23 May 2002
Bush Urges New NATO Strategy, Capabilities to Defeat Terror
(May 23: remarks by the President to German Bundestag) (3490)
If the threat of terrorism is ignored or terrorists appeased, the
United States and its friends invite certain blackmail and place
millions of their citizens in grave danger, said President Bush May 23
in Berlin, calling for a new strategy and new capabilities for NATO to
meet the new threat wherever it may arise.
"There can be no lasting security in a world at the mercy of
terrorists," he said, "for my nation, or for any nation."
Addressing a special session of the German Bundestag at the beginning
of a week-long trip to Europe, Bush described the war against
terrorism as nothing less than the defense of civilization:
"The terrorists are defined by their hatreds: they hate democracy and
tolerance and free expression and women and Jews and Christians and
all Muslims who disagree with them. ... In this war we defend not just
America or Europe; we are defending civilization, itself."
The terrorists are seeking nuclear, chemical and biological weapons,
while regimes that sponsor terrorism are developing the means to
deliver these weapons, he said. "America will consult closely with our
friends and allies at every stage. But make no mistake about it, we
will and we must confront this conspiracy against our liberty and
against our lives."
Bush spoke about his program to increase U.S. development assistance
by 50% as a matter of both conscience and self-interest.
"Poverty doesn't create terror -- yet, terror takes root in failing
nations that cannot police themselves or provide for their people. Our
conscience and our interests speak as one: to achieve a safer world,
we must create a better world." However, he added, this new aid will
be directed to nations "on the path of reform."
"When nations are governed justly, the people benefit," he said. "When
nations are governed unjustly, for the benefit of a corrupt few, no
amount of aid will help the people in need."
Bush also spoke of the United States and Europe as engaged in
"building and defending the same house of freedom -- its doors open to
all of Europe's people, its windows looking out to global challenges
beyond."
While acknowledging transatlantic disputes over tax law, steel,
agriculture and biotechnology, he said "the magnitude of our shared
responsibilities makes our disagreements look so small."
"When Europe grows in unity, Europe and America grow in security. When
you integrate your markets and share a currency in the European Union,
you are creating the conditions for security and common purpose. In
all these steps, Americans do not see the rise of a rival, we see the
end of old hostilities. We see the success of our allies, and we
applaud your progress."
Bush reiterated America's commitment to NATO membership for all
European democracies that are ready to take on the responsibilities
that membership brings.
"We have moved cautiously in this direction. Now we must act
decisively," he said, adding that every part of Europe "should share
in the security and success of this continent."
Bush called for throwing off old suspicions and realizing common
interests with Russia, noting that a new Russian-American partnership
is being forged. "Many generations have looked at Russia with alarm.
Our generation can finally lift this shadow from Europe by embracing
the friendship of a new democratic Russia," he said.
He thanked the German people for their sympathy after the September 11
terrorist attacks in the United States, and Germany and all of Europe
for their strong support.
Bush is also scheduled to visit Russia, France and Italy.
Following is the White House transcript of his remarks to the
Bundestag:
(begin transcript)
The White House
Office of the Press Secretary
(Berlin, Germany)
May 23, 2002
REMARKS BY THE PRESIDENT TO A SPECIAL SESSION OF THE GERMAN BUNDESTAG
The Bundestag
Berlin, Germany
2:13 P.M. (Local)
THE PRESIDENT: President, thank you very much for your kind
introduction. And thank you for giving me this chance to be here
today. President Rau, thank you very much; Chancellor Schroeder. I
understand former Chancellor Kohl is here. I want to thank the members
of the Bundestag. How are you, sir?
I was a little nervous when the President told me that you all are on
vacation. (Laughter.) I can just imagine how my Congress would react
if I called them back to hear a speech of mine when they were on
vacation. (Laughter.) But thank you for coming. I'm so honored to be
here. And my wife, Laura, and I really appreciate the hospitality that
you've shown us. (Applause.)
I've had the pleasure of welcoming your Chancellor to Washington three
times, and we have established a strong relationship. Mr. Chancellor,
I'm grateful.
And now I am honored to visit this great city. The history of our time
is written in the life of Berlin. In this building, fires of hatred
were set that swept across the world. To this city, Allied planes
brought food and hope during 323 days and nights of siege. Across an
infamous divide, men and women jumped from tenement buildings and
crossed through razor wire to live in freedom or to die in the
attempt. One American President came here to proudly call himself a
citizen of Berlin. Another President dared the Soviets to "tear down
that wall." (Applause.) And on a night in November, Berliners took
history into their hands, and made your city whole.
In a single lifetime, the people of this capital and this country
endured 12 years of dictatorial rule, suffered 40 years of bitter
separation, and persevered through this challenging decade of
unification. For all these trials, Germany has emerged a responsible,
a prosperous and peaceful nation. More than a decade ago, as the
President pointed out, my father spoke of Germany and America as
partners in leadership -- and this has come to pass. A new era has
arrived -- the strong Germany you have built is good for the world.
On both sides of the Atlantic, the generation of our fathers was
called to shape great events -- and they built the great transatlantic
alliance of democracies. They built the most successful alliance in
history. After The Cold War, during the relative quiet of the 1990s,
some questioned whether our transatlantic partnership still had a
purpose. History has given its answer. Our generation faces new and
grave threats to liberty, to the safety of our people, and to
civilization, itself. We face an aggressive force that glorifies
death, that targets the innocent, and seeks the means to matter --
murder on a massive scale.
We face the global tragedy of disease and poverty that take uncounted
lives and leave whole nations vulnerable to oppression and terror.
We'll face these challenges together. We must face them together.
Those who despise human freedom will attack it on every continent.
Those who seek missiles and terrible weapons are also familiar with
the map of Europe. Like the threats of another era, this threat cannot
be appeased or cannot be ignored. By being patient, relentless, and
resolute, we will defeat the enemies of freedom. (Applause.)
By remaining united --
(Audience interruption.)
PRESIDENT BUSH: By remaining united, we are meeting -- we are meeting
modern threats with the greatest resources of wealth and will ever
assembled by free nations. Together, Europe and the United States have
the creative genius, the economic power, the moral heritage, and the
democratic vision to protect our liberty and to advance our cause of
peace.
Different as we are, we are building and defending the same house of
freedom -- its doors open to all of Europe's people, its windows
looking out to global challenges beyond. We must lay the foundation
with a Europe that is whole and free and at peace for the first time
in its history. (Applause.) This dream of the centuries is close at
hand.
From the Argonne Forest to the Anzio beachhead, conflicts in Europe
have drawn the blood of millions, squandering and shattering lives
across the earth. There are thousands, thousands of monuments in parks
and squares across my country to young men of 18 and 19 and 20 whose
lives ended in battle on this continent. Ours is the first generation
in a hundred years that does not expect and does not fear the next
European war. And that achievement -- your achievement -- is one of
the greatest in modern times. (Applause.)
When Europe grows in unity, Europe and America grow in security. When
you integrate your markets and share a currency in the European Union,
you are creating the conditions for security and common purpose. In
all these steps, Americans do not see the rise of a rival, we see the
end of old hostilities. We see the success of our allies, and we
applaud your progress.
The expansion of NATO will also extend the security on this continent,
especially for nations that knew little peace or security in the last
century. We have moved cautiously in this direction. Now we must act
decisively.
As our summit in Prague approaches, America is committed to NATO
membership for all of Europe's democracies that are ready to share in
the responsibilities that NATO brings. (Applause.) Every part of
Europe should share in the security and success of this continent. A
broader alliance will strengthen NATO -- it will fulfill NATO's
promise.
Another mission we share is to encourage the Russian people to find
their future in Europe, and with America. (Applause.) Russia has its
best chance since 1917 to become a part of Europe's family. Russia's
transformation is not finished; the outcome is not yet determined. But
for all the problems and challenges, Russia is moving toward freedom
-- more freedom in its politics and its markets; freedom that will
help Russia to act as a great and a just power. A Russia at peace with
its neighbors, respecting the legitimate rights of minorities, is
welcome in Europe. (Applause.)
A new Russian-American partnership is being forged. Russia is lending
crucial support in the war on global terror. A Russian colonel now
works on the staff of U.S. Army General Tommy Franks, commander of the
war in Afghanistan. And in Afghanistan, itself, Russia is helping to
build hospitals and a better future for the Afghan people.
America and Europe must throw off old suspicions and realize our
common interests with Russia. Tomorrow in Moscow, President Putin and
I will again act upon these interests.
The United States and Russia are ridding ourselves of the last
vestiges of Cold War confrontation. (Applause.) We have moved beyond
an ABM treaty that prevented us from defending our people and our
friends. Some warned that moving beyond the ABM treaty would cause an
arms race. Instead, President Putin and I are about to sign the most
dramatic nuclear arms reduction in history. Both the United States and
Russia will reduce our nuclear arsenals by about two-thirds -- to the
lowest levels in decades. (Applause.)
Old arms agreements sought to manage hostility and maintain a balance
of terror. This new agreement recognizes that Russia and the West are
no longer enemies. (Applause.)
The entire transatlantic alliance is forming a new relationship with
Russia. Next week in Rome, Chancellor Schroeder, NATO allies, and I
will meet as equal partners with President Putin at the creation of
the NATO-Russia Council. The Council gives us an opportunity to build
common security against common threats. We will start with projects on
nonproliferation, counterterrorism, and search-and-rescue operations.
Over time, we will expand this cooperation, even as we preserve the
core mission of NATO. Many generations have looked at Russia with
alarm. Our generation can finally lift this shadow from Europe by
embracing the friendship of a new democratic Russia. (Applause.)
As we expand our alliance, as we reach out to Russia, we must also
look beyond Europe to gathering dangers and important
responsibilities. As we build the house of freedom, we must meet the
challenges of a larger world. And we must meet them together.
For the United States, September the 11th, 2001 cut a deep dividing
line in our history -- a change of eras as sharp and clear as Pearl
Harbor, or the first day of the Berlin Blockade. There can be no
lasting security in a world at the mercy of terrorists -- for my
nation, or for any nation. (Applause.)
Given this threat, NATO's defining purpose -- our collective defense
-- is as urgent as ever. America and Europe need each other to fight
and win the war against global terror. My nation is so grateful for
the sympathy of the German people, and for the strong support of
Germany and all of Europe.
Troops from more than a dozen European countries have deployed in and
around Afghanistan, including thousands from this country -- the first
deployment of German forces outside of Europe since 1945. German
soldiers have died in this war, and we mourn their loss as we do our
own. German authorities are on the trail of terrorist cells and
finances. And German police are helping Afghans build their own police
force. And we're so grateful for the support.
Together, we oppose an enemy that thrives on violence and the grief of
the innocent. The terrorists are defined by their hatreds: they hate
democracy and tolerance and free expression and women and Jews and
Christians and all Muslims who disagree with them. Others killed in
the name of racial purity, or the class struggle. These enemies kill
in the name of a false religious purity, perverting the faith they
claim to hold. (Applause.) In this war we defend not just America or
Europe; we are defending civilization, itself. (Applause.)
The evil that has formed against us has been termed the "new
totalitarian threat." The authors of terror are seeking nuclear,
chemical and biological weapons. Regimes that sponsor terror are
developing these weapons and the missiles to deliver them. If these
regimes and their terrorist allies were to perfect these capabilities,
no inner voice of reason, no hint of conscience would prevent their
use.
Wishful thinking might bring comfort, but not security. Call this a
strategic challenge; call it, as I do, axis of evil; call it by any
name you choose, but let us speak the truth. (Applause.) If we ignore
this threat, we invite certain blackmail, and place millions of our
citizens in grave danger.
Our response will be reasoned, and focused, and deliberate. We will
use more than our military might. We will cut off terrorist finances,
apply diplomatic pressure, and continue to share intelligence. America
will consult closely with our friends and allies at every stage. But
make no mistake about it, we will and we must confront this conspiracy
against our liberty and against our lives. (Applause.)
As it faces new threats, NATO needs a new strategy and new
capabilities. Dangers originating far from Europe can now strike at
Europe's heart -- so NATO must be able and willing to act whenever
threats emerge. This will require all the assets of modern defense --
mobile and deployable forces, sophisticated special operations, the
ability to fight under the threat of chemical and biological weapons.
Each nation must focus on the military strengths it can bring to this
alliance, with the hard choices and financial commitment that
requires. We do not know where the next threat might come from, we
really don't know what form it might take. But we must be ready, as
full military partners, to confront threats to our common security.
One way to make ourselves more secure is to address the regional
conflicts that enflame violence. Our work in the Balkans and
Afghanistan shows how much we can achieve when we stand together. We
must continue to stand for peace in the Middle East. That peace must
assure the permanent safety of the Jewish people. (Applause.) And that
peace must provide the Palestinian people with a state of their own.
(Applause.)
In the midst of terrorist violence in the Middle East, the hope of a
lasting accord may seem distant. That's how many once viewed the
prospect of peace between Poland and Germany, Germany and France,
France and England, Protestant and Catholic. Yet, after generations of
traded violence and humiliation, we have seen enemies become partners
and allies in a new Europe. We pray the same healing, the same
shedding of hatred, might come to the Middle East. And we will be
unrelenting in our quest for that peace. (Applause.)
We must recognize that violence and resentment are defeated by the
advance of health, and learning, and prosperity. Poverty doesn't
create terror -- yet, terror takes root in failing nations that cannot
police themselves or provide for their people. Our conscience and our
interests speak as one: to achieve a safer world, we must create a
better world.
The expansion of trade in our time is one of the primary reasons for
our progress against poverty. At Doha, we committed to build on this
progress, and we must keep that commitment. (Applause.) Trans-Atlantic
nations must resolve the small, disputed portion of our vast trading
relationship within the rules and settlement mechanisms of the World
Trade Organization -- whether those disputes concern tax law, steel,
agriculture or biotechnology.
For all nations -- for all nations to gain the benefit of global
markets, they need populations that are healthy and literate. To help
developing nations achieve these goals, leaders of wealthy nations
have a duty of conscience -- (Applause.) We have a duty to share our
wealth generously and wisely. Those who lead poor nations have a duty
to their own people -- but they have a duty as well: to pursue reforms
that turn temporary aid into lasting progress.
I've proposed that new American aid be directed to nations on that
path of reform. The United States will increase our core development
assistance by 50 percent over the next three budget years. (Applause.)
It will be up to a level of $5 billion a year, above and beyond that
which we already contribute to development.
When nations are governed justly, the people benefit. When nations are
governed unjustly, for the benefit of a corrupt few, no amount of aid
will help the people in need. (Applause.) When nations are governed
justly -- when nations are governed justly, investing in education and
health, and encouraging economic freedom, they will have our help. And
more importantly, these rising nations will have their own ability
and, eventually, the resources necessary to battle disease and improve
their environment, and build lives of dignity for their people.
Members of the Bundestag, we are joined in serious purpose -- very
serious purposes -- on which the safety of our people and the fate of
our freedom now rest. We build a world of justice, or we will live in
a world of coercion. The magnitude of our shared responsibilities
makes our disagreements look so small. And those who exaggerate our
differences play a shallow game and hold a simplistic view of our
relationship. (Applause.)
America and the nations in Europe are more than military allies, we're
more than trading partners; we are heirs to the same civilization. The
pledges of the Magna Carta, the learning of Athens, the creativity of
Paris, the unbending conscience of Luther, the gentle faith of St.
Francis -- all of these are part of the American soul. The New World
has succeeded by holding to the values of the Old.
Our histories have diverged, yet we seek to live by the same ideals.
We believe in free markets, tempered by compassion. We believe in open
societies that reflect unchanging truths. We believe in the value and
dignity of every life. (Applause.)
These convictions bind our civilization together and set our enemies
against us. These convictions are universally true and right. And they
define our nations and our partnership in a unique way. And these
beliefs lead us to fight tyranny and evil, as others have done before
us.
One of the greatest Germans of the 20th century was Pastor Dietrich
Bonhoeffer. (Applause) -- who left the security of America to stand
against Nazi rule. In a dark hour, he gave witness to the Gospel of
life, and paid the cost of his discipleship, being put to death only
days before his camp was liberated.
"I believe," said Bonhoeffer, "that God can and wants to create good
out of everything, even evil."
That belief is proven in the history of Europe since that day -- in
the reconciliation and renewal that have transformed this continent.
In America, very recently, we have also seen the horror of evil and
the power of good. In the tests of our time, we are affirming our
deepest values and our closest friendships. Inside this chamber,
across this city, throughout this nation and continent, America has
valued friends. (Applause.) And with our friends we are building that
house of freedom -- for our time and for all time.
May God bless. (Applause.)
END 2:42 P.M. (Local)
(end transcript)
(Distributed by the Office of International Information Programs, U.S.
Department of State. Web site: http://usinfo.state.gov)
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