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| 12 October, 2000 Uncertainty In Yugoslavia: 'Milosevic's Last Trick'? |
With the news that key Milosevic allies in the Serbian government have moved to take control of the country's police force and are resisting attempts to purge the top military leadership, an increasing number of editorialists from Europe and elsewhere suggested that the world's celebration of the arrival of democracy in Yugoslavia may have been premature. The direst assessments held that if the new government of Vojislav Kostunica does not meet the challenge posed by the Socialists and manage to take control of important state institutions, Mr. Kostunica's international legitimization and Yugoslavia's international political and economic relations could be adversely affected. A number of papers in Europe saw the former Yugoslav president's hand behind these latest developments. Copenhagen's center-left Politiken observed: "It is no surprise that Milosevic is attempting to cling to power.... Milosevic's last trick shows that the danger of violence has not passed." This new situation only added to other analysts' skepticism about the prospects for Yugoslavia. Many continued to cast a wary eye toward Mr. Kostunica himself. They were especially dubious about his nationalistic tendencies, wondering how this will affect his policies toward Kosovo, Bosnia and Montenegro. To be sure, optimism remained the dominant sentiment in several quarters. A considerable number of opinionmakers continued to praise the October 5 popular uprising, deeming it a seminal event that turned a page in FRY's history and ushered in democracy for the embattled country. Highlights follow:
'OLD CADRE': Many commentators expressed alarm about the resistance of the "old cadre." Some feared that the Democratic Opposition of Serbia (DOS) would be unable to staunch the actions of Milosevic's allies. Analysts in Germany, France and Italy agreed with the observation of one German writer that "the democratic forces around Kostunica must succeed in chasing these opponents...out of their positions. If not, a tough struggle will take place that could...also result in Kostunica's fall."
EYEING KOSTUNICA: Critics in Croatia, France and Germany stressed that Mr. Kostunica's nationalism is in many ways as deep and worrisome as his predecessor's. They also cast doubt on his credentials as a democrat committed to international norms, and were particularly critical of his stance toward the International Criminal Tribunal in The Hague and his statements that he will not extradite Mr. Milosevic to face war crimes charges there. At the same time, several editorialists criticized the EU for not making any statement regarding the former Yugoslav president's indictment at the time it lifted sanctions against FRY.
'GOOD MORNING DEMOCRATIC YUGOSLAVIA!': A number of observers in Europe and elsewhere continued to express great optimism in the wake of Mr. Milosevic's ouster. They praised the manner in which Mr. Kostunica took over power, deeming him a "consistent and committed democrat" who "rules legitimately."
EDITOR: Diana McCaffrey
EDITOR'S NOTE: This survey is based on 42 reports from 19 countries, October 7 - 12. Editorial excerpts are grouped by region; editorials from each country are listed from the most recent date.
EUROPE
CROATIA: "Croatia and Yugoslavia--What Now?"
Aleksandar Milosevic opined in Zagreb-based Vjesnik (10/11): "From Croatia's point of view, it will be important to see how Kostunica and his team tackle unresolved issues between Zagreb and Belgrade. In first place is the issue of succession of the former Yugoslavia, and in that context--distribution of the defunct state's assets.... Another important issue is the position of national minorities in a country that will be headed by Vojislav Kostunica.... Zagreb must insist that Kostunica and his government accept and, even more important, start implementing European standards on national minorities. The question of borders and war reparations is another problem Zagreb and Belgrade will have to discuss and set straight. Not only the Prevlaka peninsula but also the border on the Danube river will be an issue the two sides will have to agree on, although, when it comes to Prevlaka, there's nothing really to negotiate. The question of war damages will also be a test of both the intensity and form of international cooperation between Croatia and the country currently known as FRY. Last, but certainly not least: Political and economic relations between Zagreb and Belgrade cannot significantly improve unless the fate of Croatian POWs and missing civilians is resolved. Before that, it's difficult to expect any significant improvement in relations between Zagreb and Belgrade, no matter what the international community thinks about it.... Zagreb will certainly support Belgrade's inclusion into international currents, but it cannot accept that Croatia's national interests--which somebody would try to endanger and harm in the light of Europe's approaching Belgrade--are put into question."
"Croatia's Interests In A Democratic Serbia"
Davor Gjenero held in Zagreb-based Vjesnik (10/10): "It is in Croatia's pragmatic self-interest that it doesn't have a dictatorship and political instability at its borders.... It is in our interest that Serbia integrates, but only in proportion to its democratic progress. It is, of course, in our interest, that there be outside economic interest in Serbia, because by reviving its economy and opening transport routes, a significant market will open up for the Croatian economy."
"Milosevic's Legacy"
Tomislav Drzic wrote in Zagreb-based Vecernji list (10/10): "Kostunica has promised his people and the world democracy. But what should that democracy be built on in a destroyed country and a disintegrated society? The opposition had the chance to win only because its candidate Kostunica topped Milosevic's own nationalistic and anti-American rhetoric. That's why one should be cautious with praise for the new Serb leader. The legacy of the Milosevic era is burdening both sides, the Serbs and the West. The Serbs will not only have to bid farewell to the old regime, but also to their old way of thinking. The West has committed itself to welcome Serbs to Europe with open arms. The sanctions, of course, will be lifted, and large amounts of cash will be flowing in. But, the [West's] expectations must not be reversed."
FORMER YUGOSLAV REPUBLIC OF MACEDONIA: "The Revolution Goes On"
Independent, left-of-center Utrinski Vesnik carried a report by its Belgrade correspondent Ivan Torov (10/9): "It took only a moment to send Milosevic to the past that all the participants in the 'Serbian October Revolution' hope will never be repeated. The public eyes are now turned to Kostunica. On Saturday, the new Yugoslav parliament was constituted (not as easily as hoped), Kostunica gave his pledge and put an end to the drama and the uncertainty of the events. Serbia let out a sigh of relief and from Subotica to Vranje, celebrated the 'victory of democracy.' However, we can expect exciting and surprising news from Serbia in the immediate future. As the old saying goes, the revolution goes on and no one knows what it may bring."
"A Turning Point"
Independent, liberal-left Makedonija Denes editorialized (10/8): "The fall of Milosevic is not a turning point for the Serbs only, but it is even more so for all the citizens of the FRY, including the population of Montenegro and Kosovo, although they did not participate actively in his fall.... Nothing is the same in Montenegro, which after the boycott of the elections, nevertheless decided to recognize Kostunica's victory and to get involved in the rearranging of Yugoslavia.... For Kosovo the situation is even more dramatic, in spite of the feigned disinterest for the situation in Serbia. The question 'whether the change in Serbian leadership will kill the Kosovo dream of independence' is already in the air.... We should not, however, forget that the majority of people in Yugoslavia doesn't believe that this turning point will mean an automatic change in terms of quality of their lives. The citizens are aware that is it unlikely that this change would mean a return of Kosovo under Yugoslav control."
BRITAIN: "The Challenge For Kostunica"
Wolfgang Petrisch, a representative of the Western nations in Bosnia and Herzegovina, observed in the independent Financial Times (10/12): "In the euphoria of the near-bloodless revolution in Belgrade, hundreds of millions of euros in aid should not be allowed to flood into Yugoslavia without some strings attached. The first question I will ask Mr. Kostunica is when does he plan to recognize Bosnia and Herzegovina and establish diplomatic relations. Those wanting to hand Mr. Kostunica cash and rush him past the casual checks for membership in the Council of Europe should watch this very carefully. Suspected war criminals must be brought to justice. For Bosnia, this means Radovan Karadizc and Ratko Mladic, now reported to be holed up in Belgrade. Only then can the region reconcile itself with its past and look to the future."
FRANCE: "Milosevic Supporters Rear Their Heads Again"
Renaud Girard filed from Belgrade for right-of-center Le Figaro (10/12): "Is it the beginning of a counter-revolution or rather the last gasps of the Slobodan Milosevic regime? The decision taken by Mirko Marjanovic, prime minister of Serbia, to take over the position of interior minister, and therefore control of the police, is not illegal.... The main question is, how will the police react?"
"The Pro-Milosevics Offer Resistance"
Marc Semo, special envoy to Belgrade, opined in left-of-center Liberation (10/12): "The loyal companions of Milosevic begin to recover. Entrenched in their last stronghold within the institutions of the Serb republic, they resist.... For the newly elected president...and his allies, it is now vital to take control of the interior ministry of Serbia.... Having control of the interior ministry means holding the reins of authority over Serb police and special forces."
"Europe And Serbia"
Left-of-center Le Monde's editorial read (10/12): "One may understand that the lifting of sanctions was not linked to the fulfilling of any condition--once again, we must give time to Mr. Kostunica. It is difficult to understand, though, that it has not been matched by any political statement [by the EU]. Not the least, a reminder of the principles to which the Europeans are so deeply attached...and for which they fought the war in the spring of 1999 against Belgrade. This total lack of a reference to principals is a way to erase the past and approve the new Serb leaders [despite] their refusal to examine what their country imposed on other Balkan populations."
"The European Union Behind Kostunica"
Renaud Girard filed from Belgrade in right-of-center Le Figaro (10/11): "Hubert Vedrine did not come to Belgrade to exert pressure, but to hold out the hand of the EU.... Kostunica accepted the invitation to attend the European heads of state and government meeting in Biarritz next Saturday.... What about Slobodan Milosevic's personal future? One thing at a time said Hubert Vedrine.... There is no reason for the EU to withdraw the indictment of Milosevic for war crimes.... But, the EU does not want to give it priority over the reconstruction assistance for Serbia."
"Milosevic Must Be Tried"
Jean Marc Gonin held in right-of-center France Soir (10/11): "On many occasions, Vojislav Kostunica asserted he would not give up his predecessor to...The Hague. He contests the legitimacy of this court, which he considers a political tool for Western countries to pressure the Serbs. This reading is unacceptable, the ethnic cleansing policy decided by the highest authorities in Belgrade, can only be tried by an international court.... Hubert Vedrine was right to rush to Belgrade. But, European diplomacy has no right to wipe clean the legal case against Milosevic. Crimes against humanity can never be forgiven."
GERMANY: "The Helplessness Of The New Powers"
Bernhard Kueppers argued in centrist Sueddeutsche Zeitung of Munich (10/12): "Remnants of the [old] regime are already trying to create...chaos.... The main weakness of Kostunica and his majority of DOS leaders is that they, for reasons of their own biography and ideological bias, are shying away from removing the relics of the past. Their hesitancy about the 'revanchism of winners' and the 'political character' of the war crimes tribunal in The Hague is often no more than a mere excuse."
"Only Half A Revolution"
Karl Grobe opined in left-of-center Frankfurter Rundschau (10/12): "Half a revolution is no revolution."
"Serious Danger"
Right-of-center Braunschweiger Zeitung cautioned (10/12): "Initially, the announcement of the ex-dictator to continue to preside as leader of the biggest party of the country caused consternation, but now it is about to turn into a serious danger for the new president and his supporters. The old cadres, who were installed at all levers of power, still control the public and economic life of Yugoslavia, and they are no longer inclined to accept the new situation without putting up resistance. The democratic forces around Kostunica must succeed in chasing these opponents quickly out of their positions. If not, a tough struggle will take place that could not only delay the reconstruction of the country but could, in the end also result in Kostunica's fall."
"Exaggerated Hopes Out Of Place"
Right-of-center Westfaelische Nachrichten of Muenster commented (10/12): "The pace of this political shake-up increased the euphoria over the things that had been achieved to such a degree that makes it impossible for reality to keep pace. It is impossible to remove a regime overnight that was omnipresent. That is why exaggerated hopes concerning the degree and the intensity of the democratization process are out of place. The ouster of the dictator is no guarantee, but only a precondition, for a permanent political change in Serbia."
"NATO Is Right"
Arno Widmann opined in left-of-center Berliner Zeitung on NATO's future role in the Balkans (10/11): "Sanctions on Yugoslavia should be lifted as soon as possible; the gesture of the EU foreign ministers was welcomed with pleasure.... In view of this luxurious cultivation of good relations, it feels good to hear someone mentioning tough facts, even if it is the military that refers to them. NATO's defense ministers are right when they say that it is too early to say what effects the change in Yugoslavia will have on the region. They are right to point out that, apart from the ouster of the dictator, not too much has yet happened in Belgrade and nobody knows what Kostunica really wants, let alone what kind of means he plans to use to implement his views. As long as this is so, we cannot expect peace in the region. And as long as this situation remains, the almost 70,000 soldiers must continue to be deployed in Kosovo and Bosnia-Herzegovina.... Politics may pin its views on the principle of hope. It must do so if it wants to move something. Trade and industry do this every day and call it investment. But once war and peace, life and death are involved, facts, not wishes should count."
"Without Principles"
Berthold Kohler judged in right-of-center Frankfurter Allgemeine (10/11): "The Serbs must feel flattered. French Foreign Minister Vedrine came to Belgrade to invite new President Kostunica to the EU summit in Biarritz. We know that only democrats are allowed to sit at the EU table.... The fact that the EU is...jettisoning its own principles again by asking a confessed nationalist to take part in its meeting is based on a modest alternative: The West prefers a nationalistic democrat at the top in Belgrade over a nationalistic autocrat. After four Serbian wars of expulsion in the Balkans, the EU is happy to back the lesser evil. But the West will not have an easy time with Kostunica and his supporters, whose criticism of NATO and the United States was not solely for tactical electoral reasons, since the revolution was not directed against Serbian nationalism but against the regime that used it."
ITALY: "The Old Regime's Hands On Serbian Police"
Massimo Nava observed from Belgrade in centrist, top-circulation Corriere della Sera (10/12): "The news make us tremble. Mirko Marjanovic became interior minister.... It means that the regime's hard core is under the control of a man very loyal man of Milosevic.... The sudden move paralyzed negotiations for a transition government of the Serbian Republic before the December 17 elections.... Last night in Belgrade many alarmist hypotheses were circulating. They might indeed affect Kostunica's international legitimization and resumption of political and economic relations that Yugoslavia desperately needs.... Marjanovic's appointment might also mean that Kostunica made another concession to the former establishment in order to ensure, at least, that the country functions before the establishment really surrenders. Indeed, even Kohl, after the fall of the wall, shook hands with Communist generals."
"Belgrade, Regime's Sudden Reversal"
Renato Caprile judged from Belgrade in left-leaning, influential La Repubblica (10/12): "It seemed that everything was solved. It seemed that Milosevic and his people really thought of handing over their power. But the hypothesis of a transition government...now seems hanging by a thread.... The suspicion is that behind this sudden reversal there is the attempt to raise the price of their surrender. And there are those who see the former dictator's hands behind these developments.... From his inaccessible bunker, Milosevic is carrying out his very personal rounds of consultations with old and new friends. His aim is to hamper in any way the birth of a new technocratic government."
"Amato Flies To Help New Yugoslavia"
Massimo Nava filed from Belgrade for centrist, top-circulation Corriere della Sera (10/11): "Europe is anxious to resume relations and give back a central role to this country in the Balkans.... The end of sanctions and European support were official yesterday, when French Foreign Minister Hubert Vedrine was in Belgrade.... And Italy is currently playing a key role.... For this reason, the new Yugoslavia highlights with a degree of special warmth that tomorrow Prime Minister Amato will be in Belgrade.... The attention to relations with Europe is also the result of a position Kostunica has taken decisively--first in his political campaign, and today in foreign policy: A wide opening to Europe, equidistance between Moscow and Washington, and strong criticism of the American policy that indirectly utilized Milosevic to destabilize Yugoslavia."
"Kostunica: We Will Not Give It Independence"
Giovanni Cerruti filed from Belgrade in centrist, influential La Stampa (10/11): "It also happened with...Vedrine. Kostunica...does not like the issue. As soon as he hears the word 'Kosovo' he invokes his legal expertise and replies with the same sentence: 'UN Resolution 1244 guarantees [FRY's] territorial integrity and sovereignty.'"
RUSSIA: "Kostunica: Tough Yet Soft-Spoken"
Valery Kondrashov remarked in official government Rossiyskaya Gazeta (10/12): "True, with his moderate nationalism and moderate criticism of the West, Kostunica only remotely resembles Milosevic, whose 30-year rule caused enormous damage and instability in the Balkans. But some elements of Kostunica's political credo, which made his victory in the elections possible, will be hard for Washington and its allies to accept."
"What Kind Of Revolution Is It?"
Tamara Zamyatina of ITAR-TASS reported from Belgrade for reformist youth-oriented Komsomolskaya Pravda (10/12): "The Democratic Opposition of Serbia (DOS) has carried out a revolution which is anything but democratic. Its candidate Vojislav Kostunica has become a president with quite ephemeral powers, but its people in the federal parliament, while having no majority, are acting as if they won the elections in both Yugoslavia and Serbia."
"Having Slobo Out Has A Side Effect"
According to Dmitry Gornostayev in centrist Nezavisimaya Gazeta (10/12): "Having Milosevic toppled, paradoxically, has a strong side effect: It has upset the situation in Yugoslavia yet further. It would seem that now that they are finally free of tyranny, the Yugoslavs will live like a civilized nation. Unfortunately, they will not. The trouble is that the process of Yugoslavia's disintegration, far from over, may well continue. Who knows, the least gory option may be an ultimate break-up of Yugoslavia which, no longer called that, would be a mere fragment of Serbia sans Kosovo, sans Montenegro and probably sans Vojvodina."
"Demand For Territorial Integrity Wanes"
Dmitry Volchek mused in reformist, business-oriented Vedomosti (10/12): "Kostunica's victory, a result of financial assistance from the West, as asserted by communist propaganda, also marks the triumph of common sense. Only the Russian foreign ministry, still in the grip of sweet dreams about Slav brotherhood, rested assured that the Democratic Opposition in Serbia was no worse than the Popular Front in Belarus. The reason why Moscow's Balkans policy failed is its belief that, hurt by the loss of Kosovo, [Serbian] national pride...will outweigh anything in politics. It turns out that the idea of a struggle for 'territorial integrity' has been less popular of late. Why Moscow thought it had to patronize Milosevic and his relatives is a mystery, one of a series of customarily absurd decisions such as putting Andrei Babitsky on trial or putting the cancer-ridden Edmond Pope behind bars in Lefortovo."
BULGARIA: "Serbian Socialist Party Should Purge Itself immediately!"
Socialist Opposition Party Duma commented (10/12): "Instead of using Milosevic's political collapse to enforce the changes which the Serbian people demanded, the Socialist Party leadership continues to sabotage the new president and the Serbian Parliament in their negotiations for new state leadership of Serbia and the FRY. Of course, expelling Milosevic from the party doesn't mean putting all the blame for the disaster in Yugoslavia on his shoulders only. His destructive actions were assisted by his Praetorian Army, which even now holds the reins of the state authorities and the management of companies throughout Serbia. This is why if it wants to survive and continue to exist as a major Yugoslav political power...the Serbian Socialist Party must purge itself."
"Poverty Swept Milosevic Out Of Power"
Center-right Standart observed (10/12): "Milosevic's fortress of total power cracked under the pressure of the difficult economic situation of the Serbian nation... The feeling of growing internal and external support encouraged the opposition and speeded up the process of its transformation into a crucial political power.... Yugoslavia's road ahead depends on the extent to which the winners will stay united and consistent in their decisiveness to counteract Milosevic's circle, which inevitably will look for revenge.... It is of utmost importance for the new Yugoslav leadership to get rid of the nationalistic tendencies and choose what kind of reforms and political model are to be enforced as soon as possible. In any event, even if the changes are not as radical as expected, Yugoslavia will never be the same."
DENMARK: "Milosevic's Last Trick"
Center-left Politiken commented (10/12): "As the Serb government has refused to step down, it looks like the people will have to enforce...the handover of power.... Milosevic's U-turn yesterday shows that Kostunica has not been able to administer the legalities of the change in power as well as he has been able to mobilize the people.... It is no surprise that Milosevic is attempting to cling to power--but the sad thing is that the constitution appears to be supporting his efforts. After the events of yesterday, it appears that the ball is back in the parliament's court and this is good news for Kostunica [as it supports him].... Milosevic's last trick shows that the danger of violence has not passed."
"Kostunica Is A Nationalist"
Center-left Aktuelt noted (10/12): "Despite the fact that Kostunica enjoys the massive support of the workforce and senior citizens, it should not be forgotten that he is a nationalist who is critical of NATO and the United States. In addition, Kostunica has categorically refused to hand over Milosevic [to the International Criminal Tribunal]. We may see a new reality in Serbia when the euphoria [of Kostunica's victory] has died down."
"Kostunica's Election"
Centist Kristeligt Dagblad editorialized (10/11): "Kostunica and the Yugoslav people should be welcomed into the European community. They should be given time and space to make the many decisions which they face in the near future. If the road to change is to be built successfully, it is important that the people feel that they are being given the right to decide its path."
GREECE: "Constructive Games"
Writing in pro-government To Vima (10/11), regular contributor Dimitris Psychoyos held: "Despite the prevailing uncertainty...the demise of Milosevic's regime is a step forward. We all remember the state of affairs in Greece [after the junta fell] in 1974 and we should look for any backtracking in Yugoslavia...where Milosevic still enjoys the support of powerful political forces. The stance of the armed forces will ultimately determine the outcome.... Kostunica has a reputation as a nationalist, but he keeps saying that Yugoslavia will join 'the family of European countries.'... The political concept of 'Europe'...involves the removal of nationalism in all EU countries.... European leaders have realized that in the end relations among all their countries are not 'zero sum games,' and that they can enjoy mutually beneficial relationships. Let's hope that this lesson...will also be learned in the Balkans, including Greece and Turkey."
POLAND: "Good Morning, Yugoslavia"
Jagienka Walczak wrote in center-left weekly Polityka (10/11): "The manner in which Kostunica took over power--by fully observing constitutional procedures, respecting law, and not giving in to emotion--shows that the Serbs finally have a president they deserve. Even though the country is facing many problems...we can already say, 'Good morning, democratic Yugoslavia.'"
ROMANIA: "Serbs Proved Their Maturity"
Col. Grigore Buciu's editorial in the Romanian Army's weekly newspaper, Observatorul Militar, opined (10/12): "During these days, the Serbs proved their political and national maturity. The army remained in its barracks to tend to its own business.... Wasn't the army loyal to the president? Of course it was.... The former president and the newly elected one understood, drawing from the sad Romanian example, that state institutions should not be weakened, and that chaos, even when the people expected it, was not the solution of the moment.... The president said that his country will go its own way, and that it will not bow down before the West or Moscow. A great and difficult ambition, which is unanimously supported by the people."
"Real Problem Is Integrating All Balkans Peninsula Into NATO"
Mihaela Matachita's editorial in pro-government Romania Libera read (10/11): "The fall of the 'despot of the Balkans' opens the door to the reconstruction not only of Serbia, but of Bosnia and Kosovo as well. But the real problem will be integration of the entire Balkan peninsula into NATO.... Many voices in Southeastern Europe mourn the fact that we are still waiting for economic assistance from the West.... The West must not forget that the democratization of the region is not only in people's minds, but also serves to extend American influence, as well. Washington and the EU should concentrate on extending NATO all the way to the Black Sea to keep the Balkans from becoming a turbulent hot spot similar to the Middle East."
EAST ASIA
PHILIPPINES: "Portrait Of A Dictator"
Zenaida Amador wrote in her column in the independent Manila Bulletin (10/12): "Patterned after People Power from the Philippines, the people of Yugoslavia ousted dictator Slobodian Milosevic from power and, in a bloodless change-over, installed constitutional lawyer...Kostunica as president.... A new era begins for Yugoslavia. The Serbs are hopeful that the economic sanctions will be removed and their country can rebuild a Yugoslavia, which will hopefully take its place among the freedom-loving democracies of the West."
NEW ZEALAND: "First Step To Normality"
Wellington's conservative Dominion observed (10/10): "Events of the past few days give reason for the rest of the world to feel relief and for the people of Yugoslavia to enjoy a burst of euphoria. The toppling of Slobodan Milosevic is the first and indispensable step toward a normal life for Yugoslavs and peace in a bloodied region. The task ahead for President Vojislav Kostunica is huge, but he enjoys two vast advantages: He is a consistent and committed democrat, and he rules legitimately. The region must hope that he can re-channel nationalistic feeling away from expansionism and allow Serbs to come to terms with what their nationalism has meant to other ethnic groups. A key test for Mr. Kostunica will be whether he allows The Hague-based court investigating war crimes to put Milosevic on trial for crimes against humanity. Milosevic must be held to account for the barbarities that he tolerated or encouraged. The trying of war criminals will seem a sham if he escapes. And any easing of international pressure for justice will be an encouragement to future tyrants."
INDIA: "New Era In Yugoslavia"
Calcutta's Bengali Sambad Pratidin observed (10/10): "It is the masses who are the last word. Ultimately people win.... Milosevic had probably forgotten this stark historical truth.... President Milosevic tried to sustain communism...by sticking to his autocratic rule.... Now, only two countries of the world--Cuba and China--are holding the torch of communism. Both the United States and Russia can claim credit to some extent for the closure of this Yugoslavia chapter. The United States has shown immense restraint despite putting pressure on Milosevic. On the other hand, Russia helped reduce tension in the region by remaining silent. The problem could not have been resolved so easily had the United States and Russia not shown such restraint."
"After Milosevic"
The left-of-center Deccan Herald commented (10/7): "The dramatic events in Belgrade...have ensured the end of Milosevic's 13-year reign.... But, in spite of the upsurge against Mr. Milosevic, no successor government that seeks to tailor its actions to suit the Western agenda can hope to become popular in Yugoslavia.... The immediate concern is to fill the present power vacuum and return the country to peace and normalcy."
WESTERN HEMISPHERE
ARGENTINA: "A Democratic Test In Jeopardy"
Maria Laura Avignolo, leading Clarin's Europe-based correspondent, commented from Belgrade (10/12): "The people's power or the victory of the institutional apparatus of the former dictator...is the unexpected alternative in Yugoslavia. The brand-new democracy...is in jeopardy due to the institutional offensive of Milosevic's allies who control Serbia's parliament. The instrument aimed at destabilizing the new government is precisely Serbia's legislative power, which is still in the hands of Milosevic.... The Socialists--who are in the majority--are against their dissolution and refuse to accept calling for new elections in December.... They insist on the completion of their four-year term and demand control of the secret police and the police (tools of terror during the regime), to control chaos and anarchy. They argue that the takeover of state firms by their employees...generates an 'atmosphere of instability.' President Kostunica threatens to use force--i.e., people in the streets--to defend the revolution. But the opposition will not hesitate in using brutality to disqualify him and he will have to avoid a bloodbath during his first week in power.... This is no easy challenge for Kostunica. The enclaves of power controlled by Milosevic's regime are closely linked to benefits and businesses.... This network of complicity is what is now showing its teeth in trying to preserve their power."
"Kostunica And The Challenge Of Controlling Milosevic's Legacy"
Silvia Pisani, on special assignment in Belgrade for daily-of-record La Nacion, commented (10/11): "New Yugoslav President Vojislav Kostunica does not have control of the army or the secret police yet. These are not minor issues here. Nor does he have a judicial system, unfettered by the past, that can open a legal process against Milosevic.... In the new 'Democratic Serbia'...some key positions are still held by Milosevic's friends.... While Kostunica has already taken office, his administration has not. It is a weird coexistence of the new president with ministers from the old system.... But the good news for Kostunica is that the European governments have renewed their trust (in Kostunica) and have not insisted on demanding 'conditions' of him. French Foreign Minister, and EU chairman, Hubert Vedrine, ensured...that Yugoslavia must joint its counterparts on the continent. And soon. The same has been said by Spain, Greece and Germany."
BRAZIL: "The Last Act"
National conservative O Globo editorialized (10/11): "Yugoslavia's neighboring countries are celebrating Milosevic's fall with concrete actions: The Europeans have lifted their oil, trade and air embargoes, while the United States has promised to do the same.... Domestically, the new regime under Kostunica's command seems to be going well. Milosevic's Socialist Party have given clear signals that its majority in the parliament will not raise obstacles to the new administration.... However, all these positive signs don't allow for more than a very prudent optimism on the region's political future. Yugoslavia suffers from an old illness: Tito's powerful leadership, forged in the resistance to Nazism and approved in their independence from Moscow...was the only factor which maintained the country's political union and kept the lid on an explosive ethnic mix. This union was able to hold up for ten years after Tito's death, but in the early 90s, Croatia, Slovenia and Macedonia sreparated from Belgrade.... NATO solidarity with Kosovo went as far as an armed intervention.... But the establishment of democracy in Yugoslavia, which may be the beginning of a new life for Serbs and Montenegrins, does not assure more humane treatment for the Albanians in Kosovo.... The West's peace strategy forcefully includes the Balkans' integration into the European community. This would not be attainable with Milosevic in power, but can be reached now through diplomatic solutions that will create conditions for a productive coexistence among the peoples living in Yugoslavia."
CANADA: "None Of Our Affair"
Peter Worthington observed in the conservative Ottawa Sun (10/12): "Ignored amid the self-congratulatory euphoria following the overthrow of Slobodan Milosevic are disquieting questions about the wisdom, much less the propriety, of the United States and its Allies interfering in the affairs of other countries.... Now that Milosevic is out and Vojislav Kostunica is the new president, it seems inevitable that America will misjudge him as it has misjudged many leaders it supported over the last 60 years, starting with Franklin Roosevelt's misreading of Stalin as kindly Uncle Joe.... The danger of American approval is that [Serbs] may view [Kostunica] as a lapdog--ready to bark and somersault at Washington's whim. Kostunica is a Serbian nationalist, and Serbs are not inclined to be anyone's pet.... Much as I'm pro-American and thank the heavens for its generally benign, generous, compassionate and courageous existence, I'd argue that America's penchant for intruding into the affairs of other countries is so misguided as to jeopardize world peace, security and harmony.... With the Cold War over, America must learn to let nature take its course in various countries. By interfering in the Balkans when Milosevic began campaigning for Greater Serbia, American and outside involvement led to the artificial creation of Bosnia, which had never before existed as an independent country. It only survives now with foreign support. Had the Balkans been left alone, peace, however tenuous, would have reigned with Croatia and Serbia.... Instead of an uneasy peace, we now have malignant hatred throughout the region, which will erupt once foreign troops depart. American interference has solved little."
PERU: "Milosevic And The End Of Autocracy"
Straight-forward, respected El Comercio opined (10/9): "The authoritarian Yugoslav regime...has come to its end...after President Slobodan Milosevic accepted his defeat in an electoral process full of irregularities, which Yugoslavs did not accept.... The clamor of the Yugoslav society...has been the force...that defeated Milosevic.... The people did not tolerate government political manipulation.... In this globalized world, the dictatorship imposed by Milosevic was untenable.... What will the democratic future of Yugoslav be? Hope prevails despite the serious internal and foreign problems that President Vojislav Kostunica will need to resolve."
"Serbia Chooses Democracy"
Strongly opposition La Republica observed (10/7): "The Serbian people rebelled against the electoral fraud that Slobodan Milosevic tried to impose and expelled him from power.... Various factors have helped to achieve this democratic victory.... To start with, the Serbian people's surfeit of a ten-year dictatorship that ruined and isolated the country, and annulled the people's freedom by means of a hugely repressive and corrupt apparatus. Second, the non-intervention of Russia's President Putin.... And third, the powerful Serbian armed forces' and police's determination to strictly comply with their constitutional role...avoiding any threat of a coup d' etat or action in support of the dictatorship.... Vojislav Kostunica will now...have to face the reconstruction of Serbian...democracy."
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