DEPUTY SECRETARY GENERAL'S KEYNOTE ADDRESS
AT THE ROYAL UNITED SERVICES INSTITUTE (RUSI) CONFERENCE
"NATO, THE MEDITERRANEAN AND THE MIDDLE EAST:
THE SUCCESSOR GENERATION"
LONDON, 29 NOVEMBER 2004
NATO
29 Nov. 2004
Ladies and
Gentlemen,
[Thank you
for those kind words of introduction.] It is always a pleasure for
me to return to London, and particularly when I am invited to join such
distinguished company as is gathered here this morning. What is
more, I have been asked to address you on a subject that is not only of
great professional interest, but also of personal interest. As an
Italian, a deep interest in the Mediterranean is ingrained from birth.
For many people, the Mediterranean conjures up visions of blue seas, blue
skies and wonderful food. However, beyond this vision of a holiday
idyll, lie some pressing security concerns. And in the current
climate, today's conference could not be more timely.
However,
before addressing the specific issue that I have been requested to
discuss, I would like to make a couple of introductory comments.
Although they may not appear to be immediately relevant to the theme of
today's conference, I can assure you their relevance will become clear
later on.
First of
all, we need to acknowledge that people do not always understand the
challenges of today's security environment. As security experts, I
would like to think that we are all fully cognisant of the fundamental
changes that have taken place in the security environment over the past
15 years. We understand that the nature of the risks and threats
are now different terrorism, failed states and the proliferation of
weapons of mass destruction. And we also understand that NATO is
undergoing a transformation process to ensure that it is be better
equipped to deal with these risks and threats.
However,
our wider public does not have this clear understanding. They know
that the Cold War is over, and that the number of troops stationed in
Germany can no longer be used as a measure of NATO's relevance, but they
fail to see how NATO contributes to security in today's
environment. As security experts, we have a responsibility to get
over the message that NATO's relevance comes not only from
deterrence. It comes also from the stability and security that it
is able to actively project both through its political engagement,
as well as through its military operations.
Another
popular misconception is that NATO equals the United States. While
the United States is indeed a major NATO ally, it is only one of
26. The majority of the other allies are European. So, it is
important to remind people that NATO is a unique organisation that brings
Europe and North America together. NATO equals North America
and Europe.
Together,
North America and Europe continue to provide NATO with immense military
capability. But our general public also doesn't realise that NATO
now offers so much more as well. In its 55 years of existence, NATO
has acquired considerable experience and expertise in broader political
and security fields. And this experience and expertise is available
in the form of advice and guidance to those countries who want it.
This should be seen as "added value", over and above NATO's pure military
hardware.
I feel
very strongly that we must do better at addressing these
misconceptions. And we must do better at describing the new
security environment. Because unless we are able to do so, we will
be unable to explain NATO's continued relevance.
I
mentioned earlier that we now face new risks and threats - terrorism,
failed states and the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction.
These require us to take a new approach to security an approach
based on three pillars. Firstly, operations to deal with these
risks at their source, before they emerge on our own doorstep.
Secondly, the need for new capabilities. And thirdly, the need for
strong cooperation among nations, as well as between international
institutions. And it is on this issue of cooperation that I should
now like to focus.
Global
challenges demand a global response. NATO is therefore intensifying
its relations with its various partners. Through our commitment to
partnership, we strive to bring stability and security to our partner
countries. We offer the experience and expertise I mentioned
earlier. We bring transparency, which leads to confidence and
trust. And confidence and trust in turn bring greater stability and
security for everyone in the region. Our partnerships also lead to
a better understanding of, and interoperability with, NATO. This
leads to opportunities for partners' participation in NATO-led
operations, as well as their involvement in the decision making process
relating to those operations.
As a
result of decisions taken in Istanbul, NATO is deepening its ties with
all its Partners, especially those in the Caucasus and Central
Asia. We are determined, also, to enhance our special partnerships
with Russia and with Ukraine. And we are strengthening our dialogue
with countries as far away as China, Japan and Australia. But two
decisions that have attracted greatest interest, and are the subject of
this conference, were our decisions to enhance relations with our
Mediterranean Dialogue partners and to launch the Istanbul Cooperation
Initiative.
Those
decisions represent the "Next Step" in NATO's relations with the states
of North Africa, the Middle East, and the Gulf Region. Bearing in
mind what I said earlier about misunderstandings about NATO's relevance,
many people ask why NATO should wish to engage in a relationship with
these states. It would be easy to cite the factor of energy.
A large proportion of the crude oil, which is vital to the Western
industrial states, comes from the Middle East and Gulf States and is
transported across the Mediterranean. Approximately 3000 ships
cross the Mediterranean each day. And major pipelines link North
Africa with Southern Europe.
But the
answer is much wider than just energy matters. More than any other
area of the world, this vast region is likely to have a major influence
on Allies' security in the years to come. Despite differences
between the various sub-regions of the wider Mediterranean area, there
are some common and worrying factors in security terms. A very high
proportion of the population is young, and these people are moving to the
cities in search of work. But their economic and social demands are
difficult to satisfy and there is high unemployment. It is this
younger generation that is most likely to express its frustration with
the current situation through migration or extremism, or both.
This is a
challenge with complex political, economic and other implications.
There is therefore no doubt in my mind that a coherent,
multi-institutional approach is required. And while I am certainly
not suggesting that NATO involvement can address all these problems, I am
convinced that NATO does have a lot to offer that could be beneficial in
the security domain. So NATO must be involved. And the states
of the region must be involved. And NATO and the states of the
region must work together.
Well, we
are already doing exactly that. And the Istanbul decisions laid out
the next steps. The Mediterranean Dialogue celebrates its
10th anniversary this year and we will be
marking the occasion with a special meeting of Foreign Ministers in
Brussels on 8th December. Over the
period of our relationship we have held regular political consultations
with these countries, and our cooperative work programme has grown to
include subjects as diverse as airspace management; border security;
counter-terrorism; defence reform; civil emergency planning; military
exercises, and training and education.
But as
part of our efforts to move the relationship further forward, we are now
looking to prepare our annual programme of work by enriching the
Mediterranean Dialogue with elements from the Partnership for
Peace. And we are also seeking to expand our cooperation on
operations, including on combating terrorism within the framework of our
major maritime operation, Active Endeavour. That is why I was encouraged
by the participation by the seven Mediterranean Dialogue Chiefs of
Defence in a meeting with NATO Chiefs of Defence two weeks ago.
This was a significant event and was clear evidence of the commitment
from all involved to deepen the relationship.
Another
key decision at Istanbul was the launch of the Istanbul Cooperation
Initiative. Earlier this year, I visited the Gulf region and had
consultations with a number of Arab countries. The Istanbul
Cooperation Initiative is a direct response to the interest they
expressed in closer contacts with the Alliance. What the new
initiative offers these countries is practical cooperation in fields
where NATO can make a real difference, including defence reform,
interoperability and the fight against terrorism. We are determined
not to impose our own views, and there is certainly no obligation on any
of these countries interested in working with NATO. Our aim is to
focus on practical cooperation, to encourage "joint ownership", to
complement efforts by other international organisations, and to avoid
duplication.
And we are
off to a good start. Last month, I visited Kuwait, the United Arab
Emirates and Bahrain to describe what NATO could offer and hear their
views. The reactions from these countries were all very
positive. They expressed a genuine interest in cooperating with
NATO and will send delegations to NATO for further consultations.
Next month I shall visit Qatar, Oman and Saudi Arabia, where I anticipate
similarly welcoming reactions for what NATO has to offer.
Ladies and
gentlemen,
NATO's
adaptation to the new security environment has been swift, comprehensive,
and remarkably successful. But our transformation is far from
finished. It is work in progress. And enhanced relationships
with the states of North Africa, the Middle East and the Gulf region are
very much part of that transformation. I have explained why the
region is so important to NATO. And I have outlined for you the
framework in which the work will be conducted. Over the course of
this conference, other speakers from NATO will flesh out for you the
details of this work.
But I
should like to conclude with a health warning. I have to be honest
and admit that I remain concerned that we still know too little about
each other. That is why I am keen to see all our work being
accompanied by a greater public diplomacy campaign in order to reach a
wider audience. Whatever we do must be accompanied by public and
governmental support both at home in our members' countries, as
well as in the states of North Africa and the broader Middle East.
We must explain what we are doing, and why we are doing it. And as
security experts, we have a key role in getting over that
message. Thank you.
