War Termination And Our Cultural Heritage
CSC 1992
SUBJECT AREA National Military Strategy
EXECUTIVE SUMMARY
Title: War Termination and Our Cultural Heritage
Author: MAJOR Daniel E. Cushing, USMC
Thesis: The American view of war termination in recent
times has overwhelmingly required victory as the principle
consideration; this is an end result of the major conflicts
that the society has participated in.
Background: Eliminating all the elements of societies in
conflict reduces the contest to two or more peoples fighting
a war. War termination involves so many variables that each
element has a different impact in each war. Cultural
heritage is the only relevant constant. Americans have
certain behavior patterns that are part of their cultural
heritage; they always participate in wars with a
predetermined mind set. This paper identifies critical
periods that have shaped the way American's think about war.
The intention is to identify the cultural predisposition for
victory in war.
Discussion: The major military events of the past century
have instilled the requirement for total victory in war.
Even when a conflict does not have a clearly defined
objective, Americans replace the war aim with victory.
Socially, we accept this attitude and our planners start
with this precept. Understanding ourselves is as critical
to our success as understanding the enemy.
WAR TERMINATION AND OUR CULTURAL HERITAGE
Outline
Thesis: The American view of war termination in recent
times has overwhelming required victory as the principle
consideration; this is an end result of the major conflicts
that the society has participated in.
I. War Termination.
A. Background of American attitudes.
B. Nature of hostilities.
C. Impact of "total" war.
D. Why wars are fought.
E. Wars with no planned end.
II. Victory and the shaping of wars end state.
A. Impact of the Revolutionary War.
B. Impact of the Civil War.
C. Impact of the World War I.
D. Impact of the World War II.
War Termination and Our Cultural Heritage
INTRODUCTION
Democracies do not start wars. A continuous debate
over the reasons wars begin is evident in our literature and
our society. Ensuring our national security causes us to
focus on the nature of war and how to deter conflicts.
However, war termination is an area that receives little or
no coverage in our contemporary literature even though every
war must end. Americans are predisposed with involvement
only in successful wars. This has shaped our cultural
heritage to consider wars as a matter of a victorious effort
to achieve our war aims. This oversimplifies the problem
and can lead to dissatisfaction when overt victory is not
rapidly attained.
War termination is dependent on innumerable factors.
Political decision making, national support for the war,
economic power of the nations involved, competency of
generalship and the effectiveness of the country to mobilize
the nation's productivity are but a few. These factors are
also involved in the prosecution of the conflict. The
factors alone can be totally consuming, creating difficulty
when trying to relate them to a national objective and war
termination.
Current thought considers the conduct of war to be an
extension of policy. This doctrinal approach uses force or
the threat of force as a means to secure a national
objective. The cultural bias assumes victory in conflict
will allow terms to be dictated to achieve the war aims. To
Americans, dominance on the battlefield is a necessary
aspect of ending the war. Noted historian B. H. Liddell
Hart points out:
If you concentrate exclusively on victory, with
no thought for the after-effect, you may be too
exhausted to profit from the peace, while it is
almost certain that the peace will be a bad one,
containing the germs of another war. This is a
lesson supported by abundant experience. The
risks become still greater in any war that is
waged by a coalition, for in such a case a too
complete victory inevitably complicates the
problem of making a just and wise peace
settlement. Where there is no longer the
counterbalance of an opposing force to control
the appetites of the victors, there is no check
on the parties to the alliance. The divergence
is apt to become so acute as to turn the
comradeship of common danger into the hostility
of mutual dissatisfaction - so as the ally of
one war becomes the enemy in the next.1
This is the dilemma that faces Americans as problem
solvers for war termination: the single-minded
concentration on victory as the end state. The intent of
this paper is to explore aspects of war termination. It
will examine what caused the American people to adopt their
cultural ethos and how ultimately the political leadership
was forced to identify a means to codify a method for
finding a solution that varied from our heritage. The
understanding of elements of war termination and our
cultural predispositions will make the war planners more
efficient in identifying how to terminate a conflict.
ASPECTS OF WAR TERNINATION
We accept this war for an object - a
worthy object - and the war will end
when that object is attained. Under
God I hope that it will never end
until that time.
-- Abraham Lincoln
The first aim in war is to win, the
second is to prevent defeat, the
third is to shorten it, and the
fourth and most important, ... is to
make a just and durable peace.
-- Lord Maurice Hankey
The American concept of war termination has been
reactive in nature. This is not an uncommon occurrence
internationally. In part this is due to the limited number
of wars America has initiated. This is also relevant
because many American wars have involved coalitions, which
complicates the termination process. Currently it is
complicated by the dissymmetry in the relationship between
America's military power and her opponents military
strength. Asymmetrical wars are difficult to terminate
because of the considerable differences in objectives
between the parties involved. To understand war termination
we must understand who or what is the nature of the
participants.
Another aspect that must be thoroughly understood is
the nature of the hostilities. Is the nation to use force
to achieve a cease-fire for later negotiations to resolve
the conflicting issues? If this is the case, once
hostilities have terminated will national resolve allow for
a resumption of hostilities? Even if the nature of the war
does not change and total military defeat of the enemy is
not the goal, how does a nation determine what is sufficient
force? This aspect of the issue is critical, since wars
have a tendency to escalate. Neither side will be willing
to sue for peace before achieving a clear advantage2
In "total" war, such as World War I, the escalation of
the war prevented a reasonable peace from ever being
achieved. The erroneous calculations in the conduct of the
war caused all participants to "up the ante" until the
survival of any or all of the governments involved was
threatened. This again caused greater military commitment.
The greater the cost in personnel, the greater the need for
attainment of one of the original war aims.
In approaching the subject of war termination, one
must first consider why wars are fought. One theory is that
nations fight wars to achieve specific post war objectives.
This notion postulates strictly practical thinking, since a
government is assumed to have clearly identified a specific
aim and determined that a military course of action is the
most practical means in attaining it. A second view is that
the government in power is influenced by elements that are
pursuing their own self interest.3 In this interpretation,
no grand design exists, and most important national
decisions are nothing more than the by-product of influence
pedalling. This latter view renders the prospect of
negotiated war termination almost impossible, as the terms
that will satisfy the combatants are almost impossible to
determine. The former is equally as difficult since
external sources cannot accurately assess the opponents
level of commitment to their war aims.
The Japanese attack on Pearl Harbor is good example
of a war started without any pre-planned method of war
termination. In the fall of 1941, the Emperor of Japan
sought to answer the question of how long it would take to
defeat the United States. The Army Chief of Staff stated
that operations would be completed in three months. His
answer did not particularly address the question, nor did it
state the method, of how the United States would be
defeated. The final staff discussion stated that Japan
would establish such a superior position that the United
States would quit the war. The logic of this argument was
not unanimously accepted by members of the government.
Nevertheless, Japan's leadership prosecuted the attack on
U.S. forces at Pearl Harbor.
At the same time Japan was planning the attack on the
U.S., the war in China was rapidly developing into a
stalemate. Again, the staff brief had indicated that only a
month or two of further effort would be needed to bring the
war to an end. The campaign in China was strongly supported
by a political faction that saw war as the only method to
achieve political objectives. Political factions caused two
wars to be started with no idea on how to end them, other
than having the opponent quit. Yet as Clausewitz notes, the
changing nature of war causes shifts in war aims, changes
strategies, and frequently impacts on the opponents in ways
far different from those originally planned.
Eventually political survival becomes an element in
war termination. Unless war aims are achieved at the
expected cost, which is rare, then a reevaluation of
objectives must occur, normally while the war is going on.
Typically this reassessment involves a calculation of the
survivability of the party in power. The increased cost of
the war causes a shift in the end game, ultimately driving
two parallel aims. Political survival and war termination
become so intermixed that the original reasons for conflict
are often lost.
VICTORY AND THE SHAPING OF WARS END STATE
War is an ugly thing, but not the
ugliest. The decayed and degraded
state of moral and patriotic feeling
which thinks nothing is worth a war
is worse. A man who has nothing
which he cares about more than his
personal safety is a miserable
creature and has no chance of being
free, unless made and kept so by the
exertions of better men than
himself.
-- John Stuart Mill
War's objective is victory - not prolonged
indecision. In war there is no substitute for
victory.
-- General Douglas MacArthur
The U.S. was born of men willing to risk everything to
escape the insane wars of kings. The system that evolved
was explicitly designed to avoid the tyranny of the monarchy
and the wars of kings that would bleed the country for
unknown objectives. Americans today are the product of a
succession of pioneering peoples that rejected an outdated
form of government in order to create a society that would
improve the quality of life for all. Yet, along with a
language and a cultural heritage, the original American
founding fathers brought with them a European definition of
war.4 This definition would stay with the country for the
next two hundred years.
The original means of strategy is
victory - that is tactical success;
its ends, in the final analysis are
those objects which will lead to
peace... All these ends and means
must be examined by the theorist in
accordance with their effects and
relationships to one another.
-- Carl von Clausewitz, On War5
American readily identified that the purpose of war
was the tactical defeat of the enemy. Arranging the peace
was a complex issue to be worked out later. This was the
approach used by George Washington in the Revolutionary War
and set the stage for all other wars to follow. Washington
knew that Britain could only be defeated if her government
would not support a colonial war. He determined that
although a strategic defensive would best attrite the
British forces in America, conventional victories on the
battlefield would be needed to influence Parliament's views
on the American rebellion. Therefore, deliberately avoiding
a partisan-style war. Instead the focus was on establishing
the predominance of a regular standing army, thus ensuring
the legitimacy of the United States in the world arena.
Clearly Washington used military power to influence the
decision making process in England.
This narrow definition of war termination has
continued in the American thought process throughout the
Nation's history. Disregarding the political process and
ignoring all other elements of power, the Nation's leaders
have routinely placed the responsibility for war termination
with her military leaders.
Wars planned exclusively to defeat the enemy on the
battlefield are efforts that involve only narrow aspects of
war termination. The predilection of American leaders to
see only military solutions was the norm until the Civil
War, when the two factions determined that the only way to
achieve their objectives was by war. This faulty logic can
be explained by a societal predisposition of having military
leaders solve political objectives.
The Union refused to accept the concept of the
Confederacy and ultimately sought military reunification.
The Confederates determined that it would engage in a war in
which its industrial potential was less than its opponents
and its manpower was less than the Union's. All aspects of
the conflict favored maintaining a peace with the North.
Yet the South initiated the conflict by firing on Fort
Sumter, unifying their opponents' will and eliminating a
chance for peaceful resolution of the crisis. The South's
military objective was to create an environment that would
exhaust the Union's will to fight. This strategy resulted
in a prolonged and bloody conflict. The cultural habit of
allowing military leaders to determine the end of a conflict
proved devastating to both sides.
The Civil War changed American thinking with regards
to war termination. By impacting every member of the
society, the war forced a realization of the immense
challenges and issues at stake in fighting a war for
principles.
In this century two major events have shaped American
social attitudes towards war termination. The first was
U.S. involvement in World War I. War termination decisions
reflect the interaction between political factions, the role
of public opinion, and the goals of the society. Since WWI
was not an American war, U.S. commitment was initially slow
to develop. Despite the war's clear geopolitical issues,
the only way in which President Wilson could stimulate
broadbased commitment to support his political objectives
was by publicizing the war aim of "making the world safe for
democracy," thus creating an ideological war.6 This would
create commitment which paralleled the U.S. Civil War
experience. Many factors influenced the end product, but
the war aim of creating a "lasting peace," or "a war to end
wars" resulted in a war of annihilation. This event shaped
a generation of Americans that would be decision makers for
the next war.
World War II was an ideological war from the
beginning. The war was initiated by an event that
galvanized public opinion. After a decade of watching
problems in Europe and Asia, America knew that complete
involvement would be the only solution. The Arcadia
conference produced the war aim of destroying the enemies'
governments and securing a victory at all costs. For over
four years the American people committed the resources of
the Nation for this goal. The concept paralleled past
experience. The attitudes of the Nation were reforged into
the thinking of war leaders to determine the course of the
war.
It takes a smart person and an educated society to
learn from its environment. The conflicts in Korea and Viet
Nam caused an intellectual reevaluation of our societal
predisposition for war termination, yet even with the
political upheaval of the 1960's American attitudes on war
termination remain affected more by the two World Wars than
by the later events. Victory is a cultural heritage, "All
Americans love a winner."
CONCLUSION
Winning isn't everything, it's the-only thing.
-- Vince Lombardi
The overwhelming complexity of war causes American
society to focus on the immediate need to solve the problem
of the war itself. The tasks of mobilization, marshalling
political support, training or creating an army are all-
consuming. We need to clearly understand the nature of the
participants. Inherently Americans fully committed to a war
will see the requirement for a complete, unqualified
victory. We carry this attitude to war in much the same way
as we unquestiongly seek to use newly developed technology
to its fullest capability. The attitudes of the military
leaders influence the political decision makers.
Understanding our own nature is as critical to success as
knowing the nature of the enemy.
As a people, we declare war on many things; the war on
poverty, the war on drugs, the war against big government.
All these concepts imply that we will expend every effort to
win. Victory is our overriding concern, but victory should
never be a political aim in isolation. The relationship of
victory to the end state in war consists of nothing more
than a consideration of how we will define the effort
expended on our objective.
Events defined by one society are not often understood
in the same context when communicated across cultural lines.
The obvious example is the Persian Gulf War: America
clearly believed that the destruction of the Iraqi army and
the freeing of Kuwait defined a victory. Baghdad stated
otherwise. America had a clearly defined end state, however
the events that we shaped did not necessarily have the same
impact in Baghdad.
The end state for war is now clearly defined by our
cultural heritage, to include the rights of a society for
self-determination. As a people we take elements of
Clausewitz's dictum to heart: apply all elements of
national power, do not start until the end is determined,
and understand the commitment of your society. America has
always had a concept of war termination in her national
strategy. The primary differences in cultural attitudes
between the beginning of this country and the current times
are the end products of the shaping by major societal
events.
The War for Independence put the responsibility of war
termination in the hands of the war leader. The Civil War,
WWI, and WWII shifted the focus to the pursuit of a total
victory, an orientation which still prevails as a cultural
belief. The political and military leaders of today
understand the differences in objectives, but social
sentiment underlies our attitudes and shapes the way we
think of war. Understanding our cultural predispositions on
war will prevent us from falling prey to our heritage.
Bibliography
1. Craig, Gordon A. and George, Alexander L.
Force and Statecraft: Diplomatic Problems of
our Time. New York: Oxford University Press,
1990.
2. Hobbs, Richard. The Myth of Victory: What is
Victory in War? Boulder: Westview Press, 1979.
3. Ikle', Fred C. Every War Must End. New York:
Columbia University Press, 1971.
4. Luck, Edward C. and Albert, Stuart. On the Endings of
Wars. Port Washington: Kennikat Press, 1980.
5. Weigley, Russell F. The American Way of War.
Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1973.
GP Putnam's Sons: 1975.
ENDNOTES
1. Richard Hobbs, The Myth of Victory: What is Victory
in War? (Boulder: Westview Press, Inc, 1979), p.4.
2. Fred Charles Ikle', Every War Must End. (New York:
Columbia University Press, 1971), p. 12.
3. Ibid., p. 14.
4. Russell F. Weigley, The American Way of War.
(Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1973), p. XVIII.
5. Carl Von Clausewitz, On War, trans. 2nd ed. Michael
Howard and Peter Peret (Princeton: Princeton University Press,
1989), p. 143.
6. Major General J.F.C. Fuller, The Conduct of War,
(Westport: Greenwood Press, 1961), p. 180.
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