimensions of Force Application
By combining these four basic characteristics into all their possible
permutations, we can derive four primary dimensions of force application
that indicate their intended, combined effect on both personnel and material.
They are briefly summarized as follows:
Non-Lethal/Non-Destructive Force. Does not intend to kill or severely
injure personnel nor aim to destroy equipment or material. It may not
directly effect them at all, may influence their behavior in some way, or
might temporarily incapacitate, disable, or otherwise deny the usefulness
of personnel, material, or equipment. Accidental injury, death, or
destruction may still occur even though the intent is otherwise. Examples
include strategic reconnaissance, electronic jamming, psychological
operations, transportation, communications, and riot control agents.
Non-Lethal/Destructive Force. Intended to destroy or disable
material, equipment and/or objects wholly or in part in order to
permanently degrade or deny their use without also killing or severely
injuring personnel. When employed against unmanned weapons or
weapon systems, sometimes referred to as anti-lethal. Because
destruction may accidentally cause injury or death even though the intent
is otherwise, can be referred to as less than lethal or low-lethal.
Examples include anti-missile systems, anti-satellite weapons, corrosive
or caustic chemicals, anti-folients, and kinetic energy weapons.
Lethal/Non-Destructive Force. The intended effect or use of these
capabilities is to neutralize personnel through injury or death without
causing permanent physical damage to materials, equipment and/or
objects. Equipment may be temporarily disabled or their usefulness
degraded or denied without them being destroyed. Highly dependent on
proximity of targeted personnel to objects or materials that do not
warrant destruction. Many examples from firearms and blade weapons to
biological/chemical weapons and the neutron bomb.
Lethal/Destructive Force. Highly lethal application of capabilities to
neutralize personnel through injury or death and to destroy material or
equipment in order to permanently degrade or deny their employment.
May be highly selective or large-scale, and may target personnel,
materials, and equipment simultaneously, depending on capabilities used.
Unlimited examples ranging from single-shot rifles to precision-guided
bombs and nuclear weapons.
Click here to view image
Now consider how these four dimensions of force can be applied across
a notional spectrum of conflict. At either end of the spectrum is a condition
of total peace or total war, with varying degrees of relative peace, crisis and
conflict in between. As the level of conflict increases from left to right, so too
does the level of violence and destruction. Within this spectrum there are
four stages of conflict: peacetime competition, crisis development crisis and
conflict, and conventional war. The first two represent a state of relative
peace, while the latter two constitute stages of relative war. War, in this
sense, represents the lethal application of force, destructive or not. The
transition from one stage of conflict to another is triggered by a threshold"
event, which then results in escalated applications of force. The level and
intensity of force applied is commensurate with the severity of a crisis or
conflict. For the sake of argument, our goals throughout the spectrum are to
minimize the level of violence and destruction, thereby keeping the
continuum below the crisis threshold in a state of relative peace. Our intent,
in essence, is the maximum use of non-lethal force.
During peacetime competition, a relative state of peace exists
between and within nations. In this environment, normal politics, diplomacy
and trade relations prevail, with the use of military force generally limited to
its non-lethal, non-destructive dimensions. Information gathering, training
exercises, and routine deployments are the most visible military activities, all
geared towards readiness to deal with higher levels of conflict. The focus of
effort is the monitoring of possible or emerging threats to national interests
or international stability. At some point, when an event or series of events
occur that presage a potential or actual crisis in the making, a warning
threshold is crossed.
During crisis development, diplomatic activity increases,
information gathering is redirected towards the perceived threat, and
military forces begin posturing and planning for conflict. Diplomatic
warnings accompanied by shows of military force represent non-lethal/non-
destructive demonstrations of national resolve to act in a way that will
resolve a crisis. The selective use of destructive force may be considered to
deal with operational requirements, but lethal force will generally not be
used.
Once a crisis threshold is crossed the full range of lethal/non-lethal
and destructive(non-destructive force can be fully utilized as conflict grows
increasingly more violent. In this stage, the level of violence and destruction
rises sharply in scale as normal diplomatic relations break down and conflict
escalates ever closer to conventional war. The force application used will be
dependent upon the nature and extent of threats and overall policy goals,
with non-lethal force used to complement lethal force and vice-versa.
Crossing the war threshold generally increases the scale of violence
progressively towards total war as envisioned by Clausewitz. Since nations
in this stage are waging full-scale war, all means of force will be used to
prosecute the conflict.
From this construct we can see that the non-lethal/non-destructive use
of force has the greatest utility across the entire spectrum of conflict, whereas
the intentional use lethal/destructive force is of benefit primarily at the
higher levels of conflict normally associated with war.
The Rationale for Non-Lethality
One assumption underlying non-lethal weapons is that they will be
employed in accordance with international law and in compliance with
national security agreements and treaties. By providing expanded flexible
deterrent options for policy makers and military leaders, their use may thus
allow the US greater latitude to act below the threshold of war without the
costs and political risks associated with the commitment of large-scale
ground forces. To the extent that they prevent or shorten war and preclude
large-scale deployments or operations, they may also lower the risk for and
protect the lives of American and allied personnel.37
During actual conflict or war, non-lethal weapons can act as force
multipliers when used in concert with lethal applications of force. Used
effectively to disable or disrupt potential adversaries, they may allow
additional time for friendly forces to deploy and prepare for conflict.
A fiscally constrained environment demands that we achieve our goals
at the lowest possible cost before, during, and after a crisis or conflict.
Because the cost to deter conflict is assumed to be generally less than the cost
to wage war, non-lethal warfare may prevent the large, unexpected costs of
conventional war, thus allowing us to operate within planned budget
authorizations. By limiting the destructiveness of war it may also decrease
reconstruction costs following war, and speed the recovery of societies and
the normalization of relations.38
Dilemmas of Non-Lethality
The concept of non-lethality raises many questions about whether or
not it can truly be effective in a world used to violent, destructive warfare.
Some fear that our emphasis on non-lethality may signal a weakness or
unwillingness to act with lethal force, which could provide an incentive for
potential adversaries to act against our interests.39 Thus one of non-
lethality's key tenets is that "the United States is not obligated in any way to
use only non-lethal weapons, or to try non-lethal weapons before resorting to
more lethal means, in any operation."40 More significantly, they must not in
any way increase risk to US personnel, and will in all likelihood be used in
concert with the threat or use of lethal force. Weapon systems that can
employ a wider range of lethal to non-lethal capabilities will therefore have
great utility on the battlefield.
The limited destructiveness of non-lethal weapons also causes concern
in extended conflicts, where the enemy may be able to recover warfighting
systems quickly and return them to the battlefield, thus requiring additional
strikes or the resort to destructive force.41 An enemy soldier not killed can
return in the same way.
The Utility of Non-Lethal Capabilities
In order to be useful, the non-lethal application of force must prove to
be an effective tool for achieving our national policy goals. As such, non-
lethality must provide utility throughout the spectrum of conflict, especially
in those situations where violent, destructive force would be
counterproductive to achieving those goals. In particular, current and future
non-lethal weapons and capabilities should be able to perform the following
tasks:
Collect, analyze, and disseminate threat and situational information.
Provide information, transportation, and communications support for
diplomatic efforts to deter conflict.
Be able to respond early and project American power immediately in
response to unexpected threats or situations.
Operate in permissive or non-permissive environments, overtly or
covertly.
Apply military power from stand-off ranges.
Be capable of temporarily neutralizing or disabling material and
personnel threats and capabilities without permanent destruction or loss
of life.
Be capable of permanently destroying weapons or warfighting capabilities
without excessive loss of life or collateral damage.
Be able to discriminate between military and non-military targets
Be able to influence events through means other than weapons. This
includes information technology, psychological operations, logistical, and
other capabilities.
If used as envisioned, non-lethal capabilities promise to deter
aggression while conserving life, resources, and the environment. Thus they
promote basic American values, especially respect for human rights, and
allow us to maintain the moral high ground in the eyes of the US public, the
media, and the international community of nations. In so doing, they
support our diplomatic initiatives and increase American credibility around
the world. Armed with the full spectrum of lethal and non-lethal
capabilities, the United States will possess the ability to act throughout the
realm of conflict. In the long run, non-lethal weapons may even serve to
reduce violence on all sides by lessening long term animosities and reducing
or eliminating some of the causes of war.
CHAPTER THREE
THE NON-LETHAL APPLICATION OF AEROSPACE POWER
Our military capabilities serve to deter aggression and prevent conflict
by convincing potential adversaries that their objectives will be denied and
their aggression will be decisively defeated.42
National Military Strategy of the United States
War is thus an act of force to compel our enemy to do our will.43
Carl von Clausewitz
For thousands of years, man fought war on the land and sea. When he
finally slipped the surly bonds of earth to fly, less than one hundred years
ago, it added a whole new dimension to warfare. The ability to use and
exploit this third dimension - the vertical - came to be known as aerospace
power. The Basic Aerospace Doctrine of the United States Air Force defines
aerospace power as resulting from "the ability to use a platform operating in
or passing through the aerospace environment for military purposes."44
Joint doctrine further elaborates on the meaning of aerospace: "Of, or
pertaining to, earth's envelope of atmosphere and the space above it...." 45
Roles of Aerospace Forces
USAF doctrine identifies four primary roles for aerospace power:
aerospace control to control the combat environment; force application
to apply combat power; force enhancement to multiply combat
effectiveness; and force support to sustain forces.
Aerospace control includes all missions designed to gain control of air and
space to allow friendly forces to use and exploit it, and deny its use to the
enemy. These include counterspace and offensive or defensive counterair
operations. Force application involves the use of interdiction, close air
support, and strategic attack missions against enemy surface components
and capabilities. Force enhancement missions are those that enhance or
improve the capability of combat forces, and include airlift, air refueling,
spacelift, electronic combat, special operations, surveillance and
reconnaissance. Finally, force support encompasses logistics, combat
support, on-orbit support, and base operability and defense.46
From these statements, it is clear that basic Air Force doctrine relates
all the roles and missions of aerospace power to its lethal, destructive
applications during war. Throughout the spectrum of peace and conflict,
however, many aerospace assets and capabilities that comprise aerospace
power can and are being used for purposes other than or short of war. From
Bosnia to Rwanda to Haiti, aerospace power is being employed non-lethally
in support of national policy objectives. Many capabilities in use are those
that traditionally perform a supporting or enabling role in combat operations,
including airlift, reconnaissance, and space operations. Now, however, they
have become frontline weapons for waging peace with the non-lethally
application of aerospace power. As the primary Air Force doctinal manual
asserts, "in certain types of warfare, the various force enhancement missions
may be the primary contribution of aerospace power to the overall campaign."
47 These missions are ostensibly non-lethal or non-destructive in nature, in
other words, they are not intended for or have no inherent capability to
destroy or kill. To make current aerospace doctrine more relevant to the
demands of the new age, the non-lethal dimensions of aerospace power must
be given more attention and articulated clearly to policymakers and military
leaders. By so doing, the utility of aerospace power can be enhanced and
improved throughout the spectrum of peace and conflict.
The US Air Force: Core Aerospace Capabilities
US aerospace forces possess three core capabilities through which
aerospace power is applied. With its highly developed and capable combat,
mobility/transportation, and information systems, the US Air Force provides
"global awareness, global mobility and sustained combat power" to achieve
our military objectives.48 Although the flexibility of many aerospace systems
enables them to perform two or more of these capabilities simultaneously, in
the future they must be capable of operating throughout the spectrum of
conflict and peace. In the past, the non-lethal application of aerospace power
has contributed heavily to the attainment of US national strategy objectives.
The Berlin Crisis
One such example was the Berlin Airlift. In June of 1948, following a
year of rising tensions in Europe, the Soviet Union blockaded the city of
Berlin in one of the opening salvoes of the Cold War. Within a few days time,
the Soviets halted all passenger and freight traffic to and from Berlin,
suspended water and coal shipments, and stopped the supply of electricity
from the Soviet to the Western sectors of the city. It was a blatant attempt
by Moscow to force the Western allies to abandon the city and allow the
Soviets to assume complete control of the city.49 President Truman, already
committed to European security through the Truman Doctrine and the
Marshall Plan, made it clear that Berlin would not be lost when he declared
"we must stay in Berlin; we have only to discuss the means through which
this purpose can be accomplished."50 Truman had few options to choose
from, not the least of which was the use of armed force to reopen land lines of
supply to the city and risk war with the Soviets. He chose diplomacy instead,
backed up by a resupply of the city by air, since the air corridors into Berlin
were the only access agreed upon in writing between the Soviets and the
Western allies. Not wanting to risk war, an airlift of supplies seemed to be
the least provocative use of military force. During the next eleven months, a
massive airlift operation moved some 2,323,000 tons of food, coal, water, and
other supplies into the city-with the average daily lift more than enough to
supply the needs of the city.51 By May of 1949, it was clear to the Soviets
that the allies could sustain the airlift indefinitely, and that their blockade of
Berlin was futile. Moscow came back to the negotiating table, and soon, all
restrictions to the city had been lifted. Thus the use of non-lethal airpower
achieved the strategic objectives of US national policy in a major crisis
without resort to war.
Aerospace power is especially well suited to perform these and other
non-lethal missions because of its inherent capabilities of speed, range,
flexibility, responsiveness, precision and increasingly, stealth. Its three core
capabilities will be critical to waging war and peace, lethally and non-
lethally, in the years to come.
ENDNOTES
1Carl von Clausewitz, On War, eds/trans. Michael Howard and Peter Paret
(Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1984), 75.
2Sun Tzu, The Art of War, trans. Samuel B. Griffith (Oxford: Oxford University
Press, 1963), 79.
3Clausewitz, 36-39.
4Sun Tzu, v.
5Clausewitz, 92-93.
6 Clausewitz, 81.
7Sun Tzu, x.
8SunTzu, 39.
9Department of Defense, National Military Strategy of the United States of
America (Washington, DC: GPO, February 1995), introduction, I.
10Clausewitz, 87.
11Sam C. Sarkesian, The New Battleground (New York: Greenwood Press,
1986), 186.
12Giulio Douhet, The Command of the Air (Washington DC: Office of Air Force
History, 1983), 30.
13Niccolo Machiavelli, The Prince and The Discourses, 2d ed. (New York:
Random House, 1950), 21.
14Alvin and Heidi Toffler, War and Anti- War: Survival at the Dawn of the 21st
Century (New York: Little, Brown and Company, 1993) 30.
15 Department of Defense, Annual Report to the President and the Congress.
(Washington DC: GPO, February 1995)107.
16Toffler, 19-21.
17Ibid., 33-37.
18Martin Van Creveld, The Transformation of War (New York: The Free Press,
1991), 2.
19Toffler, 40.
20Major Phillip H. Flammer, USAF, Military Developments in Europe's
"Golden Age," from Air Command and Staff College Seminar/Correspondence Lesson
Book, Vol. III (Maxwell AFB, AL: Air University, AY 1993), 10-13.
21Van Creveld, 303.
22Toffler, 30-32.
23Air Force Manual (AFM) 1-1, Volume I, Basic Aerospace Doctrine of the
United States Air Force (Washington, DC: Department of the Air Force, March 1992) 5-
7.
24Department of Defense, Annual Report to the President and the Congress
(Washington, DC: GPO, February 1995), 107.
25Field Manual (FM) 100-5, Operations (Washington, DC: Department of the
Army, 14 June 1993), 1-2,3.
26Sarkesian, 176.
27Ibid., 178.
28Sun Tzu, 31-32, 63-64.
29Michael Walzer, Just and Unjust Wars (USA: BasicBooks, 1992), xi-xii.
30Ibid., 135-36.
31Department of Defense, Conduct of the Persian Gulf War (Washington, DC:
GPO, April 1992), 177.
32 Major H. F. Kuenning, USA, "Small Wars and Morally Sound Strategy," in
Ethics and the National Defense, eds. James C. Gaston and Janis Bren Hietala
(Washington DC: National Defense University Press, 1993), 195.
33 Andrew F. Krepinevich, Jr., Keeping Pace with the Military - Technical
Revolution, Issues in Science and Technology, Supplement, 25 July 94, B-24.
34Under Secretary of Defense for Policy, Memorandum to Under Secretary of
Defense (Acquisition and Technology) and others, Subject "Interim Public Affairs
Guidance for Non-Lethal Weapons," 26 January 1995, 2.
35Chris Morris, Janet Morris, and Thomas Baines, Weapons of Mass Protection:
Nonlethality, Information Warfare, and Airpower in the Age of Chaos, Airpower
Journal, Spring 1995, 16.
36Under Secretary of Defense for Policy, Memorandum, 1.
37Morris, 27.
38Lieutenant Colonel Alan W. Debban, USAF, Disabling Systems: War-Fighting
Option for the Future, Airpower Journal, Spring 1993, 47.
39 Janet and Chris Morris, Nonlethality: A Global Strategy, Morris and Morris,
1994,4.
40Under Secretary of Defense for Policy, Memorandum, 2.
41Debban, 47.
42National Military Strategy of the United States, ii.
43Clausewitz, 75.
44AFM 1-1, Vol. II, 71.
45Joint Chiefs of Staff Pub 1, Department of Defense Dictionary of Military and
Associated Terms (Washington, DC: The Joint Chiefs of Staff, 1 June 1987), 8.
46AFM 1-1,Vol. I, 6-7.
47AFM 1-1, Vol. II, 193.
48General Ronald R. Fogleman, USAF, Air Force in Operations Other Than
War, Prepared Remarks before the American Defense Preparedness Association
Symposium, Washington, 15 December 1994.
49As quoted by Lieutenant Colonel David G. Estep, USAF, Air Mobility: The
Strategic Use of Non-Lethal Airpower, School of Advance Airpower Studies Thesis
(Maxwell AFB: Air University, June 1994), 20.
50Ibid. 24.
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