National Security Strategy. Time For A Change?
AUTHOR Major C.S. Huddleston, USMC
CSC 1989
SUBJECT AREA - National Security
EXECUTIVE SUMMARY
TITLE: NATIONAL SECURITY STRATEGY. TIME FOR A CHANGE?
I. Purpose: To examine the current status of the objectives and interest
of U.S. National Security Strategy in light of the current world situation.
specifically, the balance of military and economic power.
II. Problem: While current U.S. National Security Strategy outlines broad,
general objectives and interests, the focus of the application of national
power has been the eurasian landmass. (5:17) Such a focus may not be in
line with the current state of world affairs. This may be especially true
with regard to U.S. military and economic concerns and the needs of our
allies.
III. Data: The traditional focus of U.S. power has been in the prevention
of conflict within the eurasian landmass. National security goals, partic-
ularly those requiring military power, tend to draw our attention to
Europe. The preponderance of our overseas military forces are based in or
around the continent. We have strong historical and diplomatic ties to this
region. Further, the greatest perceived threat to world peace, the Soviet
Union, has also focused its attention on Europe. However, recent Soviet
moves, both diplomatically and militarily tend to lessen this threat. More
importantly, the Russians have been making dramatic changes to strength-
en their position in the Pacific. When this is coupled with the realization
that the United States has an overwhelming economic interest in the re-
gion, the need to correct our security posture becomes apparent. (3:1)
IV. Conclusions: Changing the focus of U.S. national power from Europe
to the Pacific would be a difficult task to accomplish. While U.S. foreign
trade concerns have shifted from European to eastern nations, our other
elements of power have not kept pace. We currently do not have sufficient
military power in the Pacific to protect our investments or honor our
treaty obligations.
V. Recommendations: The Executive Branch of our government must
change the thrust of our security strategy to answer the challenges we
face in the Pacific. The potential gains that might be made will outweigh
the risks we might face in Europe. The U.S. should pursue new markets in
the Pacific. Our military power should be realigned to protect current and
future investments, while countering the rising Soviet threat in the re-
gion.
NATIONAL SECURITY STRATEGY: TIME FOR A CHANGE?
Thesis Statement Current U.S. National Security Strategy does not place
adequate emphasis on the Pacific Basin region.
I. Current status
A. U.S. national security strategy
B. U.S. defense partners
C. U.S. foreign trade
II. Future concerns
A. U.S. and NATO
B. U.S. and the Soviet Union
C. U.S. and the Pacific nations
III. Potential Status
A. Emerging nations
B. Potential interests
C. Possible solutions
For over forty years, the focus of U.S. National Security Strategy
has been containment of any hostile threat to the eurasian landmass.
In this regard, our principal adversary has been the Soviet Union. (3:2)
As a result of this national focus, all supporting strategies and effort are.
of necessity, aimed at the deterrence of war in Europe. Such a strategy
tends to force the United States into a position of countering every move
the Soviets make, no matter where such moves might occur. Perhaps it is
time to examine our strategy in light of current and potential changes
in the world situation. If a change in strategy is required, a major
reorientation and shifting of assets may be required as well. This paper
will center on the possible need for such a change in emphasis.
Specifically, that the current U. S. National Security Strategy does not
place adequate emphasis on the Pacific Basin region.
In his National Security Strategy of the United States statement of
January, 1988, President Reagan outlined his view of where our national
interests and objectives lie. Those interests were:
1. The survival of the United States as a free and independent
nation, with its fundamental values intact and its institu-
tions and people secure.
2. A healthy and growing U.S. economy to provide opportunity for
individual prosperity and a resource base for our national
endeavors.
3. A stable and secure world, free of major threats to U.S.
interests.
4 Healthy and vigorous alliance relationships.
These then are the stated interests of our National Security Strategy.
Our national interests may also be stated as goals. The objectives of
these goals are also outlined in the President's National Security State-
ment. Our security strategy is tailored to accomplish these goals. As
presented by the President, our national objectives are:
1. To maintain the security of our nation and our allies.
2. Fo respond to the challenges of the global economy.
3. To defend and advance the cause of democracy, freedom,
and human rights throughout the world.
4. To resolve peacefully disputes which affect U.S. interests
in troubled regions of the world.
5. To build effective and friendly relationships with all nations
with whom there is a basis of shared concern.
Given these stated goals and objectives, how then might the United
States go about accomplishing them? The Executive Branch is the re-
sponsible government agency tasked with the application of national
power, through policy, to see our goals and objectives realized. (13:1) The
method is simple to state, very difficult to execute. It requires the
balanced application of our diplomatic, economic, informational, and
military power. (13:1) The difficulty arises in the determination of the
proper balance and proper region(s) of the world. A look at the objectives
of national security provides the best clue as to how our power might be
applied. Where are the security of the nation and our allies most
threatened? What is the greatest challenge to our ecomomy and where
does it come from? Where does the greatest opportunity to advance the
cause of democracy and human rights exist? Where might the U.S. have
the greatest chance of peacefully resolving disputes? Finally, with whom
do we have the greatest basis for shared concern? The answers to these
questions are not obvious and are the subject of great debate and disa-
greement within the government. Perhaps an examination of our current
foreign interests and concerns will lead to a conclusion as to whether our
National Security Strategy is reasoned and balanced enough to accomplish
the goals our President has outlined.
The United States has been active in keeping global peace by making
and maintaining numerous defense and military assistance agreements
with our international neighbors. A brief review, by region, is in order to
assess our current policies.
NATO. In April of 1989, the North Atlantic Treaty Organization
alliance between the democracies of North America and Europe will be
forty years old. The freedom and security of Western Europe are vital to
our national security. (5:49) The peace that has been maintained in Europe
since the end of WWII has been, to a large measure, the result of the
success of this alliance in deterring war. While there is a new climate in
the Soviet Union that seems to indicate a lessening of the threat, such a
perception is countered by the fact that the Soviet Union continues to
produce large numbers of conventional weapons. As a result of such
actions, the United States maintains the highest levels of military power
(outside of the U.S.) in the NATO countries and in the seas around
them. (5:19) The reasons for this are obvious, or apparently so. The Soviet
Union and its allies, the Warsaw Pact, hold a quantitative edge over NATO
in most catagories of weapons systems and is positioned to hold that
advantage for at least the next five years. (5:19)
In the face of the facts, it would seem that the NATO nations would
want to at least match the Soviet effort, to maintain balance and
deterrance. Recent trends, however, indicate just the opposite. Calls for
conventional troop reductions are beginning to come from our allies. The
political climate in one of our staunchest allies is changing from hot to
lukewarm very quickly. West Germany has been the scene of the strongest
support for U.S. troop withdrawals.(10:1) Political changes in thiscoun-
try combined with the desire to reduce foreign troops,on their soil, have
produced a situation in which the Germans would welcome a reduction of
the NATO forces.(4)
WESTERN HEMISPHERE. Since the United States is located in the western
hemisphere, it is only natural that we would accord our highest defense
priorities for this region of the world. (5) The United States Forces
Command has the responsibility for the defense of the United States and
has, as its forces, over one million active, reserve, and National Guard
personnel throughout the country. The United States Space Command has
the responsiblity for space operations, early warning, surveillance, and
ballistic missile defense.
In the years immediately following WWII, nations in the Western
Hemisphere posed little or no security threat to the U.S. This changed in
the early 1960's with the Castro revolution in Cuba. His exportation of
revolution and subversion to Central and South America and the Caribbean
has created serious concerns for the security of the region, and the United
States in particular.(5:52) As a result of these threats, the United States
Southern Command was created and headquartered in Panama. Given the
responsibility of protecting our southern flank, this command has seen its
job become more difficult with the influence of the Marxist-Leninist
revolution in Nicaragua. Added to the threat of military action and
political subversion is the new threat to national security, the drug trade.
The Department of State has taken the lead in dealing with foreign drug
traders, but the Department of Defense has been called on to assist on
several occasions. However, the Department of Defense's greatest contri-
butions in this region of the world have been in the area of nation building.
(5:54) Military assistance, construction of facilities, and the training of
local defense forces constitute the major efforts of the United States to
promote peace and security in Latin America. (5:54)
Our ties with our neighbor to the north, Canada are very strong. The
mutual defense of our two nations is based on the requirements for early
warning of attack and defense of the continent. The combined command,
The North American Aerospace Defense Command (NORAD) takes care of
the first requirement. Forces Command coordinates the defense of the two
countries. (5:54)
NEAR EAST, S. ASIA. and AFRICA. Our concerns in this region of the world
center on containing Soviet aggression, reducing the tensions between
several warring nations, and providing security for U.S. assets, the most
important of which is our supply of foreign oil. (5:56) Our response to
these challenges is two-pronged. First, a vigorus diplomatic effort to
reduce tensions and promote peace. Second, continuing our long-standing
security assistance and defense cooperative efforts with friends in the
region. (5:56)
Our most extensive relationships are with two former foes, Egypt and
Israel. These relationships have greatly increased our ability to respond
to a crisis in the region. We are also increasing our aid and strengthening
our ties with the nations of the Saharan sub-continent in order to better
respond to threats in the Persian Gulf area.
South Asia is in an important transition period. The withdrawal of
Soviet forces from Afghanistan and the death of Pakistan's President
Zia have left that part of the world in a state of turmoil. The United
States has maintained its security assistance to the rebels in Afghanistan
and a balanced policy with both India and Pakistan has improved
relationships in the area. India, the region's preeminent power, has been
the recipient of a developing joint security policy with the U.S. Should
this policy continue, the U.S. will have fewer concerns for peace within
the region. (5:59)
Africa joins with two areas of prime concern to the United States,
the Middle East and the southern tier of NATO. The recent past has been
marked by great changes in the political map of the region. Direct Soviet
and Cuban intervention has tended to destabilize the region. The United
States' response to these challenges has been balanced between economic
assitance to alleviate social problems and military support for selected
nations. It is apparent that the leadership of our nation sees the social
problems as the greatest threat. Of the roughly two-hundred and fifty
million dollars spent in aid to African nations last year, the ratio of
economic aid to military aid was seven to one dollar spent. (5:60) Money
is the prime tool in promoting peace and maintaining security within this
region. Only four hundred U.S servicemen are posted to the continent, and
half of these are Marine security guards.(5:61)
EAST ASIA and the PACIFIC. Our security arrangements in this part of the
world are extensive. They are marked by regional cooperation and the
support of emerging democracies. Further, it is in this region that the
Soviet Union has made the greatest expansion of its military capability.
The Soviet Union's Pacific Fleet is that nation's largest, far out-gunning
its adversary, the combined U.S. Seventh fleet and Japanese Maritime
Defense Force. (11 :402) That this threat is recognized by the United
States is evidenced by the fact that of eight bilateral defense treaties the
U.S. maintains, five are with Pacific nations. (11:403)
It is with Japan that the U.S. forms the cornerstone of its defense of
the region. Japan provides a formidable defense shield challenging Soviet
access to the Pacific. The United States is responsible for providing the
offensive strike capability for the nothwest Pacific. The Japanese provide
defense and bases for this capability. Since Japan no longer limits
defense spending to a percentage of its GNP, but rather seeks to spend in
response to the threat, closer ties and smoother relationships may be
expected in this key defense arrangement. (5:56)
The regional stability that was once provided by the trilateral
agreement between the U.S., Australia, and New Zealand now depends on
the strong and growing relationship between the U.S. and Australia.
Australia is one of the United States' oldest military partners. We have
fought a common foe four times this century. With the absense of New
Zealand as a partner in this area of the Pacific, our ties with Australia
have only grown stronger.
Our agreements with the Phillipines and South Korea are very similar.
In both cases we are supportive of emerging democracies. In both cases
we lend military assistance to support a direct communist threat. In
Korea, the threat is conventional and well known. In the Phillipines, the
threat is revolutionary and not so well known. Both these countries
occupy strategic territory in the region and are crucial to American
defense eforts.(5:56)
Perhaps the most stabilizing effort the United States has attempted
is the development of a defense relationship with the Peoples Republic of
China. This country is a giant, in many ways, in the region. It poses the
most serious threat to the borders of the Soviet Union. It has the greatest
reserve of natural resourses. Further, its strategic potential is just
beginning to develop.(7:8) Our policy toward this nation has just started,
but the potential for stability in the region is great. (2:1)
While we may fix our attention too greatly on the need for military
security strategy in the keeping of world peace, it is sometimes more il-
luminating to examine where the interests of our economic strategy lie in
determining our goals. Since the United States is a capitalistic nation, a
brief review of where our economy is leading us may provide another clue
as to where our national interests truly lie.
The United States is a major power in the world economy. We trade
with almost every nation in the world. Our economic power is one of our
nation's greatest assets. We compete in the International arena with
every trade partner. In the past twenty-five years our major competitor
has become the force of the Japanese economy.(17:1) They have also
become, second only to Canada, our major trading partner.(3:3) A look at
our trade deficit, on a global scale provides a chart of our economic
interest. The most recent figures (Feb. 1989) are as follow:
Western Europe--minus forteen billion dollars
Western Hemisphere--minus seventeen billion dollars
Southwest Asia-- minus one point seven billion dollars
Pacific Rim--minus seventy-eight billion dollars (fifty-two
billion dollar deficit with Japan alone!) (3:1)
The above figures graphically depict where our economic interest has
been placed. The United States remains the most powerful economic force
in the world today, however this leadership is facing serious challenges.
One such challenge is in the form of the imminent formation of the
European Economic Community. The formation of this multi-national
trading cartel in Western Europe will remove all trade barriers between
member nations. Such a move will remove most of the comparative
advantages the U.S. has when dealing with individual nations.(18:3)
Another challenge is the growth of capitalism in the Soviet Union.
Currently, the U.S. is a major trading partner with the Soviet Union for
goods that the Russians cannot, or will not, produce for themselves. The
demand for services and consumer goods, produced in the Soviet Union is
growing. If the Soviets are successful in producing such goods and
services, the United States might find the two point one billion dollar
surplus in trade with the USSR significantly reduced. (3:1)
While trade with the European and Middle Eastern countries are
important to the economy, they are only a small percentage of our foreign
trade. The recent free trade agreement with Canada has served to drop all
import/export barriers with our largest, single trading partner. This
action is predicted to increase and strengthen our two countries' economic
power. (3:2) Both nations together, however, cannot equal the rising
economic power of the nations of the Pacific rim. Our trade with those
nations continues to grow. The Japanese have started to forge partner-
ships with other Asian nations which, if successful, will make the far
eastern trading cartels the major economic force in the world. Bilateral
Japanese and Korean economic agreements are breaking this trail and have
proven to be quite benificial for both nations. (17:1) One nation, in par-
ticular has been encouraging the U.S. to counter this economic force by
increasing productivity and making favorable trade agreements...China.(2:2)
China is a is a country of almost unlimited human resources and vast
natural resources. The importance of this potential, in regards to U.S.
national security, cannot be overlooked.
This then is the current status of the national security concerns and
goals. What might the future hold and how might the interests of the
United States change? Predictions of this nature are usually educated
guesswork, at best. However, some trends are emerging which might
eliminate some of the guesswork.
As was stated in our most recent statement of national security, the
Soviet Union was seen as the most dangerous potential adversary. Further,
that the hazard was, primarily, centered on the eurasian landmass.
Several recent events have served to somewhat lessent his threat.
First, the dramatic changes in Soviet leadership. The current leaders
are beginning to focus a great deal more attention on internal problems.
This has been coupled with a realization that the Soviet economy cannot
afford to regenerate its failing economy and maintain its large conven-
tional force posture in Europe.(6:1) This realization has been manifested
by the Soviet willingness to negotiate force reductions in Europe and its
even more surprising desire to reduce conventional forces as well as
nuclear weapons.(12:21)
Second, the withdrawal from Afghanistan has taught the Russians
their first lesson in the limitations of power of a great nation. This
lesson was learned, just as painfully, by the United States in Viet Nam. As
in this country, a period of introspection and realignment of national goals
may be predicted for the Soviet Union. While the USSR will remain a major
force, it will be a bit more hesitant to use military power to achieve its
goals.(9:30)
Third, the political changes that are occuring in the Soviet Union are
not isolated to that nation. Similar changes are apparent in many of its
closest allies. Autonomous political changes are being manifested in such
critical Soviet allies as Poland, East Germany, Hungary, and Czechoslova-
kia. In addition, there are growing nationalistic movements in some of the
ethnic regions of the Soviet Union itself. These factors tend to point to a
time of resolving internal problems and developing national goals for the
Soviet Union.(9:17) That is not to say that the USSR is no longer to be
considered a potential adversary, only that the hazard is somewhat mi-
tigated by problems and challenges the Russians face closer to home.
One area of the world in which the Soviet Union is breaking new
ground, diplomatically and militarily, is the Pacific region. As has already
been mentioned, the Soviet Pacific Fleet is their largest. They have
aggressively sought and secured warm-water ports and access for their
ships. The Soviet Union's ties with Viet Nam and North Korea have made
these goals a reality. Further, the USSR has been able to exercise its fleet
in all parts of the Pacific without fear of being cut of from its lines of
communication.(11:403)
Another recent shift which gives cause for concern is the renewed
friendship between the Soviet Union and China.(8:12) While it is too early
in this relationship to predict the outcome, the limited detante does
provide for a lessening of tensions between the two countries. This
allows for a shift in assets in the Soviet Union and reduces the Chinese
need for stronger U.S. relations.(2:2)
In any case, the Soviet Union will remain a major player in the Pacific
region for some time to come. Three of its major beneficiaries of military
and economic aid are Pacific rim nations (Viet Nam,Mongolia, and Korea).
(5:67) It may also be worth noting that the USSR has not made any over-
tures for an arms reduction in the Pacific.
That the Soviet Union will remain interested in the Pacific appears to
be a resonable assumption. What of the United States interests in the
Pacific in the future? Current policy and the recent actions of some of the
Pacific nations may provide some answers.
One of the most notable changes in the relationship between the U.S.
and Japan is the recent decision by the Japanese people to accept an
expanded role for their self-defense force. Since the implementation of
their constitution, Japanese defense spending has been limited to a strict
percentage of their GNP, usually less than one percent. (1:105) This
represents a major shift in the psyche of the Japanese people. It also
tends to lessen the strength of the American argument that the Japanese
were not sharing a large enough portion of their own defense burden. This
move has been both welcomed and met with suspicion by her allies. The
U.S. tends to welcome this move, as it may slow down the rapidly
growing Japanese economy while at the same time providing a new market
for U.S. arms sales.(17:3) Japan's closest neighbors tend to look at a
resurgent Japanese military with a great deal of apprehension. (1:118)
The basis of these concerns are, primarily, what would a strong and
independent (militarily) Japan do if there was a significant shift away
from the United States?
Our relationship with Australia has been strengthened since we ended
our relationship with New Zealand in the trilateral treaty between the
U.S., Australia, and New Zealand. Australia looks to the United States to
provide regional security in the Pacific southwest. The United States has
reason to want to provide this service. The Pacific trade routes from the
Persian Gulf and the Southeast Asian nations must transit this regIon.
Australia provides the strongest military in the area, along with a
significant national concern, to maintain the peace of this part of the
world. (1:272-273) further, the Australians are trying to increase their
share of the foreign trade with the emerging Asian nations.(1:287)
Next to Japan, the Republic of Korea has the fastest growing economy
in the region. Its principle trading partner is the U.S. (18:2) After the
Korean War, the United States devoted a large measure of aid to assist in
the rebuilding of the Korean economy. This effort was quite successful.
While the Koreans rebuilt their economy, the American armed forces
provided the required security. Now that the Koreans are experimenting
with a new, more liberal democracy, and being blessed with a booming
economy, many in the U.S. question the need for continued high levels of
military aid.(9:165) The new bilateral trade agreements with Japan make
Korea an even more powerful economic force.(18:2) If the U.S. is to remain
a major economic power in the region, our intrests in Korea must remain
viable.
All of the above considerations are either known facts or reasonable
assumptions. The biggest question mark on the Pacific rim is also the
largest in terms of resourses. The Chinese remain, traditionally,
inscrutable. How the Chinese chart their future will, to a large degree,
determine the future of the region. China has been, for over five thousand
years, the key to political and economic power in the western
Pacific.(3:2) The resources that this country contains are almost unlim-
ited The United States has been trying to tap these resources since the
Nixon years.(7:2) That stronger ties with the Peoples Republic of China is
a trump card in the U.S.' security strategy has been an accepted element in
American foreign policy since 1972.(2:3) The problem has been that the
Chinese move slowly and carefully, while the Americans look for more
immediate results. The Chinese are quite adept at statesmanship. Every
time the U.S. pushes too hard, the Soviet Union and the Chinese reopen
relations in an attempt at reconciliation.(8:14) The potential for U.S.
businesses in China is beyond estimation, and clearly an incentive for
stronger Sino-American relations.(2:3)
Clearly, the United States has many concerns in this region of the
world. Just how important are they?
It is apparent that the future of U.S. foreign trade is in the Pacific
rim. The figures tell a tale of overwhelming economic power. The United
States is so far in debt to Pacific countries that we may very well be
forced to devote more attention to protecting our interests there. The
Soviet Union is making more and more moves, both diplomatically and eco-
nomically, to strengthen its share of the wealth in the Pacific. If we don't
meet the challenges and opportunities offered there, we might as well re-
spond as an English gentleman recently did to a representitive of a U.S.
trade mission in Japan. After a few drinks in a bar the Englishman said
"Why don't you respond like we have, just admit you're second."(18:1) Such
a response is not in the American character...at least not yet.
What, then, might be reasonable and feasible courses of action for the
U.S. in response to the growing challenge of Pacific competition and how
does this affect national security strategy?
It iIs important to remember that our security strategy is based on the
goals and interests stated by the President. Further, that these goals and
interests are not geographically motivated. It is apparent, however, that
the United States has placed the greatest proportion of its military power
in a region of the world far separated from our diplomatic and economic
concerns. That this issue needs to be addressed is the first area in which
the U.S. National Security Strategy might be altered.
To effectively counter Soviet military moves in the Pacific, U.S. naval
power must be shifted. Currently, only one and one-third carrier battle
groups are assigned to the U.S. Seventh fleet. The U.S. Third Fleet is
responsible for Alaska, the east and mid-pacific, and the Bering Sea, must
share assets with the Seventh Fleet. Since there is no dedicated fleet for
the Indian Ocean and the Persian Gulf, these two fleets are stretched to
the limit. It wasn't until 1987 that the first battleship battle group was
assigned to the western Paclfic.(11 :404) Reassignment of at least two
more battle groups and a battleship battle group would restore peacetime
U.S supremacy to the Pacific. Where would these assets come from?
Perhaps our NATO allies will provide the answer. Demands for force
reductions are comming at us from both are allies and the Warsaw Pact. If
forces are to shifted, then let us do it and place the forces where they can
be better used. However,this is only part of the soultion.
Given that this region of the world is, primarily, water, other mari-
time issues need to be addressed. Military strength is only one element
of national power to be used in the accomplishment of national goals. Eco-
nomic power must also be used. The U.S. Merchant Marine has declined to
the point that no U.S. merchant vessels are being built in the U.S., nor are
any foreign constructions being flagged.(16:30) If the U.S is to compete in
the Pacific, U.S. goods must be transported on U.S. carriers, protected by
our navy. One short term solution would be to take advantage of the free
trade agreement with Canada. They could be the carriers, we could provide
the security.
Another area that needs to be addressed is the military indepen-
dance of Japan and Korea. Neither country has sufficient assets to face a
major threat alone.(1:66&127) It may be in the best interests of the U.S.
to allow this situation to continue. If the U.S continues to guarantee the
security of these nations, then greater concesions must be made regarding
trade with the U.S. The Roman Empire made a good business of providing
protection for tribute.
We must make renewed efforts to gain markets for our goods in China.
China has the potential to provide our economy a tremendous boost in the
area of foreign trade.(2:3) As a competitive entity, China could take
almost all of our export trade, if the market is fully developed. Our other
trading partners would be forced to respond or lose our business. The
trade in China could erase our foreign debt. This is clearly in our national
interests.
What would the Chinese be interested in buying? The products that
they are in the most need of are to be found in areas of our economy that
are currently slumping. Agriculture and agicultural technology, heavy in-
dustry, transportation, and oil technology. Other areas that the U.S. could
exploit are arms sales, consumer products, space technology, and commun-
ications. We would recieve in return a vast labor source, access to raw
materials, and, most importantly, new markets to stimulate our economy.
Development of the Chinese potential could be the most important step in
the return of U.S supremacy on the world market.
Finally, we must be true to our national goals and ideals. Our stated
policy of supporting human rights and fostering democray might best be
realized in the Pacific. There are currently twenty-two new, independant
nations in the Pacific Basin alone.(1:266) The countries of the Pacific are
governed by a broad mixture of systems from liberal democracies to mon-
archies and military dictatorships. Many are just evolving and emerging as
soverign nations. They are experimenting and searching for independence.
It is here that the traditional values of western democracy and concern for
individual rights can best be fostered. The United States should be the
leader in this quest. We should support the efforts of these nations with
all the elements of are national power. It is here that they are most
needed. It Is here that our shared concerns are the greatest. It is in the
Pacific that the United States can best realize its role of global leader-
ship. The older democracies and governments of Europe and the western
Atlantic do not need the meddling of the United States. They have little to
offer in return. The potential of the Pacific is great. We have not taken
full advantage of it. Now is the time for a change.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
1 Alves, Dora, ed. Pacific Security Toward the Year 2000 Washington
D.C.: National Defense University Press, 1988.
2. Armacost, Michael H., Under Secretary for Political Affairs. Address
to the National Council for U.S.-China Trade. China and the US.:
Present and Future. Washington, D.C.: U.S. Department of State,
current policy no. 1079, June, 1988.
3. Averbach, Stuart. "Trade Deficit for Year Falls for First Time Since
1980", The Washington Post, 18 February, 1989, business section,
p.1.
4 "Bring Some NATO Troops Home." Defense News 6 March, 1989, com-
mentary, p.28.
5. Carlucci, Frank C., Secretary of Defense. Report of the Secretary of
Defense for Fiscal Year 1969. Washington, D.C.: U.S. Government
Printing Office, 9 January, 1989.
6. Fialka, John J. "Increased Soviet Pressure For Arms Cuts May Put Ne-
gotiators In West On The Spot", Wall Street Journal, 13 March,
1989, news, p. 1.
7. Gass, Henry B. Sino-American Relations. Expectations and Realities.
Washington, D.C.: National Defense University Press, 1984
8. Guo-Cang, Huan. "Sino-Soviet Relations to the Year 2000: Implications
for U.S. Interests." Occasional Papers. The Atlantic Council of
the United States. Washington D.C.: The Atlantic Council, 1986.
9. Hendrickson, David C. The Future of American Strategy New York and
London: Holmes and Meier, Publishers Inc., 1987.
10. Kempe, Fredrick. "Rocky Relations: West German's Ties With U.S. Be-
come Increasingly Testy", Wall Street Journal 13 March, 1989,
news, p.1.
11. Lehman, John J., Jr. Command of the Seas. Building the 600 Ship Navy
New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1988.
2. Oye, Kenneth A,et al. Eagle Resurgent? The Reagan Era in American
Foreign Policy Boston and Toronto: Little, Brown and Co., 1987.
13. Reagan, Ronald, President of the United States. National Security~
Strategy of the United States Washington, D.C.: The White House,
January, 1988.
14. Rowen, Hobart. "Time for a New Look at Japan Policy", The Washington,
Post,26 February, 1989, business section, pp. 1&11.
15. Shapiro, Margaret, and Hialt, Fred. "Japan: From Pauper to Patron In
25 Years", The Washington Post, 29 February, 1989, business sec-
tion, pp. 1&4.
16. "The Maritime Strategy', US Naval Institute, January, 1986, p.30.
17. Wallis, Allen, Under Secretary for Economic Affairs and Agricuture.
Address to the Federation of Economic Organizations. The
United States and Japan: Partners in Global Economics Leader-
ship. Washington, D.C.: U.S. Department of State, current policy
no. 1072, 19 April, 1988.
18. Wallis, Alien, Under Secretary for Economic Affairs and Agriculture.
Address to the Council on Foreign Affairs. The United States in
the World Economy Washington, D.C.: U.S. Department of State,
current policy no. 1076, June 1988.
|
NEWSLETTER
|
|
Join the GlobalSecurity.org mailing list
|
|
|
