Text: U.S. Envoy on NATO's Challenges, Role in Anti-Terror Campaign
(Nov. 12: Amb. Nicholas Burns at Aspen Institute in Berlin) (3950) In the wake of the September 11 terrorist attacks on the United States, "there is a growing consensus among Europeans and Americans alike that we need NATO now more than ever," Ambassador Nicholas Burns said at the Aspen Institute in Berlin November 12. Burns, the U.S. permanent representative to NATO, said the Alliance must assume that terrorist attacks will continue and must protect citizens by guarding against both the threat from rogue states that possess weapons of mass destruction, and "future dangers that are beyond our present capability to even imagine. "Faced with these threats, we have a moral and strategic imperative to maintain a strong, vigorous and supremely capable collective defense organization to protect the citizens of Europe and North America -- that is, NATO." Burns praised the measures taken by NATO in the campaign against global terrorism. "I can tell you that, for an American, this European effort has a very powerful symbolic as well as practical impact," he said. Outlining some of the anti-terrorist actions by individual countries, Burns noted that "Luxembourg has opened up its traditionally closed financial system for investigators to choke off the money chain to terrorist groups. Nearly all of our Allies have disrupted Al-Qaida cells. Our Allies, big and small, are working at what they can do best to win this fight against terrorism. These vital contributions give real meaning to the words 'alliance' as well as 'coalition,' as we seek collectively to meet a deadly new threat to our common security," Burns said. NATO will have a long-term role in the campaign, said Burns, and the United States believes that NATO foreign and defense ministers meeting in Brussels in December must give the Alliance a new focus on counter-terrorism. "NATO cannot stand still in the face of this fundamental challenge to our societies," he said. "The Alliance must expand critical efforts to protect our armed forces and our populations from possible chemical, biological and even nuclear terrorist attacks and to further develop its civil emergency capabilities. We also must join forces with the EU, the United Nations and other specialized organizations to strengthen these NATO efforts." Burns identified five other central issues or tasks that remain of lasting and fundamental concern to Europe and America: The Balkans: Strengthening local institutions "to the point where these countries can manage their own affairs and take their rightful place in the family of democratic European nations." NATO and the European Union (EU): America believes that "our collective transatlantic interests will be best served if NATO remains the core security institution on the continent." To strengthen military capabilities, the Alliance "must champion the kind of industrial collaboration that produces the most advanced systems at the lowest cost." Missile Defense: It would be "irresponsible" for NATO not to prepare for the threat of weapons of mass destruction and ballistic missiles in the hands of numerous countries and terrorist organizations. "The question is not how can we afford to spend a few billion [thousand million] dollars on missile defense, but rather, in the wake of September 11, how can we afford not to?" Russia: "We must fully explore Russia's desire to establish a deeper, more productive relationship with NATO." Enlargement: "As we plan the Prague Summit we should not calculate how little we can get away with, but how much we can do to advance the cause of freedom. As the President has said, 'the expansion of NATO has fulfilled NATO's promise, and that promise now leads eastward and southward, northward and onward.'" Following is the text of Burns's address as prepared for delivery: (begin text) Aspen Institute, Berlin November 12, 2001 NATO: NOW MORE THAN EVER SPEECH BY AMBASSADOR NICHOLAS BURNS, U.S. PERMANENT REPRESENTATIVE TO NATO (as prepared for delivery) I'm delighted to be in Berlin this evening and I want to thank my good friend and fellow Bostonian Catherine Kelleher for giving me this opportunity to speak with all of you. The Aspen Institute Berlin has been one of the very best venues for European and American dialogue on the continent, and it is no accident that I chose it for my maiden address as U.S. Ambassador to NATO. I'm extremely pleased that the Board has selected Jeffrey Gedmin as Catherine's successor. Jeff and I had a chance to talk when he was in Brussels last week, and I look forward to working closely with him in the future. When I first received this invitation more than two months ago, I thought, frankly, I might devote my remarks to a discussion of NATO's continued relevance at a time when Europe and North America seemed to be drifting apart. But, the tragic events of September 11 not only shocked us all, but clarified in the brightest possible light, the landscape in which we live. They reminded us, among other things, of the enduring requirement for transatlantic cooperation -- the absolute necessity that NATO and the other institutions built on the ashes of World War II remain strong and vital as the 21st century vehicles for achieving a Europe whole, free and at peace. In the wake of September 11, I do think there is a growing consensus among Europeans and Americans alike that we need NATO now more than ever. Two ironies of our present situation are worth reflecting upon as we assess NATO's future. First, the Alliance that was created 52 years ago for the U.S. to defend Europe from Soviet aggression, invoked its mutual defense clause for the very first time, instead, two months ago for Europe to help defend the United States against terrorist aggression. And second, that just a decade ago, pundits on both sides of the Atlantic were predicting NATO would wither and die, since its collective defense mission seemed complete with the collapse of the Soviet Union. Today, we take a lesson from the shortsightedness and complacency of those who sold the Alliance short. After September 11, we do need NATO for as far into the future as we can see. The world will continue to present dangers for all of us. We must, unfortunately, assume that terrorist attacks on our societies will continue. We must protect our citizens by guarding against the threat from rogue states that possess weapons of mass destruction. And given the pace of globalization and rapid technological change, we will assuredly face future dangers that are beyond our present capability to even imagine. Faced with these threats, we have a moral and strategic imperative to maintain a strong, vigorous and supremely capable collective defense organization to protect the citizens of Europe and North America -- that is, NATO. When President Bush and the American people awoke on the morning of September 12, still stunned by the catastrophe of the mass attacks in New York and Washington, NATO had already acted by invoking Article 5 of the 1949 Washington Treaty -- the clause that declares an attack on one is an attack on all. That simple first act of international solidarity surprised and gratified the American people, many of whom had come to think of our country as so powerful and invulnerable that we might no longer need Allies to help defend us. Americans now know all too well that we need our friends and allies, especially here in Europe. The future of our democracy, our prosperity and our security is surely linked with yours. The invocation of Article 5 also sent a powerful signal to the terrorists: whether they intended to or not, that they had now taken us all on -- because we and our Allies stand united against them. In an unconventional war, against a particularly ruthless enemy, such political support is critical. And unlike World War II, the Gulf War or even Kosovo, our enemy is not a nation state, but a complex network of loosely knit groups who seek to use the virtuous freedom and openness of our own societies against us. This war will be fought as much by people in suits as by those in uniform. Vigilance on the diplomatic, economic, intelligence and law enforcement fronts will be as important to our long-term success as our military might. Each nation is contributing what it can to these five spokes of the counterterrorism wheel: First, we've built a global diplomatic coalition to isolate terrorist groups and the rogue states that support them. Second, we've also tightened financial restrictions against the ability of terrorists to launder their money through financial institutions. Third, we've begun unprecedented intelligence cooperation to track the many tentacles of Al-Qaida worldwide. Fourth, law enforcement actions in Europe and America have taken over 1,000 suspected terrorists off the streets of Germany, the U.S., and other countries, thereby disrupting terrorist plans to strike again. And fifth, military action in Afghanistan, designed to eradicate Al-Qaida's training and leadership altogether. We need to be effective at all five of these counter-terrorist efforts to win the war. All are important, and allies contribute what they can to each. Fighting on this new battlefield is to the conflicts of yesterday what three-dimensional chess is to its traditional counterpart. To win at this new game, none of us can rely on any single organization or group of nations. That is why we have spent the last two months building a multi-layered global coalition. This is what the brave and frightening new world requires of us. A few people have argued that we have somehow minimized NATO because we are not using it exclusively to conduct offensive military operations in Afghanistan as we did in Kosovo. In my view, this criticism fails to grasp just how unique a challenge we face in taking on a global terrorist network. NATO is an integral part of this coalition, but it cannot be the only part. This is a worldwide fight against tentacles of terror on every continent, and our military forces are now deployed far from Europe. For these reasons, we've asked NATO for contributions that make the best use of its abilities. In keeping with the way NATO works, we've requested both national and collective actions. And the contributions of the Alliance as a whole, and of individual Allies, have been a cornerstone of our overall effort. NATO quickly followed its historic Article 5 declaration in September with a decision on October 4 to take a series of measures to help the coalition topple the Taliban and destroy the Al-Qaida network. NATO countries granted blanket overflight clearance for Allied aircraft involved in the terrorism fight. They made all ports, airfields, and refueling depots across our huge territory available to allied forces, and deployed NATO naval vessels to the Eastern Mediterranean. They also agreed to share intelligence and stiffen security at all military facilities, and to provide economic and military support to non-NATO front-line states that are being adversely affected by their participation in the coalition. NATO's commitment is visible daily as AWACs flown by European crews circle the skies of the United States, helping to defend Americans from new terrorist attacks, just as American GIs fought in Flanders' fields and on Normandy's beaches to defend Europe in the last century. I can tell you that, for an American, this European effort has a very powerful symbolic as well as practical impact. As we move forward in the military campaign in Afghanistan, many individual Allies are offering critical help. The UK has been flying wing-to-wing with us since military operations began on October 7. France has 2000 troops in the theater already. Chancellor Schroeder made the unprecedented decision to make available 3900 members of Germany's Armed Forces. The Italian Parliament just approved the use of 2700 naval, air and ground troops for Operation Enduring Freedom. Turkey is sending a Special Forces unit to Afghanistan. Nine other Allies from Belgium to Spain, and eleven partner nations from Albania to Uzbekistan, have also made significant military contributions. Allies have also worked to stop terrorists before they could strike again. Luxembourg has opened up its traditionally closed financial system for investigators to choke off the money chain to terrorist groups. Nearly all of our Allies have disrupted Al-Qaida cells. Our Allies, big and small, are working at what they can do best to win this fight against terrorism. These vital contributions give real meaning to the words "alliance" as well as "coalition," as we seek collectively to meet a deadly new threat to our common security. NATO will have a long-term role in the fight against terrorism. When Alliance Foreign and Defense Ministers meet in Brussels next month, the U.S. believes they must decide to give NATO a new counterterrorism focus. NATO cannot stand still in the face of this fundamental challenge to our societies. The Alliance must expand critical efforts to protect our armed forces and our populations from possible chemical, biological and even nuclear terrorist attacks and to further develop its civil emergency capabilities. We also must join forces with the EU, the United Nations and other specialized organizations to strengthen these NATO efforts. As Allies work on the front-lines of the fight against terrorism, we must also keep our collective eyes focused on our other critical tasks necessary to complete the dream of a continent whole, free, and at peace. In the months between now and NATO's Prague Summit in November 2002, NATO will have to undertake major initiatives on five central issues that were the core of its work before September 11 and remain of lasting and fundamental concern to Europe and America alike. First, NATO must finish the job of bringing peace and stability to the Balkans, a region that has known little of either since before World War I. Democratic changes in Zagreb and Belgrade have given us renewed hope for progress in the region, and we have a duty to seize this opportunity. We know well that failed states are breeding grounds for terrorism, as well as a host of other ills. In Bosnia, Kosovo, and Macedonia, NATO is fully engaged militarily and politically, ending a decade of Balkan warfare and helping the people of the region to build a future of peace and freedom. President Bush's commitment to NATO's Balkan operations is unwavering. The pledge he made to his fellow NATO leaders in June stands: America went in to the Balkans with our NATO Allies and we will come out together with them. At the same time, the nations of the Balkans cannot forever be dependent on NATO and the larger International Community. Local institutions -- from law enforcement to education systems -- must be developed and strengthened to the point where these countries can manage their own affairs and take their rightful place in the family of democratic European nations. Our mission in the Balkans will not be complete until they do. So we must do everything in our power to hasten the day when NATO's presence is no longer required. First in Macedonia and Bosnia, and then in Kosovo, all of us in NATO must think creatively about how best to accomplish this goal and ensure that our efforts are matched by other international organizations. This brings me to our second challenge: building a stronger bond between NATO and the European Union -- one that improves our collective ability to respond to crises. Together, NATO and the EU can be the bedrock of European security for the next generation. Both are committed to promoting the same democratic ideals. We must now harness the unique powers of each institution to solve the pressing problems that confront us in the Balkans and elsewhere in the world. Secretary General Robertson and High Representative Solana have given us the blueprint for the future through their efforts in Macedonia. Working together they have defused a dangerous crisis that might otherwise have led to a civil war threatening all the progress we have made in the region in the past six years. This cooperation marks a new chapter in NATO-EU relations. Now we must rise to the challenge of a European Defense and Security Policy without rancor or theological debate. The 23 members of NATO and the EU -- with 11 countries participating in both organizations -- must follow the practical example set by Solana and Robertson and deepen our cooperation at all levels. Pragmatism, and not slavish devotion to institutional theology, is the surest way to work together. As we do so, Americans are confident and firm in our belief that our collective transatlantic interests will be best served if NATO remains the core security institution on the continent. Secretary Powell said at his confirmation hearings in January that NATO was sacrosanct to the United States. NATO's future is indeed a vital interest for all Americans. NATO Allies must also strengthen their own military capabilities. Among other things, we must tear down barriers to defense industry cooperation on both sides of the Atlantic. Meeting our defense needs can't be confused with our desire to support domestic industries. Our policy shouldn't be "buy American" or "buy European." Rather we must create the conditions so that we can all "buy Transatlantic." We must champion the kind of industrial collaboration that produces the most advanced systems at the lowest cost. Every NATO country faces budget constraints, and the current economic situation only makes the choices harder for everyone. But, in the face of this terrorist challenge to all democratic countries, we must meet the first obligation of any government -- to defend our people from attack. The lesson of the Gulf War, our Balkan operations, and, now, of September 11 is this: all of us, Europeans and Americans, have to invest more in defense to keep our people safe. We must be prepared for the new and alarming threats to our peace and stability. All our nations must make the commitment to build the kind of mobile, flexible and capable militaries necessary to face down any future adversary on the twenty-first century battlefield. Our third challenge is the strategic imperative of missile defense. This past Spring, Europeans and Americans, including many in this room, engaged in a lively debate over the virtues of missile defense. In the U.S., September 11 put that debate to rest. I sense it has had the same impact here in Europe. All of us understand the nature of the threat we now face, and the evil before us. Terrorists who did not blink at killing 7000 innocent people in coordinated suicide attacks would not hesitate to kill ten times that many if they could. They are sufficiently motivated and capable of obtaining weapons of mass destruction and ballistic missiles to strike again in any of our capitals. With a growing number of countries developing these capabilities, and with brutal terrorist organizations seeking them as well, it would be irresponsible for NATO not to be prepared for this threat. If we do not act to build up our defenses, next time we may be victims of an assault of an even more deadly kind. Missile defense will not make us impervious to all terrorist attacks, but our commitment to develop a credible system is a strong deterrent to those thinking about obtaining such weapons, and we believe, can be effective in the future to actually stop such attacks. The question is not how can we afford to spend a few billion dollars on missile defense, but rather, in the wake of September 11 how can we afford not to? NATO also needs to face a fourth challenge: building a new relationship with Russia. When President Bush and President Putin meet in Washington and in Crawford, Texas beginning tomorrow, they will strengthen our current excellent collaboration on terrorism, and seek to leverage that new understanding into other security areas, including deepening NATO-Russia cooperation. In recent weeks, we've had very positive signals from President Putin about his desire to bring Russia closer to the Alliance -- to find ways to work more productively together and to express ourselves jointly where we can find common ground. We must fully explore Russia's desire to establish a deeper, more productive relationship with NATO. We have taken some first steps with our consultative process on Balkan military operations, but we need to move with more boldness and more creativity on those issues where an agreement to cooperate exists. As both President Bush and President Putin recognize, we are long overdue in ridding ourselves of Cold War, or even post-Cold War, zero-sum thinking. There are new threats now that we can only confront and overcome together. Fifth and finally, we must meet the challenge of enlarging NATO to expand the circle of security and stability in Europe. As President Bush reaffirmed to Secretary General George Robertson when they met in the Oval Office last month, he believes in NATO membership for all of Europe's democracies that seek it and are ready to share the responsibility that NATO brings. No state should be excluded on the basis of history or geography. And no third state should have a veto. An enlarged NATO will be an even stronger NATO. It will erase forever the injustice of Yalta that led to 50 years of European division during the Cold War. And, it will give NATO the added dimension necessary to meet current and future threats. As September 11 demonstrates, defending our societies requires us to think in new ways about the meaning of security. New allies will each bring their own contributions to the table. They may be small in some ways, but great in others. What matters though is not the size of an allied army, but the strength of that nation's commitment to defend freedom. Enlargement is not a new issue. Long before the flags of Poland, Hungary and the Czech Republic were raised at NATO headquarters in 1999, additional space had to be made for the banners of other nations. Each addition to the NATO family has required its share of adjustments. The decisions made at the Prague Summit a year from now will certainly require further adaptation of NATO structures. However, one principle should remain clear, as we plan the Prague Summit we should not calculate how little we can get away with, but how much we can do to advance the cause of freedom. As the President has said, "the expansion of NATO has fulfilled NATO's promise, and that promise now leads eastward and southward, northward and onward." Le me conclude, ladies and gentlemen, with this final thought. With the battle against terror now engaged, the Alliance must remain the cornerstone of our European and North American efforts to defend our civilization. America and our Allies need NATO now more than ever. NATO's continued relevance and effectiveness will require our willingness to do the hard work to ensure that it meets the challenges I've outlined here this evening. Czechs and British, Danes and Italians, Germans and Americans -- we are NATO -- nineteen united nations -- and our future depends fundamentally on the strength and intensity of our commitment to each other. In shouldering this burden, we can look back with pride at NATO's role in vanquishing the demons of the 20th century. But we must also look forward, at the dawn of a new century and with September 11 in mind, to face the unique and especially daunting threats before us. With NATO's help and with our continued collective strength, we can be confident that we will triumph over them too. I want to thank the Aspen Institute, again, for the honor of being with all of you this evening. (end text) (Distributed by the Office of International Information Programs, U.S. Department of State. Web site: http://usinfo.state.gov)
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