24 June 2003
"Freeing a Nation From a Tyrant's Grip," by Colin L. Powell
(Secretary of state op-ed column in The New York Times) (780)
(This column by Secretary of State Colin Powell, published in The New
York Times June 24, is in the public domain. No republication
restrictions.)
(begin byliner)
Freeing a Nation From a Tyrant's Grip
By Colin L. Powell
A brave man recently met with me and described how life in his country
has become unbearable. "There is too much fear in the country, fear of
the unknown and fear of the known consequences if we act or speak
out," explained Pius Ncube, the Roman Catholic archbishop of Bulawayo,
Zimbabwe. Yet Archbishop Ncube speaks out fearlessly about the
terrible human rights conditions in Zimbabwe, and is threatened almost
every day with detention or worse.
For hundreds of thousands of Zimbabweans, the worst has already come.
Millions of people are desperately hungry because the country's
once-thriving agricultural sector collapsed last year after President
Robert Mugabe confiscated commercial farms, supposedly for the benefit
of poor blacks. But his cynical "land reform" program has chiefly
benefited idle party hacks and stalwarts, not landless peasants. As a
result, much of Zimbabwe's most productive land is now occupied by
loyalists of the ruling ZANU-PF party, military officers, or their
wives and friends.
Worse still, the entire Zimbabwean economy is near collapse. Reckless
governmental mismanagement and unchecked corruption have produced
annual inflation rates near 300 percent, unemployment of more than 70
percent and widespread shortages of food, fuel and other basic
necessities. Is it any wonder that Zimbabweans are demanding political
change, or that President Mugabe must rely on stepped-up violence and
vote-rigging to remain in office?
On June 6, the police again arrested Mr. Mugabe's most prominent
opponent, Morgan Tsvangirai. They paraded him in a courtroom in
shackles and leg irons before releasing him on bail on June 20. His
offense? Calling for work stoppages and demonstrations to protest
economic hardship and political repression.
Like Myanmar's courageous opposition leader, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, Mr.
Tsvangirai wages a nonviolent struggle against a ruthless regime. Like
the Burmese junta, President Mugabe and his Politburo colleagues have
an absolute monopoly of coercive power, but no legitimacy or moral
authority. In the long run, President Mugabe and his minions will
lose, dragging their soiled record behind them into obscurity. But how
long will it take? How many good Zimbabweans will have to lose their
jobs, their homes, or even their lives before President Mugabe's
violent misrule runs its course?
The United States -- and the European Union -- has imposed a visa ban
on Zimbabwe's leaders and frozen their overseas assets. We have ended
all official assistance to the government of Zimbabwe. We have urged
other governments to do the same. We will persist in speaking out
strongly in defense of human rights and the rule of law. And we will
continue to assist directly, in many different ways, the brave men and
women of Zimbabwe who are resisting tyranny.
But our efforts are unlikely to succeed quickly enough without greater
engagement by Zimbabwe's neighbors. South Africa and other African
countries are increasingly concerned and active on Zimbabwe, but they
can and should play a stronger and more sustained role that fully
reflects the urgency of Zimbabwe's crisis. If leaders on the continent
do not do more to convince President Mugabe to respect the rule of law
and enter into a dialogue with the political opposition, he and his
cronies will drag Zimbabwe down until there is nothing left to ruin --
and Zimbabwe's implosion will continue to threaten the stability and
prosperity of the region.
There is a way out of the crisis. ZANU-PF and the opposition party can
together legislate the constitutional changes to allow for a
transition. With the president gone, with a transitional government in
place and with a date fixed for new elections, Zimbabweans of all
descriptions would, I believe, come together to begin the process of
rebuilding their country. If this happened, the United States would be
quick to pledge generous assistance to the restoration of Zimbabwe's
political and economic institutions even before the election. Other
donors, I am sure, would be close behind.
Reading this, Robert Mugabe and his cohorts may cry, "Blackmail." We
should ignore them. Their time has come and gone. As Archbishop Ncube
has said, "Things in our country can hardly get worse." With the
perseverance of brave Zimbabweans, strengthened commitment from their
neighbors, and the strong support of the international community, we
can rescue the people of Zimbabwe. This is a worthy and urgent goal
for us all.
(Colin L. Powell is Secretary of State.)
(end byliner)
(Distributed by the Bureau of International Information Programs, U.S.
Department of State. Web site: http://usinfo.state.gov)
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