12 June 2003
"It's Time to Turn the Tables on Burma's Thugs," by Colin L. Powell
(Secretary of state's op-ed column in June 12 Wall Street Journal) (1130)
(This column by Secretary of State Colin Powell, published in the Wall
Street Journal June 12, is in the public domain. No republication
restrictions.)
(begin byliner)
It's Time to Turn the Tables on Burma's Thugs
By Colin L. Powell
Washington -- United Nations Special Envoy Razali Ismail has just
visited Burma and was able to bring us news that Aung San Suu Kyi, a
Nobel Peace Prize winner and the leader of a peaceful democratic party
known as the National League for Democracy, is well and unharmed. The
thoughts and prayers of free people everywhere have been with her
these past two weeks. Our fears for her current state of health are
now somewhat lessened.
On May 30, her motorcade was attacked by thugs, and then the thugs who
run the Burmese government placed her under "protective custody." We
can take comfort in the fact that she is well. Unfortunately, the
larger process that Ambassador Razali and Aung San Suu Kyi have been
pursuing -- to restore democracy in Burma -- is failing despite their
goodwill and sincere efforts. It is time to reassess our policy toward
a military dictatorship that has repeatedly attacked democracy and
jailed its heroes.
There is little doubt on the facts. Aung San Suu Kyi's party won an
election in 1990 and since then has been denied its place in Burmese
politics. Her party has continued to pursue a peaceful path, despite
personal hardships and lengthy periods of house arrest or imprisonment
for her and her followers. Hundreds of her supporters remain in
prison, despite some initial releases and promises by the junta to
release more. The party's offices have been closed and their
supporters persecuted. Ambassador Razali has pursued every possible
opening and worked earnestly to help Burma make a peaceful transition
to democracy. Despite initial statements last year, the junta -- which
shamelessly calls itself the State Peace and Development Council
(SPDC) -- has now refused his efforts and betrayed its own promises.
At the end of last month, this rejection manifested itself in
violence. After the May 30 attack on Aung San Suu Kyi's convoy, we
sent U.S. Embassy officers to the scene to gather information. They
reported back that the attack was planned in advance. A series of
trucks followed her convoy to a remote location, blocked it and then
unloaded thugs to swarm with fury over the cars of democracy
supporters. The attackers were brutal and organized; the victims were
peaceful and defenseless. The explanation by the Burmese military
junta of what happened doesn't hold water. The SPDC has not made a
credible report of how many people were killed and injured. It was
clear to our embassy officers that the members of the junta were
responsible for directing and producing this staged riot.
We have called for a full accounting of what happened that day. We
have called for Aung San Suu Kyi to be released from confinement of
any kind. We have called for the release of the other leaders of the
National League for Democracy who were jailed by the SPDC before and
after the attack. We have called for the offices of the National
League for Democracy to be allowed to reopen. We are in touch with
other governments who are concerned about the fate of democracy's
leader and the fate of democracy in Burma to encourage them, too, to
pressure the SPDC.
The Bush administration agrees with members of Congress, including
Sen. Mitch McConnell, who has been a leading advocate of democracy in
Burma, that the time has come to turn up the pressure on the SPDC.
Here's what we've done so far. The State Department has already
extended our visa restrictions to include all officials of an
organization related to the junta -- the Union Solidarity and
Development Association -- and the managers of state-run enterprises
so that they and their families can be banned as well.
The United States already uses our voice and our vote against loans to
Burma from the World Bank and other international financial
institutions. The State Department reports honestly and frankly on the
crimes of the SPDC in our reports on Human Rights, Trafficking in
Persons, Drugs, and International Religious Freedom. In all these
areas, the junta gets a failing grade. We also speak out frequently
and strongly in favor of the National League for Democracy, and
against the SPDC. I will press the case in Cambodia next week when I
meet with the leaders of Southeast Asia, despite their traditional
reticence to confront a member and neighbor of their association,
known as Asean.
Mr. McConnell has introduced the Burmese Freedom and Democracy Act in
the Senate; Reps. Henry Hyde and Tom Lantos have introduced a similar
bill in the House. We support the goals and intent of the bills and
are working with the sponsors on an appropriate set of new steps.
Those who follow this issue will know that our support for legislation
is in fact a change in the position of this administration and
previous ones as well. Simply put, the attack on Ms. Suu Kyi's convoy
and the utter failure of the junta to accept efforts at peaceful
change cannot be the last word on the matter. The junta that oppresses
democracy inside Burma must find that its actions will not be allowed
to stand.
There are a number of measures that should now be taken, many of them
in the proposed legislation. It's time to freeze the financial assets
of the SPDC. It's time to ban remittances to Burma so that the SPDC
cannot benefit from the foreign exchange. With legislation, we can,
and should, place restrictions on travel-related transactions that
benefit the SPDC and its supporters. We also should further limit
commerce with Burma that enriches the junta's generals. Of course, we
would need to ensure consistency with our World Trade Organization and
other international obligations. Any legislation will need to be
carefully crafted to take into account our WTO obligations and the
president's need for waiver authority, but we should act now.
By attacking Aung San Suu Kyi and her supporters, the Burmese junta
has finally and definitively rejected the efforts of the outside world
to bring Burma back into the international community. Indeed, their
refusal of the work of Ambassador Razali and of the rights of Aung San
Suu Kyi and her supporters could not be clearer. Our response must be
equally clear if the thugs who now rule Burma are to understand that
their failure to restore democracy will only bring more and more
pressure against them and their supporters.
(Mr. Powell is the secretary of state.)
(end byliner)
(Distributed by the Bureau of International Information Programs, U.S.
Department of State. Web site: http://usinfo.state.gov)
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