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SHAPE
News Summary & Analysis
25
August 2003
NRF
- Political
impact of German contribution to NRF viewed
ESDP
- Daily:
Britain proposing dedicated EU military planning cell
at SHAPE
IRAQ
- Turkish
decision on troop request likely to be delayed till
next month
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NRF
- It
is now known that in the buildup phase, Germany will provide
about one-fourth of the total of approximately 20,000 soldiers
of the NRF. However, in addition to the military-technical
side, there is a also a political one, which is less frequently
mentioned. For instance, possible restrictions of the Bundestag’s
participation rights,
wrote Die Tageszeitung, Aug. 23. The article recalled that
the Federal Republic is one of the few NATO states that may
send soldiers to a deployment only after an express prior
approval by Parliament. But, it stressed, “this
so-called parliamentary provision could soon prove to be technically
incompatible with Alliance obligations: the first units of
the NRF are to be able to reach any location in the world
within only five days.” According to the newspaper,
Generalinspekteur der Bundeswehr (German Armed Forces Chief
of Staff) Gen. Schneiderhan admits that it could become “a
bit tight” if a deployment is decided in a short time
and, for instance, Parliament is in summer recess.
Asked if the law should be changed, he reportedly stressed
that this is an issue for politicians to settle. The newspaper
is optimistic, however, that “they will settle it--and,
with the ‘factual force’ of new Alliance obligations,
will declare a restriction of parliamentary rights irrefutable.”
Viewing plans for the NRF against the background of the establishment
of a European rapid reaction force, the newspaper continued:
“Some observers see in the buildup of the NRF an indication
that Washington is willing to continue taking NATO seriously.
Yet no one doubts that, in view of the superiority of the
U.S. armed forces, all NRF operations will be under the command
of the United States. But is the U.S. actually concerned only
with strengthening NATO--or is it simultaneously trying to
prevent the buildup of a joint EU force?…. Must both
projects not perforce be in competition, since intervention
forces do not grow on trees and NATO states already complain
off and on about reaching the limit of their capabilities?
Gen. Schneiderhan does not see this danger: ‘I am convinced
that all that is compatible. We are not surprising each other,
we coordinate,’ he stressed.”
ESDP
- The
Times asserts it has learnt that Britain will propose
the creation of a dedicated EU military “planning cell”
to strengthen Europe’s defense capability, but to be
based at SHAPE headquarters to avoid undermining the Alliance.
According to the newspaper, the move is Britain’s opening
shot in what is set to be a bitter battle this autumn with
France, Germany, Belgium and Luxembourg, which have formed
a breakaway group to press ahead with plans for an autonomous
European force. Citing unnamed British officials,
the newspaper says such a cell would give the EU “a
proper identity” while dissipating support for the rival
project. Under existing procedures, EU defense officials
can only advise ministers on whether a European force should
be deployed. Once the political decision has been taken, NATO
takes on full responsibility for military planning, the newspaper
notes. It adds that Britain has circulated its proposal
to all 25 EU members in a paper entitled “Food for Thought,”
before a meeting this Friday in Rome.
IRAQ
- As
Ankara mulls joining an international security force in the
country, writes AFP, Turkey’s civilian
and military leaders said Friday it was a priority for Ankara
to see stability and order reinstalled in Iraq. The
dispatch adds that the declaration came in a statement
issued after a meeting of the National Security Council, whose
agenda was dominated by a U.S. request to Turkey to send soldiers
to Iraq. “Turkey sees an immediate end to instability
in Iraq and the reestablishment of public order in that country
a priority policy goal and is watching developments,”
the statement reportedly read. The dispatch notes that the
Council refrained from making a formal call for the dispatch
of troops to Iraq, but said it would meet again in September
to discuss regional developments. The call was reportedly
widely interpreted to mean that the decision on the troop
deployment was referred until next month. Milliyet,
Aug. 24, claimed that delicate issues remain ahead
of a parliamentary motion on sending troops to Iraq.
Among other things, the newspaper notes that even if Turkish
forces were to assume responsibility for a region and become
the dominant force there, they would be part of a system of
hierarchy that would be headed by a U.S. general. Stressing
that solving this problem can only happen through clearly
and unequivocally laying down the terms for cooperation and
coordination between the Turkish command responsible for law
and order in the area and the U.S. command staff, the newspaper
added: “It would be hard to say that the question-and-answer
traffic passing between the Turkish and U.S. authorities has
worked out these details…. It can be said that
gaps … will begin to become clear when Gen. Jones comes
to Ankara at the very beginning of September….
However, at this point one needs to point out that a very
odd situation exists in relations between the Turkish and
U.S. military authorities. U.S. military forces in Iraq are
subordinate to CENTCOM, based in Florida. Yet, the Turkish
General Staff is conducting talks not with CENTCOM, but with
EUCOM…. It will take until the middle of September for
the outcome of talks being conducted on various tracks and
the date needed by the government in order for it to make
its final decision to be placed on the table. In this situation
one can say that the decision to submit the motion to the
National Assembly might well be put off until the end of September.”
German
media continue to urge the Federal government to support a NATO
role in Iraq under a UN mandate.
According to Financial Times Deutschland, Aug. 22, Germany’s
willingness to send its forces to the Gulf region under a UN
mandate would give a boost to those in the Bush administration
who have come out in support of a considerably wider UN role
and international cooperation in Iraq. “Berlin should
link its readiness to dispatch German military forces to the
demand that NATO be given a similar role in Iraq as it has in
Afghanistan. NATO would provide the United States and the Europeans
with the military infrastructure required for a mission of such
dimensions. It would also force the U.S. to consult its partners
in the framework of the NAC and overcome its unilateralist reflex.
The dual international legitimization through the UN and NATO
would finally make the difficult domestic decision in favor
of a German military mission easier,” stressed the daily.
An editorial in Welt am Sonntag, Aug. 23, opined: “The
U.S. is moving toward the UN and hence also toward its ‘renegade’
European partners and is compelled by events to continue to
do so. The Federal Government would be well advised to support
this development…. But Berlin does not see that its hour
has come. Officials refer to Germany’s commitment in Afghanistan
and categorically rule out a Bundeswehr participation in the
pacification of Iraq even in the scope of NATO. If the Federal
Government persists in this, it will not only be failing to
utilize the chance to help overcome the transatlantic quarrels
that it partly caused. It would also have to ask itself whether
the German interests actually lie in the boulder-strewn wilderness
of the Hindu Kush or in the pacification of the economically
much more interesting Iraq.”
The German government remains under mounting pressure to rethink
its attitude toward military involvement in Iraq, reported Deutsche
Welle. The broadcast noted, however, that in an interview, Chancellor
Schroeder again reiterated that there are currently no plans
to send German soldiers to Iraq.
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