Keynote address by the President at the Munich Security Conference
President of the Republic of Lithuania
February 17, 2024
Keynote address by Gitanas Nausėda, President of the Republic of Lithuania, at the discussion "Flank-Tastic? Mapping NATO's Eastern Deterrence and Defense" at the Munich Security Conference
Excellencies,
Ladies and Gentlemen,
One of the main principles of NATO is the indivisibility of the security of the Allies. More than ever, we need this holistic approach to deal with present-day security challenges and threats.
Together, as a security community, we are at the forefront of a great struggle. A struggle in which security and freedom, and the future of all European countries, is at stake.
The main aim of Putin's Russia, stated many times, is to recreate and further expand the Empire. This puts tremendous pressure on the entire rules-based world order. Russia brutally attacked Ukraine. Russia is delivering ultimatums to NATO and the United States. Russia is meddling and sowing chaos in the Sahel, Middle East, Latin America. It threatens to put nuclear weapons in space.
Russian leadership treats international law and all legal - and moral - obligations with open disdain. Power and dominance are what they seek. In their worldview, the weak always suffer what they must.
To rebuild its empire, Russia uses three important instruments.
First, it tries to distort reality by spreading disinformation, playing with emotions, and confusing people's minds. Making us question ourselves, Russia hopes to weaken our resolve.
Second, Russia manipulates open democratic systems by corrupting and bribing decision-makers. The instrumentalization of gas, oil, nuclear energy, and big cash flows is not a new phenomenon and it will not end anytime soon.
Third, Russia uses nuclear threats to instill fear and paralyze our decisions and actions. Nevertheless, its leadership is not suicidal. They respond only to the language of power. A language we need to resurrect in the West.
Ladies and Gentlemen,
To resist successfully, we must all learn hard lessons. Our earlier assumptions were wrong. Neither economic cooperation, nor the sharing of wellbeing, nor engagements on the cultural level, will lead to peaceful coexistence with Russia.
Putin is not going to abandon his goals unless he's forced to do so. Russia won't change easily.
Today we face the all-too-familiar threat of expansion, destruction and autocratic rule. It is only the cover that is changing - ruscism[1] today, communism yesterday and autocratic tsarism before that. The essence always remains the same.
So, what can be done? I have already given some hints. While Russia relies on fear, it is also prone to fear. Encouraged by our weaknesses, it is ready to recoil at the first sign of toughness and resolve.
The fundamental superiority of the democratic West is clearly understood in Moscow. The key challenge for us is to make use of it.
To be successful in dealing with Russia, we must act on at least five levels.
First, on the political level, Russia has to be isolated. No shaking hands with a murderer who kills his opponents, Alexei Navalny being the last among them. No cozy havens or benefits for Putin's allies and accomplices anywhere in the West. No freedom for Russia to spread its influence. Yes to Putin's trial in the Hague.
We must also show that Russia's actions are counterproductive by making Ukraine's future membership in NATO our priority. Most importantly, we unite like-minded countries and help those fighting Russian coercion and aggression.
Second, on the military level, we need to deter any attempts at aggression by reinforcing NATO. This means investing in our capabilities beyond the current floor of 2 percent. What we need is to aim for 3 percent and more.
Our military industries must also grow faster to cover both the needs of Ukraine and our own. Everything might be lost if we do not take care of our security!
Crucially important will be scaling up NATO's forward defenses to adequate levels. It is vital to have a brigade-level permanent presence in each Baltic country. The sea and air components must be covered as well. Our air defense system must include the ability to retaliate.
To be sure that our defense plans work, we need to engage in periodic large-scale exercises. Credible nuclear deterrence must also be maintained, always bearing in mind that the core of our deterrence is the transatlantic presence: boots on the ground.
Third, on the economic level, we must derail the Russian economy that is fueling the war. We need the strictest possible sanctions with strong control mechanisms preventing any loopholes.
Fourth, on the science and technology level, there can be no cooperation, no transfer of technologies or knowledge to Russia. We must not cut the branch on which we are sitting!
Fifth, we have to resist any attempts by Russia to use the channels of culture, including popular culture, to transmit its ideology. With the Paris Olympics approaching, we must ensure that sports will not be used to whitewash atrocities. No athletes representing Russia should be allowed to the international games.
Ladies and Gentlemen,
This is my thinking on the strategy of containing Russia. I know all this is a lot to ask for, and even more to demand.
Nevertheless, while facing an existential threat, we must take initiative. We must create new dilemmas and uncertainties and impose substantial costs on Russia.
Our actions should be defined not only by the demands of the moment but also by a clear strategic outlook.
We need a long-term strategy of active containment. Instead of idly sitting within our defenses, we must actively shape the scene, cutting Russia's ability to continue its brutal war in Ukraine. Stopping it from bringing instability to other parts of the world.
Our duty is to rise to the challenge and safeguard our freedom and prosperity.
We have the resources. We must find the resolve and strength to act - and to win.
Gitanas Nausėda, President of the Republic of Lithuania
|
NEWSLETTER
|
| Join the GlobalSecurity.org mailing list |
|
|
|
