14 April 2003
State's Jones Strongly Reaffirms U.S. Commitment to Central Asia
(April 10 remarks at University of Montana conference) (3470)
"The United States is wholly committed to intensive engagement and
dialogue" with each of the nations of Central Asia, a "pivotal region
of the world," Assistant Secretary of State Beth Jones reaffirmed
April 10.
Jones, head of the Bureau of European and Eurasian Affairs, was
speaking at a conference at the University of Montana in Missoula on
the geopolitical significance of Central Asia.
She said the U.S. vision for the region is simple: "that these nations
remain independent, and become democratic, stable, and prosperous
partners of the United States."
But Jones presented a mixed picture of progress in the region --
advances in civil society, an improved ability to deal with
transnational threats, and some successful economic reform programs
coexist with serious human rights problems and a lack of political
pluralism throughout the region.
The United States remains committed to long-term engagement through
both diplomacy and assistance, she said. "Counterterrorism will remain
a prominent and integrated element of our assistance. We plan to put
more resources into counter-narcotics and law enforcement cooperation
across the region, where porous borders and weak law enforcement have
created significant opportunities for terrorists and those trafficking
in illicit weapons and drugs."
The United States "will never forget, however, that human rights,
political freedoms and economic opportunity, must be an integrated
part of this security assistance," she said.
Following
(begin text)
University of Montana
Missoula, Montana
April 10, 2003
U.S. ENGAGEMENT IN CENTRAL ASIA AND THE CAUCASUS: STAYING OUR COURSE
ALONG THE SILK ROAD
Beth Jones, Assistant Secretary for European and Eurasian Affairs
Remarks at "Central Asia: Its Geopolitical Significance and Future
Impact" Conference Hosted by the Title VI Undergraduate International
Studies and Foreign Language Program Directors, University of Montana
Acknowledgements
Ladies and gentlemen, good evening. Thank you, Mark, for your kind
introduction. I am so glad to see a distinguished former diplomat like
you spearheading initiatives to bring foreign policy alive for
American audiences. Mark was among the courageous few diplomats to
return to Kuwait to reopen our Embassy there following the first Iraq
war. We have colleagues there now waiting to go into Iraq to launch a
new relationship between the U.S. and Iraq. We have other USAID
colleagues, members of DART (Disaster Assistance Response Teams)
teams, already in Um Qasr and Basra to survey the humanitarian
situation.
Thank you for the invitation to speak here today. I always welcome
these opportunities outside Washington, DC. It helps me gain a fresh
perspective on our policies and challenges. My specific goal this
evening is to discuss where we are and where we want to go in our
relations with the countries of Central Asia and the Caucasus.
Opening
In recent months much of the world's attention has understandably been
focused on the trans-Atlantic relationship, and the differences that
emerged with some of our European friends and allies over Iraq. What
has received relatively less attention has been the steadfast support
the United States has received from a number of countries in the
former Soviet Union. Clearly, one of the reasons we enjoy such a close
and supportive relationship is our intense engagement -- through
diplomacy and foreign assistance -- during their difficult transitions
from Communism toward democratic political systems and market
economies.
The United States has important interests in Central Asia and the
Caucasus beyond supporting the transition of formerly Communist
countries. After September 11 [2001], global interests -- such as
combating terrorism, weapons proliferation, and trafficking in
narcotics and other illicit goods -- also came to the fore. Despite
the relatively small overall State Department budget, we have
undertaken some effective policies and programs in the region. We are
successful because we work closely with a number of partners, such as
non-governmental organizations (NGOs), international financial
institutions, and other U.S. Government agencies. I want to highlight
how our political engagement and assistance directly support our
national interests. I also want to give concrete examples of how our
assistance actually works.
Strategic Importance
It is no coincidence that the Caspian region has been on the edge of
recent international conflicts. History shows that the Silk Road was
not only a trade route but also a strategic bridge for Alexander's
armies, the Mongols, the Moghuls, the Ottoman Empire and more recently
the Soviet empire. Today, it is a region surrounded by key competitors
for energy and for military and ideological power -- Turkey, Russia,
China, Iran and India.
Our disengagement from Afghanistan in the 1980s taught us a harsh
lesson, one that we do not want to repeat in other countries. We
learned that we must engage the region's governments and people to
promote long-term stability and prevent a security vacuum that
provides opportunities for extremism and external intervention. This
is particularly true in Georgia, Uzbekistan, Kyrgyzstan and
Tajikistan, where terrorist groups have threatened our own national
interests.
In contrast to Afghanistan and Iraq, we engaged in Central Asia and
the Caucasus well before the situation reached a crisis. We were among
the first countries to open diplomatic missions in Central Asia and
the Caucasus after the collapse of the Soviet Union. We have a
continuing interest in stopping the transborder movement of terrorist
groups, weapons of mass destruction (WMD) and other weapons traffic,
illegal drugs, and trafficked persons. We have an interest in
resolving and, where possible, preventing violent conflicts that
threaten regional stability. And we also have an interest in seeing
all countries of the region become democratic, market-oriented states
-- the best long-term guarantee of regional stability and of positive,
mutually beneficial relations.
Finally, the Soviet legacy of weapons of mass destruction -- weapons
infrastructure and expertise -- remains a critical United States
security interest in the region. Our assistance continues to be
targeted at the detection, deterrence, interdiction, control and
reduction of the vast Soviet military arsenal, with its widely
dispersed sources of WMD and WMD expertise.
To address this, in 2002 we spent $958 million on assistance in
Central Asia and the Caucasus to build civil society, promote
political and economic change, and combat terrorism. This is a
bargain, given the radical reform we are striving for in these
countries. Though our plan is complex and multifaceted, our vision for
this region is simple: That these nations remain independent, and
become democratic, stable, and prosperous partners of the United
States.
Our Successes
United States assistance programs and policy engagement have generated
demonstrable progress in this region. These steps are now discernable,
and in some countries, contrast with stalled reforms in the period
immediately after independence. We have worked closely with
reform-minded leaders, journalists, NGO activists, and we have
persevered -- remembering our pledge to be in this for the long haul.
Let me illustrate some success stories and some places where we
clearly have more work to do. I have brought handouts on our programs
in each of these sectors.
Civil Society: In every state in the region, we are helping carve out
a role for non-governmental organizations, independent media outlets,
and democratic political parties -- where none existed ten years ago.
We are working with several local partners -- NGOs, civil society
organizations, and journalists -- to help build democracy from the
grassroots up. Under repressive conditions such as those existing in
Turkmenistan -- these efforts are mostly aimed at keeping alive hope
for long-term change. In other countries, though, civil society is
increasingly able to act as a real counterweight to arbitrary
government behavior. We saw examples of this in Kyrgyzstan, where NGO
pressure led to revocation of a presidential decree limiting freedom
of the press. In Tajikistan, the government approved the application
of Radio One, the first non-state-run station in Dushanbe. Also in
Tajikistan, the government has registered new political parties,
simplified political party registration, and made it easier for civil
society NGOs to register, leading to an explosion in their numbers.
Security: Programs to target cross-border threats provided to
Uzbekistan under the Export Control and Related Border Security
programs have helped the Uzbeks to interdict several shipments of WMD
material transiting their border. Similarly, substantial United States
support for a UN drug control program in Tajikistan enabled
authorities there to seize record quantities of Afghan heroin on its
way to Russia and Europe. Additional support has made it possible for
our United States Drug Enforcement Administration to set up the first
"vetted" counter-narcotics unit in Central Asia -- in Uzbekistan. In
addition, we have expanded our security assistance cooperation to
enhance interoperability of many of these states with U.S. and
coalition forces.
In Georgia, we began the Train and Equip program (GTEP) in 2002 to
enhance Georgia's abilities to control its territory and to fight
terrorism. This assistance helped create, train and equip four combat
infantry battalions and one mechanized company to defend Georgia
against potential terrorist threats in the Pankisi Gorge. GTEP
graduated its first class of trained infantry in December 2002 and the
Red Bridge border guard station opened in March 2003.
As each day passes, the countries of Central Asia and the Caucasus are
becoming better equipped, better trained and better coordinated with
one another to deal with transnational threats. Our Embassies in the
region are among our smaller posts, but they all take very seriously
the threats that come from drug trafficking and the destabilizing
activities associated with that trade.
Human Rights: The issue of human rights has been the toughest nut to
crack. For example, Uzbekistan has serious problems. Since September
2001, however, because of our persistent and consistent diplomatic
engagement, we have seen important progress. This included the release
in the December 2002 annual amnesty of 923 political prisoners,
International Red Cross access to Uzbek prisons, the first-ever
registration of two local human rights NGOs, the abolition of prior
censorship of the media, and the acknowledgement by the government of
the problem of torture following the visit by the UN Special
Rapporteur on Torture. Much remains to be done, but we must recognize
that these are real achievements.
Economic Reform: Economic reforms have really started to take hold in
Kyrgyzstan, a country that has been working closely with the
international financial community. Its economic situation remains
precarious, due largely to its isolation and lack of marketable
natural resources. But it has achieved six straight years of growth
and some reductions in poverty as a result of courageous economic
decisions. The IMF [International Monetray Fund] recently approved a
major initiative to combat poverty, and the Paris Club restructured
Kyrgyzstan's enormous debt. The Kyrgyz Republic was the first former
Soviet republic to join the World Trade Organization. A very
successful micro-enterprise program that we fund in Kyrgyzstan
provides employment for hundreds of poor women -- many of whom are the
sole breadwinners for their families and are excellent business women
by anyone's standards.
In some countries, agribusiness development programs help increase
farmers income through marketing and export strategies. In Armenia,
the Market Assistance Program (MAP), works directly with 55
agribusinesses and 25 farmer associations. These agribusinesses employ
about 3,000 people and buy raw products from over 18,000 farmers. With
the Market Assistance Program, 12 dairy processors have already sold
90 tons of cheese in export markets. That means that 2,000 farmers now
receive cash for the milk they produce for cheese, if they can meet
associations' quality standards.
In Georgia, micro-finance programs benefited 60,000 borrowers last
year; approximately 75% were women. Partner financial institutions
have established models of successful lending by providing a range of
innovative loan products to micro, small and medium-sized businesses
and by maintaining a near 98% repayment rate.
Our assistance has made these successes possible. These are real steps
forward.
Energy: Some states in the Caspian region are fortunate to have
abundant oil and gas resources. But because the region is land-locked,
developing these resources and getting them to world markets has been
a formidable challenge. Recognizing the pivotal nature of the
transport issue for the political independence and economic viability
of these countries, we have vigorously supported - politically -
development of an East-West Energy Corridor. This includes the CPC
[Caspian Pipeline Consortium] pipeline, which is taking oil from
Tengiz in Kazakhstan to Novorossiysk in Russia. The
Baku-Tbilisi-Ceyhan oil pipeline is now under construction and will
start operating in 2005. The South Caucasus gas pipeline, built
parallel to the Baku-Tbilisi-Ceyhan oil pipeline, will ship gas from
the off-shore Shah Deniz field to central Turkey beginning in 2006.
Together, these projects strengthen the Caspian countries, promote
regional integration and contribute to global energy security by
diversifying supply sources.
The Roots of Extremism: This is perhaps the clearest example where our
diplomacy and assistance programs need to work hand-in-glove. In
Central Asia, poor economic and social conditions are contributing to
the appeal of extremist Islam in the volatile Ferghana Valley. We seek
to head off conflict by improving infrastructure, creating employment
opportunities, and helping develop and strengthen civil society. We
are creating jobs through marketing assistance and establishing credit
for agricultural processors. We are maintaining a high level of
student and professional exchanges. In addition, we hope to expand
highly successful pilot health reform projects, including the
establishment of private medical clinics that are not dependent on the
central system. These clinics will have an insurance co-payment
system, primary care physician training, and management of their own
funds. We have put our money where our mouth is. While admittedly
foreign aid can never substitute for the political will of the parties
involved to find peaceful solutions to their conflicts, we can do a
great deal to support countries recovering from conflict and to
address the social, economic, and political conditions that sow the
seeds of conflict. We do not want another Afghanistan.
Anti-Corruption: Our battle against corruption throughout the region
has begun to reap rewards. For example, the United States and the
Kyrgyz Government addressed corruption in academia where Communist
party or government influence used to determine admission to
universities. At the request of the Kyrgyz Ministry of Education, we
developed and funded the first nation-wide testing program for
university scholarships. In June 2002, the National Merit Scholarship
Test was administered in three languages (Kyrgyz, Uzbek and Russian)
to over 14,000 high school seniors. Nowhere else in the former Soviet
Union do students receive university scholarships solely on merit.
This is a remarkable achievement and has opened opportunities for
young people.
Education and Exchanges: We have funded a whole range of educational
programs, such as the Fulbright and Hubert Humphrey academic
exchanges. We helped found universities -- for instance, the American
University of Central Asia in Bishkek -- and promoted institutional
linkages with American universities. Our assistance also focuses on
secondary education. The Future Leaders Exchange (FLEX) Program was
established in 1992 for high school students from Eurasia to
experience life in a democratic society. Since 1993, more than 11,000
students from 12 Eurasian countries, including all the Central Asian
ones, have participated. Imagine how important this is for long-term
change in Central Asia!
Continuing Challenges
While we have achieved a number of successes, we still have much more
to do. For example:
Political Pluralism: A thriving opposition is a problem in all the
countries in the region. This has been evident even in two of the most
successful countries in carrying out reforms: Kazakhstan and
Kyrgyzstan. Kazakhstan has selectively charged and convicted key
opposition leaders for corruption and intimidated independent media
outlets and journalists associated with the political opposition.
Kyrgyzstan's imprisonment of an opposition parliamentarian led to
violence and great instability and recent constitutional changes have
tended to concentrate even more power in the hands of the executive.
We are working closely with both these governments to turn around
these negative trends.
Elections: The Caucasus needs more democratic reform. Although civil
society in all three countries -- Georgia, Armenia and Azerbaijan --
has advanced, recent Presidential elections in Armenia did not meet
OSCE [Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe] or other
international democratic standards. Other recent elections in Georgia
and Azerbaijan also fell short of international standards. We are
working diligently to promote democratic practices ahead of the
remaining important elections scheduled over the next several years.
Human Rights: There are serious human rights problems throughout the
countries in Central Asia and the Caucasus. For example, in
Turkmenistan, we have witnessed a sharp crackdown on the political
opposition and society in general since the attack on President
Niyazov's motorcade in November. The Government of Turkmenistan
arrested a number of political opponents of President Niyazov, all of
whom he alleges were involved in the plot. The Turkmen Government did
not allow an independent observer from the Organization for Security
and Cooperation in Europe to visit Turkmenistan to investigate claims
of human rights violations, including torture, associated with this
crackdown. Despite this bleak picture, we firmly believe that change
will come in Turkmenistan. We will not abandon the Turkmen people.
A Commitment to Future Engagement
We are committed to long-term engagement in the countries of Central
Asia and the Caucasus -- through both diplomacy and assistance.
Counterterrorism will remain a prominent and integrated element of our
assistance. We plan to put more resources into counter-narcotics and
law enforcement cooperation across the region, where porous borders
and weak law enforcement have created significant opportunities for
terrorists and those trafficking in illicit weapons and drugs. We will
never forget, however, that human rights, political freedoms and
economic opportunity, must be an integrated part of this security
assistance. Both factors, tightening up on law enforcement and
maintaining human rights standards, must remain an integral part of
our assistance.
We have also greatly increased our ability to hack away at terrorist
financial flows and money laundering. We provide assistance to draft
the necessary laws and regulations, and give technical advice to
financial intelligence units and bank regulators throughout the
region. These programs do not cost a lot and they may not be
especially sexy, but they do have a potentially huge payoff.
Conclusion
We are proud of what our policies and assistance are accomplishing in
Central Asia and the Caucasus. There are positive developments, and
there have been setbacks. It is critical that we undertake honest
assessments of the setbacks, so that we learn from them and understand
what remains to be done. The important thing is that we stay the
course -- to achieve stability, prosperity, and democratic reform will
take dedication and persistence.
The United States is wholly committed to intensive engagement and
dialogue with each of the nations of this pivotal region of the world.
To fulfill this commitment, we must have all the diplomatic and
financial tools necessary to permit us to do so. If we do not use all
of these tools, we risk failure.
There are those who would argue that some of these countries in the
region -- because of their human rights or corruption records --
deserve to be sanctioned or that we should turn our back on them until
they learn to behave. I do not deny that there are problems, but
legislatively imposed sanctions are not the answer. Sanctions do not
ensure that countries will "fall in line."
In fact, experience has shown otherwise. We have witnessed firsthand
how sanctions undercut our ability to engage countries and generate
leverage for positive change. For example, in Azerbaijan, Section 907
of the Freedom Support Act broadly prohibited most assistance to the
Government of Azerbaijan for military, security or intelligence
purposes, significantly inhibiting needed cooperation. With the
President's waiver of Section 907 in January 2002, we are now able to
help Azerbaijan's border security to prevent terrorist infiltration
and exfiltration, and enhance our intelligence and law enforcement
cooperation.
We cannot risk our engagement in Central Asia or the Caucasus through
sanctions. We must use the full arsenal of diplomatic tools at all
levels to ensure a stable and prosperous region. To bring about
change, we must remain engaged. Change won't happen overnight. The
Soviet Union was very effective at isolating the Central Asian and
Caucasus states from the influences of democracy and market economics.
We want to make clear to the millions of people of Central Asia that
we are committed to helping them create the stable, prosperous and
open societies that they seek.
A stable, prosperous Central Asia and the Caucasus will mean a more
secure world for the American people and a more prosperous future for
the people of the region. I want to reaffirm in the strongest terms
the United States long-term commitment to intensive engagement in this
important region of the world. Engagement results in a classic win-win
situation for everyone. This is attainable and we will continue to
strive for it.
(end text)
(Distributed by the Office of International Information Programs, U.S.
Department of State. Web site: http://usinfo.state.gov)
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