10 June 2003
House Panel Chair Decries Burma Regime's 'Long Train of Abuses'
(Leach says new sanctions must not affect humanitarian aid) (1120)
The chairman of the House International Relations Subcommittee on Asia
and the Pacific denounced the attack on Aung San Suu Kyi by "henchmen"
of the Burmese government June 10, while hailing the news that the
Nobel Peace Prize recipient was in good health.
In opening remarks for a hearing of his panel's review of the
situation in Southeast Asia, Representative James Leach (Republican of
Iowa) said: "We are all of course pleased with the news overnight that
UN Special Envoy Rizali Ismail was allowed to see Aung San Suu Kyi and
that she is apparently in credible health."
The United States, Leach said, has watched "with growing frustration
and dismay as prospects for political change in Burma have withered
away in the face of the ruling military regime's determination to
maintain an iron grip on power."
"The brutal attack by the junta's henchmen on her traveling party, the
broader crackdown against pro-democracy forces, and the vastly
diminished prospects for a democratic transition," he warned, leave
the United States with no option, "but to reassess its already limited
relationship with the Government of Burma."
Congress and the Bush administration, Leach said, "must work together
to utilize the full range of U.S. diplomatic and economic policy
options likely to bring about a restoration of democracy and national
reconciliation" in that country.
"The long train of abuses perpetrated by Burma's military regime
leaves the United States -- and possibly other members of the
international community -- with no ethical or political alternative
but to embrace a more comprehensive trade ban," said Leach.
The Iowa Republican urged that care be taken to exclude from any new
sanctions humanitarian assistance provided through non-governmental
organizations, including assistance to Burma's ethnic minorities.
Following is the text of Representative Leach's June 10 opening
remarks, as prepared for delivery:
(begin text)
Committee on International Relations
U.S. House of Representatives
Washington, D.C. 20515-0128
Representative James A. Leach, Chairman
Subcommittee on Asia and the Pacific
Hearing on Recent Developments in Southeast Asia
June 10, 2003
On behalf of the Subcommittee, I would like to welcome our
distinguished panel of witnesses for what we hope will be a timely and
important hearing on several dilemmas confronting U.S. foreign policy
in Southeast Asia. Here to join us today are Ms Sidney Jones,
Indonesia Project Director, International Crisis Group; Ms. Catherine
E. Dalpino, Fellow, Foreign Policy Studies, the Brookings Institution;
Ms. Maureen Aung-Thwin, Director, Burma Project/Southeast Asia
Initiative, Open Society Institute; and Mr. Daniel Calingaert,
Director of Asia Programs, International Republican Institute.
In addition, as Members have been noticed, immediately following the
hearing the Subcommittee will consider two pieces of legislation: H.R.
2330, "The Burmese Freedom and Democracy Act of 2003"; and H. Res.
199, "calling for the immediate and unconditional release of Dr. Yang
Jianli."
Before turning to our witnesses, I would just like to make the
following observations.
Over the last several months the U.S. has watched with growing
frustration and dismay as prospects for political change in Burma have
withered away in the face of the ruling military regime's
determination to maintain an iron grip on power.
We are all of course pleased with the news overnight that UN Special
Envoy Rizali Ismail was allowed to see Aung San Suu Kyi and that she
is apparently in credible health.
However, the brutal attack by the junta's henchmen on her traveling
party, the broader crackdown against pro-democracy forces, and the
vastly diminished prospects for a democratic transition leave the U.S.
with no option but to reassess its already limited relationship with
the Government of Burma.
In this circumstance, it is self-evident that Congress and the
Administration must work together to utilize the full range of U.S.
diplomatic and economic policy options likely to bring about a
restoration of democracy and national reconciliation in Burma.
While economic sanctions are seldom successful, the long train of
abuses perpetrated by Burma's military regime leaves the United States
- and possibly other members of the international community - with no
ethical or political alternative but to embrace a more comprehensive
trade ban. Nonetheless, too often we forget the distinction between
governments and their people, and too often sanctions aimed at
punishing governments punish people.
Care should be taken, therefore, to exclude from any new sanctions
humanitarian assistance that is provided through non-governmental
organizations, including assistance to Burma's rich and varied ethnic
minorities.
With respect to Indonesia and the ongoing campaign in Aceh, it is
apparent that Jakarta has been seized with a new nationalist temper
likely to further constrain American influence in Southeast Asia's -
and the world's - largest Muslim country. For example, vigorous
Administration efforts to promote a peaceful resolution of the
conflict and, failing that, gain access to Aceh by international human
rights monitors have to date proven unsuccessful.
Although the U.S. has compelling reasons to seek to remain engaged
with Indonesia, a common concern to combat terrorism being a
self-evident one, the Administration has also repeatedly stated that
our relationship will be set back unless those responsible for the
August 2002 ambush and murder of American citizens in Papua are
identified and brought to justice.
By contrast, one of the clear successes for U.S. diplomacy in
Southeast Asia has been the strengthening of the natural and historic
partnership between the U.S. and the Philippines, as symbolized by the
exceptionally warm state visit last month by President Arroyo.
One of the areas in which the U.S. and the Philippines have pledged
greater mutual cooperation is in the fight against terrorism in
Mindanao and elsewhere in the southern Philippines.
As Washington and Manila contemplate additional joint exercises
against the Abu Sayyaf Group, and perhaps other insurgent groups, how
deeply should the U.S. become involved in combating terrorist
insurgencies in the Philippines? To what extent do these conflicts
have deep roots in Philippine history, and what are the ties of
insurgent groups to transnational terrorist organizations, such as
Jemaah Islamiya and Al Qaeda?
Finally, Cambodia will hold its National Assembly elections on July
27. It will be only the second such election since the current Prime
Minister, Hun Sen, staged an armed coup in 1997. Here the Subcommittee
is interested in assessing the credibility of the current electoral
process, including access to media, and the prospects for creating a
political environment conducive to free expression as well as the
development of an election administration that commands confidence
across Cambodian society.
We appreciate your appearance before us today and look forward to your
testimony.
(end text)
(Distributed by the Bureau of International Information Programs, U.S.
Department of State. Web site: http://usinfo.state.gov)
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