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| 17 October 2000 Situation In Yugoslavia: Warnings Against 'Easy Optimism' |
Yesterday's news regarding a power-sharing deal between Yugoslavia's new President Vojislav Kostunica and supporters of former President Milosevic in the Serbian government prompted great hope in some media quarters overseas. More common, however, were warnings from a majority in the European press and elsewhere against "easy optimism" regarding prospects for stability in FRY. These writers reiterated their concerns, pointing out the many challenges facing Mr. Kostunica as he tries to build his new government. More positive assessments found that Mr. Kostunica, in securing a power-sharing deal, has moved with "agility" and "courage," which signals hope for further democratic progress--progress which many optimists deemed "irreversible." Meanwhile, dailies in Moscow and Zagreb ruminated on Russia's role in the region, wondering if the Kremlin will "leave the Balkans" or play a crucial role in the post-Milosevic Yugoslavia. Finally, a small group of developing world voices expressed some consternation about events in FRY, wondering if leaders elsewhere who are unpopular with the West should brace for the same fate that befell Mr. Milosevic. Highlights follow:
THE MANY CHALLENGES--REASON FOR CAUTION, CONCERN: Observers in Europe and elsewhere enumerated the many daunting issues facing the new FRY government: the possibility that the pro-Milosevic Socialists may prove only to be "obstructionist" in their power-sharing role, Mr. Kostunica's continuing lack of control over important state institutions, his "chronic problem" with the "quarrelsome" and numerous opposition parties, still-looming questions regarding Kosovo and Montenegro, unresolved reparation and refugee disputes with neighboring states, and a society devastated by recent war and decades of communist rule. A number of opinionmakers--also skeptical that stability is forthcoming--stressed that Mr. Kostunica himself is cause for concern because of his nationalistic proclivities and intransigence regarding The Hague war crimes tribunal's indictment of Mr. Milosevic.
THE BRIGHT SIDE: A number of analysts in Europe, Africa and Latin America held out great hope for Yugoslavia in the wake of the popular uprising and the ouster of the authoritarian Milosevic regime. These observers were impressed by Mr. Kostunica's recent efforts to fashion a stable transition period, and were convinced that "new civilized methods" will continue to be implemented in Yugoslavia.
WHO'S NEXT?: Some editorialists in India, Cuba and Ghana viewed what they perceived as the West's "unwarranted" and destructive role in FRY with great dismay, wondering which country might next be in the powerful nations' sights. Accra's pro-ruling party Ghana Palaver, for example, contended that Zimbabwe is "next on the hit list."
EDITOR: Diana McCaffrey
EDITOR'S NOTE: This survey is based on 30 reports from 19 countries, October 9 - 17. Editorial excerpts are grouped by region; editorials from each country are listed from the most recent date.
EUROPE
CROATIA: "Kremlin Offers Kostunica The 'Russian Card'"
Russia expert Bogoljub Lacmanovic wrote in Zagreb-based Vjesnik (10/16): "Russian ultra-patriots and Communists in the state Duma reckon that Putin's abandoning Milosevic marks the end of Moscow's serious political influence in Belgrade, and thus the Balkans.... Kremlin diplomacy, however, is convinced that that's not the case. First, after NATO's bombing of Yugoslavia last year and taking into consideration people's mood, Kostunica will not be able to U-turn Belgrade's policy towards the West. Second, Serbia and Montenegro depend on Russia's gas, oil, and market for their products. Still, Kremlin diplomats agree that Kostunica and the new government in Belgrade will in future lean much more towards the West than towards Moscow--for reasons of political pragmatism. The West holds the key to solving the Yugoslav crisis. But, the Kremlin believes that without Moscow's support, Kostunica will have neither the space nor the arguments to maneuver in his negotiations with the West, and will therefore need--and Russia is offering him--a 'Russian card' for these negotiations."
FORMER YUGOSLAV REPUBLIC OF MACEDONIA: "Montenegro's Dilemma"
Independent, left-of-center Utrinski Vesnik ran this piece by Dragan Nikolic (10/13): "Expectations that the Socialist National Party (SNP) of Momir Bulatovic will turn its back to Milosevic and support Kostunica proved unrealistic.... Now we can see that Bulatovic has far greater influence within the party than expected, and that the party will not break down. Bulatovic remained loyal to Milosevic and is determined to share his destiny.... The last thing Kostunica would like to see is the federal government belonging to Milosevic. Neither democratic Serbia, nor official Podgorica would accept such a government.... The situation in Montenegro is also very complicated. Djukanovic is under constant pressure from his coalition partners to use the moment and call an independence referendum.... Djukanovic has to find a fine balance between pressures coming from all sides, since otherwise his coalition may break up and he will lose the government. It now appears that both Djukanovic and Kostunica are looking for that balance. They both need international support, since they are both threatened by the chaos that Milosevic, although defeated, may choose to produce."
BRITAIN: "Already A Statesman"
The conservative Times offered praise for Kostunica in its lead editorial (10/17): "For a man with little training in the cauldron of Serbian politics, President Kostunica has moved with extraordinary agility, courage, and sure-footedness.... The agreement yesterday to dissolve parliament next week and call fresh elections is by far the most important step so far in breaking the lingering malign hold of Mr. Milosevic and his Socialist Party.... Mr. Kostunica's chronic problem is likely to be the quarrelsome nature of Serbian politics.... The Democratic Opposition embraces 18 separate parties, and there is the constant danger that unless the President vigorously polices political agreement, his coalition will disintegrate in bickering and recriminations."
FRANCE: "The EU And Yugoslavia"
European Affairs Minister Pierre Moscovici commented in right-of-center Le Figaro (10/13): "The EU's invitation extended to Kostunica does not mean rapprochement with Serbia in the vein of past relations. It means that we are saying to the people of Serbia that the democratic movement and the peaceful revolution they have launched have the complete support of the EU. It also means that the EU is the future for a Yugoslavia that will have definitely turned toward stability, peace and democracy."
GERMANY: "Change"
Peter Muench said in an editorial in centrist Sueddeutsche Zeitung of Munich (10/17): "The thus far ruling Socialists have now agreed to share power until election day on December 24. The old and the new forces are now to cooperate in a transition government. Much would now be achieved if such a government could guarantee quiet and stability until the elections. But we cannot expect too much from it. It would be absurd to believe that all forces in Serbia would now pursue the same policy. The transition government, including chronic spoilsport Vuk Draskovic, will be characterized by constant disputes. In addition, we can expect the Socialists to cover over the traces of Milosevic's rules in the two-month grace period. That is why the new forces in Belgrade should be extremely cautious."
"Yugoslav Revolution 'Irreversible'"
Centrist Suedwest Presse of Ulm asserted (10/17): "The outcome of the Yugoslav revolution is irreversible, although the Serbian parliament's term lasts until next year and the opposition is not represented in it. But if the Serb socialists and the Yugoslav left-wing accept the division of power, then this means that they consider the strength of the democratic opponent insuperable. But if they cling to power and pursue a mere obstructionist policy, they must expect to become the victims of an even deeper popular anger."
"Standards For The Balkans"
Jochen Winter argued in left-of-center Frankfurter Rundschau (10/16): "The earlier and the more unmistakably [the EU] mentions the conditions for a return into the European and international community of nations, the earlier Yugoslavia can decide on its future path. And the sooner Yugoslavia will understand that the main work still lies ahead. But it must mainly understand that it is solely responsible for its future path. Milosevic's ouster was much, but it is only the beginning of a long and painstaking path into the community of European democracies. Yugoslavia must cleanse all the misery which the Milosevic regime has brought over the Balkans. At home it must implement democracy, and the rule of law. In this process, the EU can and must help, but this assistance must be linked to a catalogue of values which the EU has now officially...with the adoption of the Fundamental Charter of Rights."
"Stalemate"
Right-of-center Saechsiche Zeitung of Dresden held (10/16): "The old and the new ruling class in Belgrade are fully aware of the current stalemate in the country. The one group can no longer govern, because it has lost the confidence of the people and because the previous power apparatus is about to dissolve. The other group is unable to govern, because it has no majority in parliament and government and because the other republics refuse to offer support. Milosevic's supporters are willing to accept elections not because of the 'ultimatum' that was set by Kostunica. They hope that the opposition formed around the new president will experience some internal problems that will allow Milosevic's supporters time to consolidate, including forcing Milosevic's secession since even in Serbia a state can no longer be built around him."
"Too Early To Speak Of Stabilization"
Centrist Darmstaedter Echo said (10/16): "It would be too early to speak of a stabilization of the situation in Belgrade. But by inviting Yugoslav President Kostunica to Biarritz, the EU got more information about the new man and gave the democracy movement in Serbia new impetus. Much more could not be expected during the time of transition from the Milosevic regime to democracy."
"Kostunica Will Need Europe's Support"
Werner Adam wrote in right-of-center Frankfurter Allgemeine (10/16): "The fact that the successor to autocrat Slobodan Milosevic, without showing any triumphant feelings, reacted to the invitation to the EU summit with a commitment to democracy and the rule of law, and no longer ruled out the possibility of an independent Montenegro, made it that much easier for the EU hosts to promise support on the path to a 'European home.' Kostunica will need this support mainly at home, since Milosevic still has considerable influence. The resistance of his aides to efforts by the so-called democratic opposition to have the new power situation reflected in parliament and in politics demonstrated this. The new president himself also demonstrated that the situation in the country still stands on shaky ground, since he did not give Milosevic's extradition to the war crimes tribunal priority."
"Counter-Revolution Unlikely"
Katja Ridderbusch wrote in right-of-center Frankfurter Allgemeine (10/13): "In the coming days and weeks, much will depend on Milosevic's influence. Rumors indicate that he still has control over the intelligence service and some police and army units. But whatever the old cadres are planning in dark hideouts, there can never be a return to former times. The only thing that remains for them is political sabotage. They are good at that. They are able to disrupt [and] destabilize...during the transition period, and thus slow down progress. They are even able to weaken the regime or oust it, but they are unable to influence the spirit of change. It is likely that there will be no counter-revolution in Belgrade. But the incredible ease of the revolution will be replaced by the tough trench warfare of those who have been deprived of power."
"Kostunica's Dilemma"
Right-of-center, business-oriented Financial Times Deutschland of Hamburg said (10/13): "The main problem for new Yugoslav President Kostunica is not the intrigues of ousted ex-dictator Milosevic. The much greater danger sits at the same table as Kostunica: disagreement within the DOS opposition alliance. Cooperation among the 18 parties and movements held for seven days, but now that the Milosevic faction is putting up resistance, the alliance shows the first dramatic cracks. Kostunica's public criticism of his previous election campaign strategist Djindjic shows the deep distrust. Right from the onset, the opposition was running the risk of equating Kostunica's election victory with broad support among the people. But the vote was a decision for 'Mr. Clean' Kostunica and against warmonger Milosevic, not a vote for the colorful opposition group. If the new elite is now planning to share new privileges, it will misinterpret the outcome of the September 24 elections. However, on September 24, Kostunica only won the job at one of the less important offices at the top of Yugoslavia. De jure, his power is restricted to a few rights laid down in the constitution. Only the support of the masses gives the president his political weight. But this trump card will disappear as soon as the moral superiority of Kostunica's team dwindles. Milosevic has profited for more than a decade from the dissent among his opponents. He succeeded again and again in prompting important people to leave the opposition for his side. He was always able to pin his hope on the fascination which power has on the people. But this formula had no effect on the incorruptible Kostunica. This is a policy to which the opposition must stick."
ITALY: "Old Serbia Is Over, A New One Has To Be Created"
Alberto Negri offered this anlysis in leading, business Il Sole-24 Ore (10/17): "Perhaps an era is over but most of the problems remain. The (former) Serbian opposition leaders are well aware of that and, in order to avoid the trauma of a brusque and dangerous transition, they must seek a compromise with Milosevic's Socialists. Europe has rightly opened its arms to new President Kostunica and generously promised its economic support...but certainly the situation is still not under the control of the democratic forces elected by the people. Old Serbia is over, but the new Serbia remains to be built.... Serbia's neighboring countries are restless areas whose present is obscure and whose future is uncertain. What will be the relations between Belgrade and Podgorica?... And the Albanian issue has not been resolved at all.... In the southern heart of the Balkans, from Bosnia to Kosovo, Albania and Macedonia, the situation does not deteriorate thanks to the presence of thousands of NATO troops in addition to Carabinieri, police and civilian missions of all kinds.... These are the Balkans of the new era: As in the old one, they represent a constant warning against easy optimism."
"A New Beginning"
Maurizio Molinari reported from Biarritz for centrist, influential La Stampa (10/15): "The unanimous, long and warm applause of the EU 15 chiefs of state and government greeted Kostunica upon his arrival in the hall of the European Council. 'This is a new beginning,' said President Chirac introducing Kostunica. The latter seemed aware of the solemnity of the moment of 'Serbia's return to Europe,' and made concrete commitments. The first message was for the West: 'Democratic Serbia will be a guarantor of peace and stability in the Balkans.'"
RUSSIA: "Parting With The Balkans"
Timofei Bordachev of the Europe Institute of the Russian Academy of Sciences stated in reformist Vremya Novostei (10/16): "Russia is ultimately leaving the Balkans. In spite of Moscow's touching attempts to make its presence felt, if only formally, it will not be a determining factor there anymore. Russia's fiasco in the Balkans and elsewhere is the result of a lack of new ideas and strategy that would reflect its current condition and the international situation. For nearly a decade now Moscow has been trying to retain the USSR's geopolitical heritage, which, naturally, brings it more defeat."
"Neither Reign Nor Rule"
Aleksandr Ivanitsky argued on page one of reformist Noviye Izvestiya (10/13): "Vojislav Kostunica's early victories may prove Pyrrhic unless he takes over power in Serbia, which is the center of major political battles--with Belgrade having no control of Kosovo and Montenegro de facto and about to lose control over them de jure."
BULGARIA: "Can the Stability Pact Be Transformed Into A Marshall Plan?"
Left-leaning, stridently anti-U.S. Monitor commented (10/17): "It is only at first glance that the Balkans seem changed after the Milosevic regime was brought down. After the initial euphoria has subsided, observers warn that the region is still near a crisis--political and economic.... The problems of the Balkan region are not a matter of ethnic co-habitation, but rather stem from corruption, weak statehood and the lack of a good investment climate.... Recognizing Kosovo and Montenegro as part of Yugoslavia could change and broaden the meaning of the Stability Pact. If Yugoslavia is recognized in its territorial integrity, the question is: Which option is more economically viable--the Stability Pact or a new Marshall Plan?"
"Kostunica's Victory Doesn't Mean An End To The Crisis In Yugoslavia"
Financial weekly Kesh commented (10/13): "Kostunica has not yet answered the question about the future relations between the new authorities in Belgrade and the influential business structures, which stood by Milosevic till the last moment. Their enormous economic potential could become a key factor for the future of Serbia.... Kostunica's rise to power in no way puts an end to the crisis in Yugoslavia. On the contrary--Yugoslavia's development depends on some new factors, which until now were not crucial.... After the fanfare, it won't be surprising if we hear gunshots again in Yugoslavia."
FINLAND: "Kostunica's Victory Still Incomplete"
Leading, independent Helsingin Sanomat editorialized (10/15): "Yugoslavia's newly elected president Vojislav Kostunica's position is not completely secured until all the major power centers have been taken from the hands of Milosevic's allies. The most important immediate task is to see that the armed forces and the police will be objective, at the very least. So far, Kostunica has not dared to sack the old commanders and replace them with his own supporters. Another key question is the situation in Serbia. The only acceptable solution is early elections."
HUNGARY: "Counter-Productive Yugoslav Trends"
Columnist Endre Aczel pointed out in top-circulation Nepszabadsag (10/14): "Wherever there is an excessive state presence (in the economy, in the press, in public institutions) corruption doesn't need to be bred: It is already there. What happens is that one group forces out the other, one side swipes the possessions of the other. And Djindjic and his men can be very greedy, no less so than the former president's men. The other big problem I perceive is in Kosovo.... The Kosovar Albanian leadership fears nothing more than Milosevic's fall, because then the West and Belgrade will grow closer, and their patrons will try to drive them back into the Yugoslav 'herd.'... In their eyes, NATO won the war not for the distant concept of a democratic Yugoslavia (including Kosovo), but for the concept of Albanian independence."
"Gravitational Attraction"
Jozsef Makai asked in influential, liberal-leaning Magyar Hirlap (10/16): "What kind of an order will be born out of the ruins? They do have a federal president, but at the moment, Kostunica is strong primarily because the masses practically installed him from the streets.... The other pillar of his strength is the fact that most of the armed forces lined up behind him.... Events have, once again, proved Zoran Djindjic right.... However, not everyone is happy about Djindjic's success. Kostunica, among others, is not. Kostunica does not approve of revolutionary zest, and he watches with increasing concern Djindjic's growing appetite. Kostunica wants a consolidated federal government, one conceived in the spirit of the constitution; Djindjic, however, wants an 'experts' government.' Other members of DOS also have good reason to be concerned. In the critical moments, DOS managed to maintain its unity--but this is not going to be like this forever."
NORWAY: "Armageddon For Milosevic"
Independent Dagbladet observed (10/15): "Much indicates that Slobodan Milosevic wants to make a replay for power in Yugoslavia. But the revolution has already come so far that he will never be able to win. The only thing he can achieve is dragging his country into a short and bloody Armageddon.... If Milosevic from his well-guarded palace chooses confrontation and receives support from enough loyal generals, it is the people's support in the streets of Belgrade and other cities that will be Kostunica's best weapon."
SPAIN: "The Pulse In Serbia"
Left-of-center El Pais contended (10/16) : "The power of Slobodan Milosevic, cemented during the communist structures of long ago and based on a repressive system of kleptocracy, is exclusive and implacable. As a result, it remains very entrenched and difficult to eliminate.... The opposition must be firm at this time. Indecisiveness is dangerous and could get them too bogged down with change, reducing Serbia to a society of cosmetic change that will not address the core problem, that being the mafia apparatus that has governed with Milosevic."
EAST ASIA
PHILIPPINES: "Change In Belgrade"
The independent Philippine Post observed (10/13): "The events in Yugoslavia have given rise to some cut and dried notions--Western leaders hailed Milosevic's downfall as the road to democracy for Yugoslavia although the country has known only the socialist path for over 50 years.... Kostunica's party may bear the name democracy, but how committed is it to pursuing those market reforms the West have always craved? The lawyer is a self-professed Serbian nationalist, who believes in keeping the Yugoslav federation intact, keeping Kosovo and the equally restive province of Vojvodica within the federation, and preserving the culture and traditions if not the sense of national pride of the majority of Serbians. Already, he has said he saw no reason to hand over Milosevic to the International War Crimes Tribunal in The Hague."
SOUTH ASIA
INDIA: "No Puppet This One"
The centrist Hindu's K. V. Krishnaswamy held (10/15): "However tightly the West seeks to embrace (Kostunica), politically he may prove nearly as thorny as the man he ousted. He has sounded in some respects as dangerously nationalistic as Milosevic.... As for his benefactors in the West, isn't there a hint of panic in the way they have begun flooding the country with financial and material assistance--apparently as an insurance against a reversal of the tide and a return of the dictator?... In the end, the will of the people prevailed where relentless bombing by the Western military alliance and the economic embargo that followed the Kosovo war had failed. Kostounica is unlikely to hand (Milosevic) over to the international court to stand trial for war crimes at The Hague, and the West can only undermine his authority if it pushes his regime on this count."
AFRICA
GHANA: "Mission Accomplished"
Paapa Andoh asserted in pro-ruling party, biweekly, Ghana Palaver (10/13): "There is no doubt that the semi-constitutional overthrow of Yugoslav President Milosevic was the work of the NATO club rather than a decision from the marginal majority.... After pounding the Serbs with their bombs and killing their aged, women and babies indiscriminately, without breaking the people's willpower, the only option open to them to cover their shame was to physically participate in the country's latest presidential elections.... The opposition, drawing up hard cash from the NATO sponsors, was able to virtually buy the conscience of opinion leaders.... With the United States conducting affairs and the NATO chorus of back-up singers keenly watching the movement of the baton, the conspiracy against Yugoslavia appears to be one of the worst in history.... This is not the first of the kind of dirty politics, unwarranted interference, and rude external dictatorship that some 'mighty' powers have engaged in in order to control the world.... Currently, Zimbabwe is on the hit list.... The Western media had predicted the downfall of Mugabe.... The elections came and Mugabe won.... They have now resorted to economic blackmail, refusing to buy Zimbabwe's tobacco at fair prices and disorganizing the country's economic program.... One does not know how such unfairness in global affairs can bring peace and promote healthy relations between countries. The world is regressing to stone age politics, following the end of the so-called Cold War."
NIGERIA: "Fresh Beginning In Yugoslavia"
The Lagos-based, independent Guardian observed (10/13): "The swearing-in of Vojislav Kostunica, a law professor and ardent Serbian nationalist as the new President of Yugoslavia represents a major change in the politics of the Central European country.... Under Milosevic, Yugoslavia became a pariah state because of the aggressive nationalism exemplified by its violent intimidation of neighbors and anyone opposed to the personality cult built around the former president.... Milosevic supported ethnic hatred and made it an ideological plank of politics in his country and region.... His electoral defeat as well as his ouster by the same people in whose name he had committed all kinds of atrocities is, therefore, a victory of true democracy over opportunistic and destructive politics.... Yet another lesson from the events in Yugoslavia is that no leader can survive indefinitely on nationalistic sabre-rattling if the living standards of his people deteriorate.... However, the point needs to be made that Milosevic's exit is not an end in itself. It should be the beginning of a new dawn in Yugoslavia in all aspects of life.... Rebuilding the battered Serbian economy should be another priority. It is encouraging that institutions like the EU are making good on their pledges to lift various sanctions which were imposed during Milosevic's reign. More of such actions are needed to assist the process of reconstruction."
ZIMBABWE: "Preserve Unity Of Yugoslavia"
The government-controlled Chronicle commented (10/9): "What the Western allies, massed behind the military might of [NATO], failed to do in years, the people of Yugoslavia achieved in a matter of a week. Slobodan Milosevic...was sidelined, and the world watched a new man with fresh ideas, (Mr. Vojislav Kostunica), ascend the summit of political power in Belgrade.... The new president's most daunting task is to preserve the unity of the Yugoslav Federation.... It would be a pity to allow a great nation to disintegrate purely due to ethnic sentiments which, if universally applied, would see several nations split up into tribal fiefdoms. Western powers like Britain and the United States would not escape the reverberations of such quests for self-rule. It is in this light that President Kostunica's thrust to preserve Yugoslavia's present constitution merits support.... The integrity of what's left of Yugoslavia, an entity that defied--as it continues to do--fascism and the extremes of communism and indeed any form of totalitarianism, must be respected by the international forces that now hold considerable leverage in the Balkans."
WESTERN HEMISPHERE
CUBA: "Yugoslavia: Politics And Circuses"
Communist Youth Wing Juventud Rebelde (10/15) ran this piece by official journalist Eduardo Montes de Oca: "The path seems clear. Yes, the new Yugoslav President, Vojislav Kostunica, should not have to face problems about his mandate, now that the coalition he represents and the Socialist Party (PSS) of ex-President Slobodan Milosevic have agreed to call elections in Serbia. Of course, many variables facing Vojislav remain to be clarified. Let us enumerate. First, he will have to share with the Milosevic Socialists control of the key portfolios: interior, finance, information and justice. But [he] is placing his hope in the fact that within the PSS there are those who, turning toward the scent of opportunism, are already moving out from the embrace of a diminished Slobodan. The federation of southern Slavs 'will face a difficult period before being stabilized.' Foresightful, harsh and objective words...because Yugoslavia is not a homogeneous, infuriated crowd that viscerally hates Slobodan Milosevic. (He can count on thousands and thousands of supporters, although the West paints a picture with another perspective). And also because all, or most, of the Balkan nation will have to walk a tightrope...to earn economic aid from those who were bent to destroy it, starting with bombs and missiles.... People do not forget. Maybe not Kostunica, either. We will see if he is the hoped for tightrope walker."
VENEZUELA: "Kostunica Has A Puzzle To Solve"
Leading, liberal El Nacional editorialized (10/13): "While the current situation is favorable, not every problem has disappeared after Milosevic's exit. His Socialist Party--subject to anticipated reforms--remains and will continue to be a coherent force.... If the Europeans insist on imposing conditions on Kostunica, they will be making a serious mistake. The Yugoslav president must first consolidate his power, clearing away Milosevic's influence; improve relations with Montenegro; and wait for the outcome of the Kosovo issue, which is highly sensitive for Serbs. Foreign investment may arrive now. New government officials have pointed out that it is needed. There will be the necessary openness by Yugoslavia. It is one way--perhaps the fastest way--to reconstruct the country. But if investment is tied to conditions that are not desired or cannot be accomplished by Kostunica, Yugoslavia will be doomed to instability. The traumas of the Milosevic era will remain for a long time. This will matter in its relations with the countries that used to be part of Yugoslavia: Croatia, Slovenia, Bosnia. All in all, the transition toward democracy has been peaceful, and new civilized methods will be implemented in the Balkans. For this purpose, the West should keep its promises of cooperation and let the leaders of those nations interpret for themselves their peoples' interests, with no interference or dictates. In order to solve the complicated puzzle, Vojislav Kostunica certainly needs the cooperation of the West--but he also needs its respect. Yugoslavia is just beginning to follow the path of democratization. The December elections will clear up any mystery."
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