18 February 2004
State Department Noon Briefing, February 18, 2004
Haiti, Venezuela, Afghanistan, Israel/Palestinians, Iraq, Iran, India/Pakistan, Cyprus, Yemen/Saudi Arabia, North Korea
State Department Spokesman Richard Boucher briefed the media February 18 at the noon briefing.
Following is the transcript of the briefing:
(begin transcript)
U.S. Department of State
Daily Press Briefing Index
Wednesday, February 18, 2004
12:30 p.m. EST
BRIEFER: Richard Boucher, Spokesman
HAITI
-- Situation Update/U.S. Policy/Political Solution
-- Secretary Powell's Call with French Foreign Minister de Villepin
-- U.S. Humanitarian Assistance Team
VENEZUELA
-- President Chavez' Recent Statements Critical of U.S.
AFGHANISTAN
-- Status of Elections
ISRAEL/PALESTINIANS
-- Separation Barrier/ICRC/International Court of Justice
-- U.S. Team Departs for Consultations
-- Commitment to the Roadmap
IRAQ
-- ICRC Access to Saddam Hussein
-- UN Fact-Finding Team/Brahimi Report/Recommendations
-- Secretary Powell's Call with UN Secretary General Annan
IRAN
-- Freight Train Tragedy
-- U.S. View of Upcoming Election
-- Japanese Investment in Azadegan Oil Field
INDIA/PAKISTAN
-- Agenda for Next Round of Talks
CYPRUS
-- Reunification Talks
YEMEN/SAUDI ARABIA
-- Resolution of Border Dispute
NORTH KOREA
-- Six-Party Talks/Goals
U.S. DEPARTMENT OF STATE
DAILY PRESS BRIEFING
WEDNESDAY, FEBRUARY 18, 2004
(ON THE RECORD UNLESS OTHERWISE NOTED)
12:30 p.m. EST
MR. BOUCHER: Okay. Good afternoon, ladies and gentlemen. It's a pleasure to be here. I don't have any statements or announcements. So I'd be glad to take your questions.
Mr. Gedda, sir.
QUESTION: Do you have anything new to say about Haiti, the quest for a political solution, U.S. personnel being sent there, et cetera?
MR. BOUCHER: The policy on Haiti is, as we've said before, is to seek a peaceful and democratic and constitutional solution to the political crisis. It's important for all the parties, particularly the government, to meet their commitments to the Caribbean nations, to the CARICOM group, and to uphold their responsibilities under the constitution.
The Secretary said yesterday, what we want to do right now is to find a political solution, and there are willing nations that would come forward with a police presence at that point to implement the political agreement that the sides come to. So we're continuing to work carefully and diligently with members of the Caribbean community, with the Organization of American States, with the other friends of Haiti.
The Secretary spoke this morning with French Foreign Minister de Villepin, and they're in agreement on the approach here. Our desire to support the efforts of the CARICOM nations and our desire to help with the implementation once the parties, particularly the government, assume their responsibilities and implement the commitments that they have made to the Caribbean nations.
I know there has been some talk about -- from the government side -- of wanting assistance from the international community in the area of security. That's not a new request. The response that we've had is the same that we've had before. It's appropriate, when and if President Aristide demonstrates through his actions that his government has the political will to support the rule of law. And so that's what we're looking at. And the way to get there is to implement the commitments that he has made and the other responsibilities he has under the constitution.
Tammy.
QUESTION: Is that really the only leverage to get Aristide to start to implement these proposals saying we'll provide what you're asking for, once you start to move? I mean, because there doesn't appear to be any other leverage.
MR. BOUCHER: I don't know if it's a question of leverage so much as it's a matter of people doing what they promised to do, that President Aristide, as we all know, has made these commitments, has made these commitments to the Caribbean nations and pledged to implement the CARICOM proposals.
And so we're looking for him to do that, to do that which he had promised. We think that's a key part of moving forward in this situation. We've also made clear the opposition has responsibilities, too, to take steps to quell the violence and to seek only a peaceful, negotiated, constitutional solution to Haiti's troubles.
QUESTION: Is there any talk at all of intervention given the, you know, that this violence is not improving, particularly, and Aristide doesn't appear to be implementing these proposals?
MR. BOUCHER: There -- no, not at this point. I guess that's the simple answer.
Teri.
QUESTION: Did you check on when the U.S. team, the Humanitarian Assistance team arrived? I'd heard it was just today. Is that correct?
MR. BOUCHER: Did we get that information?
A PARTICIPANT: No, I'm sorry. I don't have --
MR. BOUCHER: I'm sorry. We'll try to get it quickly for you after the briefing.
QUESTION: Okay, thank you.
QUESTION: Well, what do you say to the criticism that by waiting to send police down that calm is never going to break out down there and that things will just keep spiraling out of control until there's too much chaos and you have to go down?
MR. BOUCHER: I think the course that we've chosen, the one that the international community has chosen is to get the parties in Haiti to take up their responsibility. I mean, let's remember, the role -- much of the violence that we see now is being created by gangs that were once aligned with the Aristide Government.
Without that factor, Haiti would be much closer to the rule of law and farther away from gang violence. So it's critical for the actors who supported these groups and supported this violence to be part of ending it.
It's imperative that the Haitian Government, the opposition move to dialogue and accept the good offices of the international community and move forward in a political fashion rejecting the violence and urging those that they once supported in the past to stop the violence.
QUESTION: But Richard, if I could follow up.
QUESTION: But --
MR. BOUCHER: He was going to say, "But Richard," first.
QUESTION: Oh, sorry. (Laughter.) Okay. Go ahead.
MR. BOUCHER: Go ahead, Saul.
QUESTION: But Richard, the Secretary himself said that there are leaders of the armed gangs there with whom there's just no way you can negotiate. And the government itself has said it's powerless to protect some towns from attack. So if you just are waiting for a negotiated solution, the players down there can't be negotiated with. I mean, this is the only option.
MR. BOUCHER: No, I didn't -- I didn't say that we were asking -- we're not asking anybody to negotiate with the thugs, with the gangs that are on a rampage here. But those who had been their sponsors in the past, those who had armed them, those who had fomented this violence need to take a clear stand against it. And the government, with the police, has the opportunity to take steps against these armed gangs if the police are acting in a professional and responsive manner.
So there are steps the parties need to take, the government needs to take, and the first and foremost problem here is for the government to live up to its responsibilities.
QUESTION: So you think the Haitians themselves can bring calm?
MR. BOUCHER: The Haitians themselves can bring calm if they take these -- if they take the right steps. And to the extent they have difficulty, once they embark on that path, once they start taking these steps, the international community has made clear it's willing to help.
QUESTION: You've been calling on them for some time to do this, and so far they haven't been doing it. So, short of military intervention, which you say there's no appetite for right now while the violence is still going on, is there anything that the U.S. or the international community can do to push them even further, other than these calls to do it, so that you can get along the -- move towards a political settlement?
MR. BOUCHER: Well, you have, I think, seen in recent days since -- well, for some time, since the President's meeting with the CARICOM leaders in Monterrey, but then also in more recent days -- the meetings we had on Friday of the CARICOM Foreign Ministers and the Canadian Foreign Minister, the discussions we've had with the French, the meeting yesterday between the French and the Secretary General of the Organization of Francophonie, Mr. Diouf -- coalescing in the international community behind the same position, the same proposition that the -- to press the parties to implement their commitments to CARICOM, particularly to press President Aristide.
So there is a lot of international effort with -- sorry, I forgot to mention the OAS -- but anyway, the international community is united behind this single goal. And I think we're all working together in support of the CARICOM nations and trying to get the parties to implement those commitments, in particular, to get the government to implement those commitments.
So I think there is concerted action by the international community now. There is also, as we've discussed, some action to take care of the humanitarian crisis down in Haiti. We have aid workers down there, disaster assistance people down there, who are looking at how to make sure that people who need help can get the help in the crisis.
QUESTION: Do you see Aristide as making any movements towards some of the things that you're asking him to do?
MR. BOUCHER: He's made the commitments. Now we need to see him implement those commitments and live up to his constitutional responsibilities.
Okay. Ma'am.
QUESTION: I want to change subject on the other crisis in Latin America, in Venezuela.
The temperature is rising between Caracas and Washington again. President Chavez make some serious accusations to the U.S. Administration for providing some funds to some organizations that are supporting Venezuelan opposition, made responsible the U.S. Administration of the coup of 2002. And I just want to know your reaction on that comment, on this comment.
MR. BOUCHER: Well, it's not the first time he's made accusations, but I have to say, they're not serious ones. They're statements and accusations that are just plain not true and we categorically reject them. They're -- I think we've seen from time to time these kind of attempts to divert attention away from the efforts that are underway amongst the Venezuelan people to exercise their constitutional rights and try to resolve the political polarization through a constitutional process. That's what's going on. One shouldn't try to divert attention with charges against the United States.
As far as the facts of the matter, we have spoken many times before about our assistance to democracy in Haiti -- excuse me -- our assistance to democracy in Venezuela. And we've said very openly that we do provide, through non-governmental organizations, funding to groups that promote democracy and strengthen civil society in Venezuela and around the globe.
Dozens of pro-government political party members and over half a dozen parliamentarians have benefited directly from U.S.-funded training and visitors program. This is done with a variety of groups in Venezuela, all for the benefit of democracy, not to support any particular political faction.
QUESTION: Do you think these comments will impede in any way any role of the United States as a member of the international community, as member of the united -- of the Group of Friends, and try to resolve or to help to resolve the crisis in Venezuela?
MR. BOUCHER: Certainly, the United States has not impeded. We continue to work with other nations. We continue to support the work that's being done by the Friends of Venezuela and others.
The Secretary has kept in close touch with his counterparts on the situation in Venezuela. Our goal is to see that the constitutional rights of signatories to the petitions are respected. I think this has to do -- there are decisions that have to be made down there by the electoral council. We hope those decisions are made fairly and honestly.
So no, we're watching this unfold. We're encouraging people to respect the process and to respect the people involved in the process.
QUESTION: Do you hear anything on the other Friends of Venezuela, in particular?
MR. BOUCHER: Yeah, we've been in touch with a number of other countries. Not about this particular set of charges. I don't think anybody takes them seriously.
QUESTION: Other than the Foreign Minister --
MR. BOUCHER: Oh, we have another on this?
QUESTION: Oh, I'm sorry.
QUESTION: Yeah, on Venezuela. Yes.
MR. BOUCHER: Sure.
QUESTION: Could you mention some organizations, progobierno, that have been help for the U.S.?
MR. BOUCHER: I don't have a list with me now. We'll try to get that for you, if we can.
QUESTION: Please.
MR. BOUCHER: Okay.
QUESTION: Thank you.
QUESTION: The Foreign Minister of Afghanistan is quoted as saying elections shouldn't be held until the security improves in lawless areas of the country. Does the Administration have a view on that?
MR. BOUCHER: I think our view is that we need to work with the Government of Afghanistan on this. They've just had their constitutional Loya Jirga. They have been looking forward to elections. I think President Karzai has talked about having elections in June. I think there is some question as to whether they are going to be able to do both the presidential and the parliamentary elections at that time.
But we are certainly working with them. We have voter registration underway. Some 10 percent or so of the voters are already registered. It's a little more than that, 15 percent, I think, we saw.
MR. ERELI: 1.2 out of 10.5.
MR. BOUCHER: 1.2 out of 10.5. You can do the math.
MR. ERELI: More or less.
MR. BOUCHER: It's about 10 percent. A million voters registered. So this is a campaign that's getting underway. And we will certainly do everything in our power to work with the Afghan Government to have the elections, as promised, in June. If it comes down to it and they don't feel that can be achieved, I'm sure we'll work with them on whatever is appropriate.
QUESTION: When you speak of both levels of elections may not be possible, is that -- for what reason is that? Is that because it's a new process and it's very complicated? Or does it have something to do with security?
MR. BOUCHER: No, I -- well, it may be complicated by security, but it is a pretty widespread process that requires a lot of detail in many different ways and to some extent, the parliamentary elections are a bit harder to get completely organized.
QUESTION: Okay.
QUESTION: A new subject? The International Red Cross today said that the security fence that Israel is building is contrary to the international humanitarian law. I know about your view on reservations about this fence. But do you think it's contrary or compatible with humanitarian international law?
MR. BOUCHER: I don't think we've tried to take a position on that. We've made clear what our position is on the fence, political grounds, negotiating grounds, the grounds of peace and the lives of regular people. We haven't tried to define a legal position on it.
Yeah.
QUESTION: Some more on the Middle East. The Palestinian Prime Minister today has said that if Israel goes ahead with its pledge to withdraw settlements from Gaza, then he would like to see an international peacekeeping force there. Is that something that the U.S. considers possible?
MR. BOUCHER: First of all, let me say, we have our team going out there: The Assistant Secretary of Near Eastern Affairs Bill Burns, Deputy National Security Advisor Stephen Hadley and the Senior Director for Near East and African Affairs Elliot Abrahms departed last night for Jerusalem for their consultations with Israelis and Palestinians.
They are going to follow up on the ideas that Prime Minister Sharon has put out about withdrawal from Gaza. They'll be following up with the Israelis to hear their -- gain a better understanding of this, gain -- hear how the Israelis explain various things.
The Secretary has noted some of the questions that we'd like to see answered about what happens to these people and how this might occur, and how the context of negotiations -- a negotiated settlement would be maintained.
So they'll go out. I'm sure they'll also hear views from Palestinians, possibly including this one. So I'm sure we'll be willing to listen and discuss things at this time -- at that time. At the same time, I would say that we have not supported deployment of international peacekeepers.
Once again, you need to remind people, it's the Palestinian Government's responsibility to take steps to end the violence and terror. If they want to exercise control and authority in these areas, if they want to have control and authority in terms of building a government that can support a state, they need to start taking that control and authority, and that would apply to Gaza, too.
QUESTION: Are you just looking for mathematical precision in that area, a gossamer quest? But here you're giving at least tacit approval to an Israeli peace move, or a move. Some of you'd like to see Israel pull back, and you're hoping the Palestinians will end attacks on Israelis -- but that used to come first.
In other words, the Administration is now disposed, is it, to see elements of an agreement, action on elements of an agreement, while there is some question whether terror can stop?
MR. BOUCHER: Is that a question for the Israeli Administration or the U.S. Administration?
QUESTION: Well, the Israelis apparently decided that their best shot is to pull out.
MR. BOUCHER: I think maybe that's a question for the Israeli Administration.
QUESTION: Well, they have decided to take a chance and pull out.
MR. BOUCHER: Yeah. We have said that we need to proceed on the roadmap, which the Israelis, too, have endorsed. We've said we need to proceed to a negotiated settlement that achieves the President's vision, which the Israelis have endorsed.
QUESTION: Right.
MR. BOUCHER: We have said that any steps to reduce frictions, to reduce tensions, to resolve issues, could potentially contribute to that process. We want to understand them better and that's why we're sending a team out.
So if the Israelis want to make a contribution that moves us down the road on that process, if that's indeed what these steps do, then that would be fine with us. At the same time, that does not absolve any of the parties of their other obligations, and it certainly doesn't absolve the Palestinians from their responsibility to control terror and violence.
QUESTION: And it doesn't absolve Israel of the necessity of having a negotiated agreement, does it?
MR. BOUCHER: The Israelis have clearly put it in that context, and we think it's very important to maintain that context.
QUESTION: Can I follow this a little further?
MR. BOUCHER: Yeah.
QUESTION: I think you pretty much answered --
MR. BOUCHER: I think so, too.
QUESTION: -- the issue. But, I mean, how are you -- why are you confident -- what gives you confidence that Israel, if it executes these proposals, will still be disposed to have negotiations?
MR. BOUCHER: That's what these --
QUESTION: Isn't is possible Sharon will say, "That's it. That's the end of it"?
MR. BOUCHER: I'm not going to speculate on what's possible. The Israeli Government has very clearly stated what it sees as the context, has very clearly stated its continuing commitment to the roadmap, its continuing commitment to a negotiated settlement.
I mean, there is objective reality in addition to all the political discussions and statements that we make. And objective reality is that for Israelis and Palestinians to reach a peaceful state, to be able to live side by side in two states, to be able to live with safety for themselves and their children, both parties need to reach a negotiated end, because that's the only way that they can solve these issues that will satisfy both communities and achieve a stable and long-term outcome.
So whatever we think of this step or that step or this fence or that responsibility, I think we all understand that a negotiated settlement is the only outcome that can really provide a future for both parties.
QUESTION: That doesn't sound like a policy shift to me.
MR. BOUCHER: No, it doesn't.
QUESTION: Right.
MR. BOUCHER: It shouldn't. If it does, then I misspoke.
QUESTION: Then I read the wrong newspapers.
MR. BOUCHER: Teri.
QUESTION: A different issue. The ICR --
QUESTION: (Inaudible.)
MR. BOUCHER: Okay. Same.
QUESTION: Yes. If the Palestinian Prime Minister considers that the only way he can exercise control and authority is to invite international peacekeepers, or are you saying he's not even allowed to ask for help then, or you would oppose that?
MR. BOUCHER: I -- no, I'm saying we'll listen to what the man has to say. But we've always said there are things the Palestinians can and must do to exercise their responsibility and end terror and violence. We've pointed to the unification of the security services. We've pointed out that the United States and other governments in the region have been willing and would remain willing to help with the security services, if those security services were really starting to take their responsibility.
So there are many things that they can do to demonstrate seriousness and to start down this road of ending the violence and terror.
QUESTION: Well, whatever happened to the U.S. monitors? And there were some, I believe, from the Quartet that were on the ground in the begin --
MR. BOUCHER: No, there weren't any Quartet monitors.
QUESTION: Oh, I thought that there were some representatives from the Quartet -- that were on the ground to kind of see that the parties were implementing their obligations. Is there any way the U.S. would continue along those lines?
MR. BOUCHER: We, under Ambassador Wolf, we did have a team out there and we're prepared to put more out there who would monitor the implementation of the roadmap. Insofar as there is implementation of the roadmap, we were happy to monitor it.
Sir.
QUESTION: The Washington Post is attributing some statements to some U.S. officials today that would not help the public policies of the United States in the Middle East. It says that several U.S. officials conceded to the Post that they are largely reacting to Sharon's policies, leaving him in control of the process in the absence of U.S. plan for reviving the roadmap. Do you agree with what they are saying? Do you deny it? I mean, that doesn't sound like --
MR. BOUCHER: I really have not made a habit of arguing with anonymous officials. If somebody wants to come forward and say something that I can deal with, I'm happy to deal with it. But anybody who believes that the United States has not been active ought to really look back at the President's speech at Sharm el-Sheikh, at Aqaba, what we've done with the Arab nations, who themselves have been active, what we've done with the Israeli Government, what we've done with the Quartet to develop the roadmap and press forward, what we have tried to do with the Palestinians and the Israelis and other parties in the region to move forward comprehensively on peace.
QUESTION: A second question please, if I may.
MR. BOUCHER: Yeah.
QUESTION: Also, Jordan seems to be taking a more extreme stand now against what Israel is doing and the building of the wall. There is a -- the Jordanian Ambassador is writing in one of the newspapers in Washington today, saying that the wall could sever the peace treaty with Israel. I mean, and --
MR. BOUCHER: I didn't see that particular remark. I'll leave it --
QUESTION: It is in Washington Times.
MR. BOUCHER: Well, I'll let the Jordanians explain their policy. I think we've talked about our policy here.
Joel.
QUESTION: Richard, next week there is going to be the World Court hearing, and in the last 22 - -since 1947, there are only 22 opinions that the World Court has even spoken about. And it's being set up this next week as -- it looks like a 20-ring media circus -- Israelis are going to bring a charred bus from the suicide bombings, and it seems the U.S. and the Europeans want to sit out that particular hearing. Any particular reasons for that?
And also --
MR. BOUCHER: I think I explained that the other day, that we decided we presented written arguments and didn't need to add to the oral arguments that were being made. We presented a fairly comprehensive written view that this matter should not be dealt with by the Court for a variety of reasons. That's a definitive statement.
Many others have made similar statements to the Court in writing. Some may, perhaps, summarize their statements orally, but we didn't feel it necessary to do that since we'd provided them clearly in writing.
QUESTION: Changing subject with Teri, or --
MR. BOUCHER: Well, let's let Teri --
QUESTION: Thank you. Sort of Iraq, Barry.
QUESTION: All right.
QUESTION: The ICRC says it's still seeking an interview with Saddam Hussein. Can you -- and that it continues to talk to the United States about getting access to him.
Can you give us any reason why they are still not being allowed to see him, since he's been classified as POW?
MR. BOUCHER: I do not -- no, I don't think we're the proper address for that question. I think you'd have to ask the Coalition Authority or the Pentagon.
QUESTION: Okay.
MR. BOUCHER: Adi.
QUESTION: Change the subject to Iran?
MR. BOUCHER: Okay, then we'll come back to Barry.
QUESTION: Sorry. Go ahead, Barry.
QUESTION: No, no, you go. It doesn't take long.
QUESTION: The tragedy, the freight train tragedy, anything to say on that?
MR. BOUCHER: No, other than it's clearly a terrible tragedy.
QUESTION: One more on Iran? This is about the upcoming elections. You've already kind of talked about your distaste for what the hardliners were doing with the reformists, banning them from parliamentary elections.
So, given the fact that so many reformists have been banned from running, will you view the outcome of this election as legitimate? And do you think that the outcome of this election will have an impact on the policy that the U.S. has taken with Iran on dealing with Iran going forward?
MR. BOUCHER: I don't think I want to speculate at this point. It's -- I don't believe there are any international observers that have gone in. There is a lot of reporting about the election and certainly a lot of concern about the pre-election period, and we think the Government of Iran needs to listen to the people, needs to allow the people an opportunity to express their voices. And when it comes down to it, we're on the side of the people in terms of their right to choose their own government.
This election is not shaping up in that fashion. How it will affect our relationship, we'll just have to see.
One more Iran.
QUESTION: Yeah. Iran and Japan has made a agreement for the oil field project, I mean, Azadegan oil field. You are still -- you are concerned about such kind of agreement? How much are you still concerned of the agreement?
MR. BOUCHER: It's the same as it's always been. Our policy has always been, with respect to Iran, to oppose petroleum investment there. We remain deeply concerned and -- about deals such as this and disappointed that these things might go forward. So we've, I think very consistently, expressed these views. The Government of Japan is quite aware of our views on this.
QUESTION: Before the deal, I mean, how much were you -- how much did you have a conversation with the Japanese Government?
MR. BOUCHER: I don't know how much we might have discussed this particular deal. But certainly, over the years repeatedly, we've had many discussions with the Japanese Government at all levels about our concerns. They know these concerns. They know the fundamental concerns about Iran's nuclear developments, about Iran's support for violent groups that oppose the peace process, Iran's harboring and support of terrorists, all these things remain and have not changed.
And I think it many ways, the Government of Japan does share those concerns, but our position is that because of those fundamental concerns, we should really not be investing in the oil sector in Iran. We made our view known to many other governments, including Japan.
QUESTION: So is it safe to say you are not happy about at all about this deal?
MR. BOUCHER: I'll leave -- it's safe to say what I just said, and that's as far as I'll go.
Sir.
QUESTION: Can you help us with the sequence of a hearing about the UN recommendations?
In other words, you know, yesterday, expectation was you hear about what Brahimi reported via Annan, maybe at the end of the week, yeah. Can you sharpen that a little?
MR. BOUCHER: I can't sharpen that anymore because it will be up to the Secretary General and Mr. Brahimi to decide. I think Mr. Brahimi gets back to New York late tonight, but as he has said before he left Baghdad that he wanted to be able to report and discuss these issues thoroughly with the Secretary General. So I'm sure he'll want to do that, and we'll hear from the Secretary General when he's ready, when they have formulated their ideas and want to talk to us.
The Secretary has been in touch with the Secretary General all along. They talked this morning about a number of issues, including Mr. Brahimi's return and what they were looking at, but only in a general sense at this point. So we'll have to give the UN a little chance to get together and talk about these things more thoroughly. And I'm sure they'll be talking to us about their ideas and other members of the council as we go forward.
There are some meetings on Iraq tomorrow in the council, but I think those were scheduled for the morning and they were scheduled some time ago. They're regular kinds of meetings. So I don't expect that to be the venue for any briefings quite yet by the UN on their ideas, because I don't think they've had time to get it all formulated.
QUESTION: Realizing that you don't have the recommendations, still the Administration has expressed a willingness to look at just about everything in the plan except the July 1 turnover target. Today's speculation centers on some form of partial elections. Can we put that in the column of an option that's maybe we're going to look at?
MR. BOUCHER: I think there's at least a dozen, maybe a score of things, in that column of: 'who knows what they'll come up with, we'll see.' I'm not going to lean towards any particular one or start throwing darts at the list. I think it's important for us all to remember that we have very similar goals in Iraq.
We all want Iraq to have a democracy. We all want Iraq to have democratic elections and Iraqis to be able to choose their own leaders. We all want to be able to transfer power to the Iraqi people in the form of a sovereign authority as soon as possible.
We have come up with a -- in the November 15th plan, working with the Governing Council, we've come up with a set of ways to do that. We said we are open to the UN's ideas on how that can be done, to see if they have different or better ideas that we can -- to take into account all the different factors involved, and we look forward to hearing from them on it. And we'll -- at that time, when we start hearing their ideas, we'll be able to work with them to refine or modify the proposals as appropriate.
Okay. In the back.
QUESTION: Change of subject?
QUESTION: No, can we stay on Iraq? Following up on Barry's point, the United States has said very clearly in the past that it's not viable to have direct elections before June 30th.
MR. BOUCHER: The United Nations has said that as well.
QUESTION: Does the United States also think it's not viable to have direct elections before June 30th in some areas of Iraq, such as the more stable Kurdish areas and Shiite areas?
MR. BOUCHER: I have to object. You're trying to lead the witness. I am not going to start examining and analyzing the various options that might be out there, which are viable, which are not, which could work, which couldn't work.
For one, I'm sure there's a number of possibilities that we haven't thought of. For two, we haven't just made the trip to Iraq. We haven't just talked to all the Iraqi people. Mr. Brahimi did that. He deserves a chance to formulate his ideas.
And frankly, what I might say to you in response to such a question doesn't matter half as much as what he might say in response to examining all those factors and trying to come up with better ideas.
We looked at these various questions. We came up with a caucus proposal as a way to get there. If he's looked at all these questions and come up with a better or different idea, we're looking forward to hearing from him.
QUESTION: Okay. So to be -- so that I can be clear, I know that the United States says it's not viable to have direct elections --
MR. BOUCHER: No, you know, the United Nations says that and that's what they've said.
QUESTION: No, I know that the -- and the United States said it.
MR. BOUCHER: Yeah.
QUESTION: But the United States doesn't have a position on whether or not it's viable to have some areas hold direct elections before June 30th.
MR. BOUCHER: The United States has examined various options and had proposals that we put forward with the Governing Council. Those remain our goals. Those remain our best answers to different questions that we have to answer at this point.
The UN is examining all these factors. It's just been out to talk to a lot of people in Iraq, and if they have different or better ideas, we look forward to hearing from them.
QUESTION: Okay, where are we? Lady in the back. Ma'am.
QUESTION: Change the subject?
MR. BOUCHER: Please.
QUESTION: Okay. The DPP government in Taiwan yesterday announced a special arms sale budget of 500 billion budget to buy U.S. weapon, including the PC3, especially at this very sensitive moment before the election and the controversial referendum. Do you have any comment on that?
MR. BOUCHER: I don't do weapons sales here. I'm sorry. I can't do that.
QUESTION: Could you also confirm the plan to send any U.S. carrier to Taiwan Strait in March before the election?
MR. BOUCHER: I don't do ship transits either. You can go to the Pentagon, and they won't answer your questions over there. But that's the appropriate place not to answer your question.
David.
QUESTION: May I revisit Haiti for just a minute?
MR. BOUCHER: Sure.
QUESTION: The CARICOM plan is multifaceted. If Aristide appears to be making a good-faith effort to live up to these commitments, can you foresee international police going in at a time while these gangs, or whoever they are, still hold various cities in the country?
MR. BOUCHER: I don't want to speculate. I think we have said that we believe that if the parties really start to abide by their commitments, take steps to quell the violence, particularly if the government lives up to its constitutional responsibility, if the government lives up to its commitments with the CARICOM nations, that that will have a calming effect on the situation.
Will it end absolutely every bit of the violence? Some of these gangs, some of these thugs, as we know, perhaps once had sponsorship and may no longer listen to their sponsors, so there's obviously a role for the police to play in maintaining order at that point. But once we get started on that situation, we will be looking at that point on when and how we can help the responsible authorities exercise their responsibility.
QUESTION: On that. These gangs have threatened that if Aristide doesn't start making good on some of these commitments, that they might march towards Port-au-Prince. Do you have any red lines in terms of, you know, that you won't let these gangs take the capital? And are you concerned that if the violence continues that you might be forced back to where you were in 1994, to kind of go back in to reinstall this democratically elected --
MR. BOUCHER: I am not going to speculate on all the possible worst cases. I'm going to keep working, as we have worked, to try to make things better for the people of Haiti in a variety of ways. That's where our emphasis is. That's what we're trying to do.
Obviously, whereas we can make up worst case scenarios as well as anybody, and there are dangers, many dangers in this situation, but our goal is to try to move this in a positive direction. That's what we and other members of the international community are doing.
Joel.
QUESTION: Richard, how do you view the developments with the Indian-Pakistani talks over Kashmir? Apparently, it's coming to a settlement.
And also, General Musharraf wants and seeks clerics' help against extremists. And is that a model for the talks that you'd like --
MR. BOUCHER: Seeks whose help?
QUESTION: Clerics' help against extremists.
MR. BOUCHER: I think I'd leave that to him, as far as how he handles the situation inside Pakistan. I would leave that to him. As you know, we have been strong supporters of Pakistan. We've helped this overall effort to modernize the education system. We've help the effort to bring more moderate tone to the nation. But in terms of how it's handled internally, that's up to President Musharraf.
As far as the talks that were just held between the governments of India and Pakistan, I'd say first of all, we very much welcome the outcome of the first round of talks, as part of a comprehensive dialogue between India and Pakistan. We're pleased that the parties came out with a roadmap for future discussions and we are pleased that they're committed to increasing their engagement.
The United States has consistently supported dialogue between India and Pakistan. Since the beginning of this Administration, this is something the Secretary, the Deputy Secretary and the Assistant Secretary of South Asia have regularly discussed with leaders from both countries. Secretary Powell, as you know, has been in close touch with leaders in both India and Pakistan throughout the period that they have been looking at this possibility of dialogue, and then entering into it.
So we're very pleased to see that the leaders themselves in India and Pakistan not only have announced and explored this possibility but are now moving it forward in such a constructive manner.
We encourage both sides to maintain the momentum of these positive developments by taking further steps now to reduce tensions in the region.
Yeah. In the back.
QUESTION: Yes, sir. About Cyprus meeting. Last week at the UN, U.S. play very strong mediator role at the UN. And this week, they started meeting in the island. What kind of role do you planning to play at this time?
MR. BOUCHER: A very strong, positive and supportive role for the Secretary General's efforts. As you know, we are not a participant in the talks, but we have provided and will continue to provide all necessary diplomatic support to the talks to try to help them reach a successful conclusion.
The Secretary, as you know, has been in close touch with leaders of Greece, Turkey, and leaders on the island as well, and the United States has supported the process from the highest levels on down.
Our Ambassador to Nicosia, Michael Klosson, is working to provide our support in these talks as they begin. Ambassador Weston is currently in Washington, but he is prepared to travel to the region as needed to provide diplomatic support to the process.
QUESTION: Do you support the European Union role is playing in these meetings?
MR. BOUCHER: We had all those questions last week. I think it was defined by the statements made at the end of the discussions in New York. We think the European Union has a role to play. It's been analyzed and defined a bit by the discussions they've had already, and that's fine with us.
Yeah. Sir. We're working our way over to the gentleman here. Go back to you.
QUESTION: The Yemeni President just concluded a visit to Saudi Arabia and they seemed like they solved their border problems. And that have -- had taken place right after the visit of the Foreign Minister of Yemen to the United States. Would it be accurate to credit the United States with a role in this?
QUESTION: (Inaudible.)
MR. BOUCHER: I think -- yeah, we like to take credit for things. But we also like to acknowledge that people themselves make their own efforts to solve their problems, and I think first credit has to go to the Yemenis and the Saudi Arabians.
QUESTION: Was that the subject of the negotiation?
MR. BOUCHER: I don't know to what extent this was discussed during the visit to Washington, frankly. So I'll leave it to them and they can take the credit or give the credit.
Now, okay, a couple more. Sir.
QUESTION: North Korea?
MR. BOUCHER: Yeah.
QUESTION: There was a news report yesterday quoting U.S. officials that if North Korea continues to deny uranium enrichment, then six-party talks may collapse. Is this the position of your Administration?
MR. BOUCHER: I think if you've seen some of the interviews that Under Secretary Bolton's done, he made the point there that as we go into talks -- everybody has agreed on denuclearization of the Peninsula. That came out of the previous rounds. Our goal is to get a complete, verifiable and irreversible end to North Korea's nuclear weapons programs.
Now you can't end things that you don't acknowledge. You can't be complete if they don't acknowledge half their program, and you can't have verifiable unless you can sit down and talk about the program and how to verifiably eliminate it.
So it's clear that to make any progress on this, North Korea needs to understand that we're talking about all their programs to make nuclear weapons and nuclear material, and that we're going to need to sit down and discuss those things.
QUESTION: But you didn't -- but you didn't answer the question. I mean, if they don't answer -- if they don't acknowledge this before the talks, are you still willing to sit down with them?
MR. BOUCHER: We've said we're willing to go to the talks without conditions.
QUESTION: Okay.
MR. BOUCHER: We've said that all along. That remains true, that Under Secretary Bolton said that, too.
QUESTION: But this overall impasse continues then. Do you envisage any possibility that six-party talks may end up as a short-lived endeavor?
MR. BOUCHER: You know, once again, it does depend on the North Koreans. We're planning to make progress. We're planning on how to make progress. I think we approach these talks with a constructive attitude. The United States has made clear what we need in terms of our goals, in terms of the international community's goals, the goals that everybody in the talks has accepted, to denuclearize the Peninsula.
We've also made clear what we're prepared to do to help that come about in terms of the President's statements in Bangkok, that we would be prepared to discuss and provide some kind of multilateral security assurances so North Korea could do this, undertake this process of elimination without feeling threatened.
I think we've been quite clear on our constructive attitude towards these talks, as we go into them. It's important for North Korea to be prepared to sit down at the table and discuss the issues, to discuss the programs, and discuss how to eliminate them and how to achieve those goals in a peaceful manner.
QUESTION: Thank you.
MR. BOUCHER: Thank you.
(The briefing was concluded at 1:15 p.m.)
(end transcript)
(Distributed by the Bureau of International Information Programs, U.S. Department of State. Web site: http://usinfo.state.gov)
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