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Military

20 June 2002

Text: NATO's New Mission is Fighting Terrorism, Robertson Says

(Speech June 20 in Washington by NATO Secretary General) (3210)
NATO understands how the world has changed since the terrorist attacks
of September 11, says Secretary General Lord Robertson, and "that's
why we are moving forward with a sense of urgency to retool the
Alliance to tackle terrorism."
Speaking to an internationally diverse audience at the American
Enterprise Institute in Washington June 20, Robertson said terrorism
"has mutated from a nation-specific problem of law enforcement into a
lethal threat to national security and international stability. The
willingness of today's terrorists, and their backers in rogue regimes,
to kill indiscriminately has transformed terrorism into the greatest
security challenge of the new century."
"The old NATO will not be enough to meet today's risks and
challenges," he said. Therefore, it is undergoing a transformation
based on "a simple policy decision. NATO has decided that the Alliance
must play a prominent role in defending its own populations and forces
against terrorist attacks."
Since September 11, NATO has changed its main focus from containing
Russia to deterring and combating terrorism, Robertson said. In
effect, terrorism has moved "front and center" and is now the "main
focus" of future NATO commitments.
Robertson said that in order for NATO to meet these commitments, it
will need "substantial new capabilities." The Alliance should focus on
four critical military capabilities:
- secure, modern communications and information systems,
- the ability to move forces quickly to where they are needed and to
stay as long as necessary,
- the means to work together seamlessly, and to win in combat, and 
- defenses against chemical, biological, radiological and nuclear
attacks.
He said NATO is "translating these words into actions" with several
new initiatives, such as developing quick response teams and portable
laboratories to deal with attacks involving nuclear, biological,
radiological and chemical weapons.
"I hope that terrorists will never get their hands on these weapons.
Or if they do, that we can prevent them from being used. But if we
were to be unsuccessful in preventing an attack, we must be prepared
to deal with the consequences. NATO's forces will therefore be better
trained, and better equipped, to work with civilian authorities to do
just that."
These new initiatives will begin "delivering results in a very short
time," and will serve as a down payment for "more robust steps,"
Robertson said.
He also discussed NATO's new relationship with Russia, saying that the
"Cold War alignment of adversaries is dead and buried. We need Russia
to face new and common threats, just as much as Russia needs us.
Russia is now willing to play an honest, cooperative role in working
with us."
The new NATO-Russia Council does not replace the North Atlantic
Council, he said, but it gives Russia "an equal seat at the table" in
dealing with issues such as terrorism, missile defense and the
proliferation of weapons of mass destruction," Robertson said. "If in
the coming years, Russia comes to see NATO as an organization to which
it can turn ... then we will have brought Russia into Europe as a
trusting and trustworthy member."
He said NATO's relationship with the Caucasus and the Central Asian
countries -- who provided "critical assistance" in bringing down the
Taliban in Afghanistan -- is "about to get an upgrade." For instance,
there will be better intelligence sharing and more training in
preparation for joint operations.
Finally, Robertson mentioned the NATO Summit set for this November in
Prague and the selection of some new Alliance members among the nine
current applicants. He said the decisions made at Prague will "reshape
Europe" by continuing the process of unification of a "continent so
bloodied by war for centuries."
Robertson likened the struggle against terrorism to those against
communism and fascism, stating that "our ideals, our societies," and
"our people are too strong for the new barbarians of terrorism."
Following is the prepared text of Robertson's speech as it appeared on
the NATO Web site (www.nato.int):
(begin text)
"TACKLING TERROR: NATO'S NEW MISSION"
Speech by NATO Secretary General, Lord Robertson
At the American Enterprise Institute's New Atlantic Initiative
Washington, D.C. 
20 June 2002
It is a great pleasure to be here. The American Enterprise Institute
(AEI) has always been a wellspring of ideas for change, on a whole
range of issues. Many of those ideas are now becoming US policy. That
makes AEI the right place to discuss the idea of transformation.
With this audience, in this city, I don't need to explain the need for
change. We all know the threats we face. Terrorism has mutated from a
nation-specific problem of law enforcement into a lethal threat to
national security and international stability.
The willingness of today's terrorists, and their backers in rogue
regimes, to kill indiscriminately has transformed terrorism into the
greatest security challenge of the new century. Al Qaida planned to
kill tens of thousands on September 11th by turning airliners into
deadly missiles. There can be no doubt that if they gain access to
other, even more potent weapons of mass destruction, they will use
them without a second thought.
This puts an immense burden on the governments of the free world. Not
least because today's enemies are unlike past antagonists. They are
not rational and predictable. They are not prepared to balance
interests and risks. No, they are extremist fanatics, driven by
hatred, and operating beyond rationality and predictability.
At the same time, however, we must not suggest that the terrorists are
winning. The September 11th attacks were horrific. But the terrorists
have suffered a series of massive setbacks since then, from
Afghanistan through the Balkans, where NATO has smashed key Al Qaida
cells, to recent arrests in North America, Europe and North Africa.
They can hurt us. But we can defeat them.
That is not complacency. Our ideals, our societies, our peoples have
been tempered in the victories over fascism and communism. They are
too strong for the new barbarians of terrorism.
But our victory will be easier, quicker and more assured if we
remember the lessons of the great struggles of the 20th century.
First, national governments must act promptly and effectively to mount
their own defenses. That is what the United States is doing now in
perhaps the most profound period of change in the past 50 years.
However, national solutions have never been enough on their own. The
history of my own country shows that the mirage of "splendid
isolation" leads inevitably to bloody engagement. Far better to work
with friends to avert a crisis than to find yourself alone with the
crisis on your doorstep and your friends all looking the other way.
So the second priority for all free countries is to build and maintain
the friendships that are critical to winning our common war against
terror. As President Bush said on June 1st at West Point, "America
needs partners to preserve the peace".
You may already know what America's NATO Allies have done and are
doing to crush terrorism. But if you don't know, or have forgotten,
let me remind you of the Article 5 declaration that September 11th was
an attack against all 19 NATO Allies. The rapid deployment of NATO
AWACS aircraft to help defend American cities. The crackdown across
Europe against Al Qaida and its backers. The commitment by 14 NATO
Allies of combat troops and aircraft, support services and specialist
skills to fight Al Qaida and the Taleban in the mountains of
Afghanistan, and bring stability to the streets of Kabul.
For generations, NATO and its members have been America's staunchest
allies. It is no different in this time of crisis. As [U.S. Defense]
Secretary Rumsfeld said in Brussels earlier this month, the war on
terrorism would not be possible without NATO.
But the old NATO will not be enough to meet today's risks and
challenges. The Alliance is therefore mirroring the profound change
being wrought by the Bush Administration in its most fundamental
process of transformation since the end of the Cold War.
I would not normally set out publicly what is still work in progress.
But I believe that it is essential in the current climate of concern
here in the United States for people to know and understand how NATO
is changing and how this will benefit the American people, and the
people in all Alliance countries.
Most fundamental, perhaps, is a simple policy decision. NATO has
decided that the Alliance must play a prominent role in defending its
own populations and forces against terrorist attacks.
Defense against terrorism was already one of the new tasks highlighted
in our 1999 Strategic Concept. Now it's front and center -- a main
focus of our activities.
To this end, we have now defined "defense against terrorism" broadly
to include activities by our forces, "as and where required". They
must also be able to deter, defend, disrupt and protect against
terrorist attack, or threats of attacks directed from abroad, and to
act against such terrorists and those who harbor them. So much for the
sterile "out of area" debate that, as many of you will remember,
hamstrung NATO throughout much of the early 1990s.
So NATO can now take a lead in fighting terrorism. Sometimes that will
be the right approach. Sometimes other coalitions will be more
appropriate.
A permanent coalition is better than a temporary one. An interoperable
coalition is better than an incapable one. A value sharing coalition
is better than a coalition of convenience. And a NATO coalition is
better than anything else.
Allies therefore agreed last week that, on a case-by-case basis, the
Alliance would be prepared to provide its formidable assets and
capabilities to support operations, including operations against
terrorism, undertaken by other international organizations or by
coalitions involving Allies. In other words, where it is appropriate,
NATO will be able to support a non-NATO operation.
This could include something as simple as doing the complex planning
that modern operations require, and in which NATO has over five
decades of experience, but it could also include much more substantial
military support.
Perhaps the most striking scenario would be future operations
involving NATO, its Partners including Russia, and other members of a
grand coalition.
These decisions are immensely significant. They show that NATO is
prepared to act as a focus of the international community's military
preparations for defense against terrorism. They also underscore the
need to develop global deployment capabilities. NATO may even be in a
position to take on a wide-ranging facilitating role for UN-mandated
operations, not just against terrorism.
Taken together, these are substantial new commitments. To meet them,
NATO will need substantial new capabilities. And on that front too,
major transformations are underway.
Earlier this month, NATO ministers agreed on the need for a new, more
focused effort to develop Allied essential capacities. And they
adopted a methodical, effective roadmap to ensure that this effort
delivers.
First, they agreed that to carry out the full range of its missions,
including defense against terrorism, NATO should focus on four
critical military capabilities: secure, modern communications and
information systems; the ability to move forces quickly to where they
are needed, and to stay there as long as necessary; the means to work
together seamlessly, and to win in combat; and last but certainly not
least, defenses against chemical, biological, radiological and nuclear
attacks.
To American ears, this may sound an obvious shopping list. But you
have decades of experience in deploying and maintaining your forces
away from home. For many European countries, this is a quantum leap in
the way that they think about armed forces.
Take Germany for example. Throughout the Cold War, the United States
and Germany's other NATO Allies demanded that German soldiers
concentrate solely on defending Western Europe against the Warsaw
Pact. German operations outside Germany were unthinkable. Now,
however, we have changed our tune completely. And Germany is not only
prepared to listen. It already has over 10,000 troops deployed abroad,
including in Afghanistan. And it is leading NATO's vital military
deployment in the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia/1. Second, we
agreed on how to develop these capacities -- to ensure that promises
made in Brussels are delivered by national capitals. We decided that
the new initiative on capabilities should be based on firm,
nation-specific commitments. The NATO countries also agreed to pursue
further multinational cooperation in defense, to create synergies, and
maximize their defense dollars or Euros.
Endorsing the principles of nation-specific commitments, role
specialization and common acquisition and funding of key assets --
these represent radical breaks with the past.
To ensure a flexible, agile Alliance able to act rapidly, we have also
initiated military and internal reforms to streamline NATO's command
structure and decision-making. Our challenge, from now until our
Prague Summit meeting in November and beyond, is to ensure that we do,
indeed, deliver. The blueprint however has been laid out, and we are
now getting on with it.
That blueprint includes improving NATO's ability to assist national
authorities in protecting both civilian populations and critical
infrastructure against the consequences of terrorist attacks, and
particularly attacks involving chemical, biological, radiological or
nuclear weapons.
I hope that terrorists will never get their hands on these weapons. Or
if they do, that we can prevent them from being used. But if we were
to be unsuccessful in preventing an attack, we must be prepared to
deal with the consequences. NATO's forces will therefore be better
trained, and better equipped, to work with civilian authorities to do
just that.
My message to NATO leaders has been consistent: we must be ambitious
or we risk being negligent. Fine words. But let me show that NATO is
translating these words into action. We now have five concrete
initiatives underway: a prototype Deployable Nuclear, Chemical and
Biological (NBC) Analytical Laboratory; a prototype NBC Event Response
Team; a Virtual Center of Excellence for NBC Weapons Defense; a NATO
Biological and Chemical Defense Stockpile; and a Disease Surveillance
System. These are substantive, substantial measures on our agenda. And
they are set to begin delivering results in a very short time. But I
still view this as a down payment and intend to press for further,
more robust steps.
I am dwelling on specifics because I want to demonstrate with concrete
examples that NATO gets it. NATO gets the big picture. That's why we
are moving forward with a sense of urgency to retool the Alliance to
tackle terrorism.
Countering terrorism is at the heart of NATO's new relationship with
Russia. Much has been said about this relationship. To my mind, the
essence is this. September 11th confirmed what we already knew. That
the Cold War alignment of adversaries is dead and buried. We need
Russia to face new and common threats, just as much as Russia needs
us. Russia is now willing to play an honest, cooperative role in
working with us.
The new NATO-Russia Council allows just that. It in no way replaces
the North Atlantic Council. We have safeguarded our ability to act as
an Alliance. There can be no such thing as a Russian veto of NATO
action, or indeed a NATO veto of Russian interests.
But on a range of vital issues such as terrorism, missile defense and
proliferation, the new Council gives Russia an equal seat at the table
-- and that has two real benefits. First, our cooperation will take an
immediate and concrete step forward in meeting urgent challenges.
That, alone, is significant. But the longer-term benefit to
Euro-Atlantic security is just as important.
If in the coming years, Russia comes to see NATO as an organization to
which it can turn -- regularly and with confidence -- for cooperation
in solving Euro-Atlantic problems, then we will have brought Russia
into Europe as a trusting and trustworthy member. That would truly be
an historic contribution to our common security, and a major
contribution to the success of our long-term fight against the new
threats we all face.
At Prague in November, we will also take a decisive step forward in
our relations with countries across Europe and into Central Asia. The
logic is clear. Meeting challenges such as terrorism and proliferation
requires the broadest and deepest possible cooperation. And even small
countries, far away from Washington or Brussels, can play a decisive
role.
For almost a decade, NATO has had increasingly close and practical
relations with 27 non-NATO countries, including the countries of the
Caucasus and Central Asia. Ask yourself whether the countries of
Central Asia would have been so ready, willing and able to offer the
critical assistance that helped bring down the Taleban without 10
years of cooperation with the United States and its allies in NATO's
Partnership for Peace. These relations were critical. Now they are
about to get an upgrade.
We will develop better intelligence sharing. We will share knowledge
on how to deal, together, with the consequences of a terrorist attack,
including the use of weapons of mass destruction. We will train more
together, so that when the time comes for joint operations, our
coalition is as strong and as broad as possible.
Let me offer a brief word on enlargement. All of the nations aspiring
to membership are busily focused on reforms before we even consider
any decisions -which is how I want it. But just because enlargement is
not a headline story at the moment, we cannot forget how dramatically
the decisions at Prague will reshape Europe. The democratic
unification of Europe is something easy to take for granted as we
focus increasingly on the so-called new agenda beyond Europe. But the
uniting of that continent so bloodied by war for centuries is far from
complete. Prague will ensure that that process is inevitable.
Ladies and Gentlemen,
Today is an interesting day in American history. On June 20, 1782, two
hundred and twenty years ago the American Congress adopted the Great
Seal of the United States. It featured the legend "e pluribus unum" --
"one from many."
In a very real sense, that sentiment applies not only to the United
States, but also to NATO. For over 50 years, the Atlantic Alliance has
brought its members together -- to arrive at common perceptions of the
challenges they face; to develop common means to deal with them; and
to act together, when they must, in defense of their shared interests
and values. Many countries formed one strong, effective security
community -- a community that will only grow as more countries come to
share our values, and can share the burdens of security with us.
Today, NATO is once again in a process of rapid, substantive
transformation. By Prague, that transformation will deliver results.
It will enable NATO's members, and its Partners, to work together to
defend against terrorism and weapons of mass destruction, and it will
spark and guide substantial improvements in our collective capability
to win this fight.
Taking all elements together, the transformation of NATO will make a
key, indeed essential, contribution to US security, to the security of
all NATO nations, and in turn to the safety of future generations.
Thank you.
1/Turkey recognizes the Republic of Macedonia by its constitutional
name.
(end text)
(Distributed by the Office of International Information Programs, U.S.
Department of State. Web site: http://usinfo.state.gov)



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