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Office of Research Issue Focus Foreign Media Reaction

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Europe
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28 September 2000

FRY Election: Opposition's Run-Off Boycott A 'Mistake' Or 'Correct Response'?

With the presumptive winner of last Sunday's presidential elections--opposition candidate Vojislav Kostunica--vowing to boycott a run-off in the Yugoslav presidential elections and calling for massive strikes in Belgrade, editorialists in Europe, Asia, Latin America and Canada debated whether this is the best strategy to oust President Milosevic. Some urged him to participate, contending that, in riding the wave of popular support, he will prevail, leaving no opening for Mr. Milosevic to cast doubt on the opposition's legitimacy. But others held that the opposition made the correct decision to boycott the second round. They contended that refusing to participate would put greater pressure on the coterie around the Serbian leader and would lead to his stepping down. A majority of observers agreed with independent Catholic De Standaard of Brussels' observation that "the Yugoslavia of Slobodan Milosevic is living its last days.... So, the question of the coming days is less whether the Milosevic regime will disappear, than how it will happen." At the same time, opinion was divided on the prospects for FRY's future. Some worried that, after the Milosevic regime, Mr. Kostunica does not offer much hope for a less nationalistic Yugoslavia. Others were more hopeful that a "change" for the better--toward democracy--is in the offing. Themes follow:

BOYCOTT A 'MISTAKE'...: British, Romanian and Canadian dailies were among the most strident in urging Mr. Kostunica to participate in an October 8 run-off. London's liberal Guardian agreed with the conservative Times that he should not rely merely on "people power" to win his rights. Bucharest's pro-government Ziua held that a boycott will simply give the ruling regime the chance to "repeat the fraud uncontested." A Quebec daily added: "Having to win twice may seem unfair, but it's better than letting...Milosevic concoct a reason to call in the army."

....OR A 'CORRECT RESPONSE'?: Other media voices in Europe believed that Mr. Kostunica is on the right track. London's conservative Daily Telegraph held: "Mr. Kostunica has given the correct response. His supporters must follow up his refusal to take part in a second round by a series of demonstrations in Yugoslav cities." A right-of-center German paper asserted that the opposition's stance is "understandable," and that a general strike, along with a boycott of the second round election, "could be a means finally to chase Milosevic away." SLOBO'S NEXT MOVE?: A majority of analysts were convinced that Mr. Milosevic will not "shy away from any means that could help delay his inevitable fall," including further delaying the run-off in an effort to divide the opposition, reworking the constitution or making aggressive moves toward Montenegro. Writers were mixed in their assessments of what the Yugoslav army and police would do--whether they would support or desert the Serbian strongman. Hungarian and Croatian dailies believed it would be a good idea for Moscow to "send a plane to Belgrade and offer loving hospitality to [Milosevic]."

EDITORS: Diana McCaffrey and Katherine Starr

EDITOR'S NOTE: This survey is based on 42 reports from 22 countries, September 24-28. Editorial excerpts are grouped by region; editorials from each country are listed from the most recent date.

EUROPE

CROATIA: "FRY In Post-Election Uncertainty"

Vesna Fabris-Perunicic commented in Zagreb-based Vjesnik (9/28): "Fear of demonstrations is becoming increasingly obvious since it seems that no one really knows how loyal soldiers and police are to Milosevic, and whether they're willing to participate in street riots 'only,' or whether Serbia will experience a 'mini-civil war.' It's also possible that, with a little help from 'street anarchists,' Milosevic and his allies will try to drag out the process of electing the president. He could also try to form a new Yugoslav government, which would be confirmed by a new parliament, dominated by the left majority and 'his' Montenegrins. It's possible, but highly improbable, that he might make some sort of 'private deal'--in connection with his extradition to The Hague.... But, after all of these options one question remains: How long will the man, whom the majority in his country, and in the world, wants to see go, still be wriggling?"

SLOVENIA: "It's Different Now In Serbia"

Left-of-center Delo stated in a front page editorial (9/28): "It is hard to believe that Vojislav Kostunica will assume the radical role which Vojislav Seselj played four years ago when he--by a hair's breadth--lost the presidential elections in Serbia. [Everybody] was afraid of Seselj as Serbia's president; hence, they were willing to accept Milosevic's [forged election results]. The cases of Vuk Draskovic and Vojislav Seselj...may indicate what the future holds for the Democratic Opposition of Serbia and Kostunica if they...participate in the second round of elections. The present situation, however, differs from that of four years ago, and it cannot even be compared to the one in the early 90s when it was easy to deceive and cheat the citizens. Now, the citizens can no longer be stopped in their defense of correct election results.... Despite the tempest threatening post-election Serbia, Serbia's political image has not been this spotless since the beginning of Milosevic's reign."

BRITAIN: "Vote Him Out"

The liberal Guardian said in its lead editorial (9/28): "The Serbian opposition's decision to boycott next month's second round of presidential elections may prove to be a mistake of historic proportions. That Kostunica won last Sunday's ballot is now officially confirmed.... Without question, Mr. Milosevic has suffered an extraordinary reversal that he did not anticipate and is struggling to survive. And it may very well be that the end of the Milosevic era is close.... So why, when he is tottering on the brink, throw him a lifeline that can save him from the chasm? For this is what a boycott would effectively do.... Without an opposition challenge, Mr. Milosevic will win by default and will claim, gallingly, that he has done so by the book, according to the constitution, and by democratic means. It is all very well for Bill Clinton, Tony Blair and a veritable chorus line of Western leaders to pronounce that it is all over. But what will they actually do for the opposition when Mr. Milosevic wins a boycotted poll? By all means demonstrate, by all means agitate. But above all, participate. And kick the bastard out."

"Call His Bluff"

The conservative Times had this lead editorial (9/28): "Slobodan Milosevic has lost, lost decisively and, so far, lost nothing. How, then, is he to be pushed? Nothing could be more uncertain than the consequences of giving up on the ballot box and relying on people power. It

is not impossible that the coming days could see Mr. Milosevic deserted and driven out. Should he hold out, Mr. Kostunica is riding such a giant wave of popular support that he ought to win even the dirtiest poker game. But he cannot win if he throws in his hand."

"Could Vote, Shouldn't Vote"

The conservative Daily Telegraph held (9/28): "Mr. Kostunica has given the correct response. His supporters must follow up his refusal to take part in a second round by a series of demonstrations in Yugoslav cities. Relentless popular pressure should now be applied, until Milosevic is weakened to the point where his coterie abandons him. The duty of Western powers is unequivocally to support Mr. Kostunica in his refusal to countenance a second round."

"Watchful Wait By The West"

The liberal Guardian had this report by security affairs editor Richard Norton-Taylor (9/28): "Western policy is to avoid interfering in the crucial and difficult decisions facing the Yugoslav opposition while warning President Milosevic that contingency plans exist if he takes repressive measures, British diplomats and defense officials made clear yesterday. Western governments say they are anxious not to give Mr. Milosevic an excuse to claim that the opposition is being influenced by the West or us in any way a tool of NATO powers. 'All that is necessary is for Milosevic to get out of the way. He has been knocked out, he has now been counted out, and he should get out,' Foreign Secretary Robin Cook said yesterday."

FRANCE: "Rejecting The Second Round"

Renaud Girard filed from Belgrade in right-of-center Le Figaro (9/28): "'There will be no compromise in the second round,' said Kostunica.... The supporters of the opposition at the center of Belgrade, multiplied in numbers last night.... Milosevic knew he was defeated.... This is when he called for a second election. Kostunica rejected the proposal and debates the official results. The U.S. administration supports his position.... British Foreign Secretary, Robin Cook, also rejects the second round."

GERMANY: "Changes In Belgrade"

Mathias Rueb front-paged this editorial in right-of-center Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung (9/28): "The colossus from Belgrade is shaking.... And since faltering people tend to take a grip on all things that promise a firm stand, we must expect Milosevic not to shy away from any means that could help delay his inevitable fall.... That is why we must fear that much blood will be shed before the last dictator on European soil will leave office.... But there is nobody who can help the Serbs from the outside. It is up to the Serbs to get rid of him."

"The Power Of The Streets"

Left-of-center Frankfurter Rundschau argued (9/28): "Milosevic is no longer the undefeated ruler he was for the past 13 years. The second place in a manipulated election cannot be sold as a victory even by his well-trained propaganda apparatus. But the dictator will give in only if the power of the street does not leave him any other choice. Serbia's opposition must now prove that it is able to defend its victory and mobilize the masses."

"Kostunica's Understandable Stance"

Right-of-center Lausitzer Rundschau of Cottbus judged (9/28): "The embattled Slobodan

Milosevic has his back to the wall, since he is also increasingly losing supporters from his own camp. It is understandable that opposition candidate Kostunica says that he will not run in run-off elections, since it must be feared that the election fraud will be continued. The democrats in the country cannot expect more than moral support from the West. They must now take their fate in their own hands and--like the Poles, Hungarians, Romanians, Czechs, and East Germans--take their fate in their own hands and resolutely say 'no' to the dictator. A general strike--as the opposition announced--could be a means to chase Milosevic finally away."

"Milosevic With His Back To The Wall"

Right-of-center Westfaelische Nachrichten of Muenster held (9/28): "Milosevic stands with his back to the wall. The president has no other choice but to risk violent protests of the people if he does not want to turn himself in to the War Crimes Tribunal in The Hague. But with the planned run-off elections, Milosevic will, first of all, win time to close his own ranks. At the same time, he provokes the protest of the opposition on the streets. This, in turn, would almost justify the official use of the armed and police forces. This is a smart move. The hope that peaceful change is taking place in Serbia--similar to the turnabout in the GDR--is currently more than a pious wish."

ITALY: "The Monster From Belgrade Is Alone, But Has Police With Him"

According to Massimo Nava's report from Belgrade in centrist, top-circulation Corriere della Sera (9/28): "Once he lost the elections, Milosevic is now trying to contest their results in a dance of silence and numbers. By doing so, he delays Kostunica's victory and puts the opposition at a deadly crossroads: [Either] fall into the trap of street violence or into the one of legal dispute. In the first case, the regime will be able to speak of a coup-d'etat and reunite its forces. In the second one, it will be able to open ways for some political mediation. As always in the past, Milosevic capitalizes on his enemies' attacks and military defeats. The elections boycotting in Montenegro and the low turn out in Kosovo gave him more seats in the Federal parliament than those he gained in Serbia alone. And this majority will be useful to keep a Kostunica-led government--if it will ever be established--under control.... Furthermore, we should not forget that Milosevic still controls the special police, the army and information.'"

"Milosevic's Latest Fuse Is In Montenegro"

Edgardo Bartoli commented on the front page of leading conservative, opposition Il Giornale (9/28): "Indeed, having kept electoral fraud within a reasonable measure up to the point of recognizing that the opposition won, is a very clever move whose dangers should not be underestimated.... Whatever the final results will be, Milosevic wants to stay in power up until the end of his mandate...and we should pay attention not only to Serbian nationalism, which Milosevic has always used to call people and make ethnic cleansing...but also to the burning fire of his power ambitions.... Montenegro is his latest powder keg. The Montenegrins did not to go the polls, thus proclaiming their de facto independence. There, a Serbian minority who unanimously voted for Milosevic, is ready to take up arms at any time. And it would be the beginning of a chain reaction in the neighboring countries of a size which we cannot imagine. And there would not be any NATO capability of remedying it."

"Moscow: Nobody Should Interfere, Europe and Clinton Say No to Run Off Elections"

A report in centrist, influential La Stampa held (9/28): "Russia is firmly against internal and external interference which would limit the Yugoslavian people' s freedom.... On the contrary, Europe closes ranks around Kostunica and rejects the possibility of a run-off election.... And,

for his part, the French foreign minister expressed again that European sanctions against Serbia should be lifted rapidly.... President Clinton said that a run-off election is an attempt to defraud the result of free elections."

"If You Want Peace, Make War"

A short editorial in provocative, classical liberal Il Foglio asserted (9/28): "Indeed, as we witnessed twice in the last decade...a controlled use of force in international relations, under certain conditions, is necessary and useful to save many lives and stop many evil ambitions.... Indeed, beyond any reasonable doubt, Milosevic...stopped singing. And the grim sound of his voice...is fading away before the popular echo of an opposition candidate...who promises to free his country from sanctions and the other consequences of a long practice of violence against helpless people, from Bosnia to Kosovo, that only bombings were able to stop."

RUSSIA: "A Step From Dumping Milosevic"

Konstantin Chugunov said in official government Rossiyskaya Gazeta (9/28): "The opposition is only a step away from dumping Milosevic. Many hold him responsible for his country's losing the Serb sections of Croatia and Bosnia, along with Kosovo, and having to live through international sanctions and air raids. Serbia, an international pariah, has no chance under Milosevic, who, since he came to power more than a decade ago, has never been a national leader of the Serbs and Montenegrins, his authority diminishing every year. New authorities would have to grapple with a lot of problems both at home and abroad.... Kostunica is a social democrat . While he isn't exactly the West's choice, he is better or, rather, weaker, than Milosevic."

"Serbs Chose Kostunica. What Will He Choose?"

Aleksandr Ivanistsky argued in reformist Noviye Izvestiya (9/28): "Kostunica risks nothing by calling on his supporters to take to the streets. Milosevic can't rely on the army after acknowledging the loss of its support. That offers Kostunica a choice of options. He can either press ahead, going right to the bitter end with the rest of the world in the form of the U.S. Sixth Fleet behind him, or give up just a few days before October 8 to avoid bloodshed. Mutual arm-twisting will leave less time for Milosevic to plan and maneuver, so Kostunica will have his margin doubled by early October. In a way, Milosevic helps the West test Kostunica as a would-be partner to see how consistent, pragmatic, brave, and shrewd he is. Both the challenger and his fans abroad realize that, to topple Milosevic, you have to have a little of Milosevic yourself."

"Vote Rigging Is Better Than Tanks In Streets"

Centrist Nezavisimaya Gazeta asserted (9/28): "Objectively, vote-rigging by the incumbent is far better than clashes between his supporters and opponents involving the police and possibly the army. That Milosevic plays (or pretends to play) by democratic rules instead of ordering tanks to the streets, as he did in 1991, is good.... Obviously, the official results of the elections are not true to fact. Both parties may be involved in manipulation. But that is beside the point. The problem is how one, two or ten percent of the votes, stolen or lost, can decide Yugoslavia's fate."

"West Makes It Hard For Milosevic To Quit"

Timofei Bordachev of the Europe Institute of the Russian Academy of Sciences charged in reformist Vremy Novostei (9/28): "Admittedly, the West's meddling in the internal affairs of the

Yugoslavia--a formally sovereign state--on a scale like today's, is without precedent. The pressure tactics being used by the United States and its allies in Western Europe are clearly destructive. Since NATO carried out its operation in the Balkans last year, the real as well as the declared policies of the world's leading nations have had little to do with the 'morally outdated' norms of the UN Charter. They are beyond common sense, even from the standpoint of simple logic. It is solely the West's being so self-assured in insisting on its right to judge the Belgrade leader that keeps Milosevic from stepping down. The position of Washington and its allies seems adventurous and reveals their indifference to the fate of Yugoslav citizens."

"Chilean Coup Rerun"

Nationalist opposition Sovetskaya Rossiya held (9/28): "What is going on in Yugoslavia is a remake of the coup in Chile where the Americans first imposed an economic blockade to push down the standard of living and then used popular discontent to overthrow President Allende. They are doing the same in Yugoslavia. They are doing the same in Yugoslavia, but their methods are even harsher now and involve air raids and the destruction of the Yugoslav economy."

AUSTRIA: "Milosevic Will Yield Only To Massive Force"

Centrist Salzburger Nachrichten carried a commentary by its deputy chief editor Viktor Hermann (9/28): "Everything indicates that Kostunica's claim to victory is rightfully asserted, but Milosevic will yield only to massive force. The opposition is probably right to call on the people to demonstrate and to defeat the despot with peaceful demonstrations, risking, however, confrontations with Milosevic's police force. Europe has not acted wisely since the elections, providing analyses from afar that sounded hollow and that might provide Milosevic with the opportunity to play the nationalistic card. It is rather thoughtless to make announcements that the sanctions must be lifted now, instead of waiting until Milosevic has left the political stage. The clique that gains from Milosevic must come to the conclusion that it might be too risky to keep him in power."

BELGIUM: "A Scent Of Change"

Publisher/chief editor Dirk Achten held in independent Catholic De Standaard (9/28): "The Yugoslavia of Slobodan Milosevic is living its last days. Unless the man has the foolish idea to launch a coup, Yugoslavia will have a new president soon.... So, the question of the coming days is less whether the Milosevic regime will disappear than how it will happen.... The prime task of the opposition is to make a violent option gradually impossible. Mass demonstrations, as were planned for last night, can put so much pressure on the regime and the police that a coup has little chance of success.... The scent of change hangs in the streets of Belgrade. The main problem is that it must take place without resorting to arms."

"West Increases Pressure On Regime Against The Ropes"

Edouard Van Velthem maintained in left-of-center Le Soir (9/28): "It's now or never. Since last Sunday, Western chanceries are increasingly convinced that Slobodan Milosevic has experienced a terrible setback, which he did not expect, and that he has never been closer to his fall. They also all agree that concrete gestures should urgently be made to support the change. But disagreements remain--an old habit among the Allies in the Balkans--as soon as a decision must be made on the pace at which these support measures should be taken.... Should the sanctions be lifted to reinforce Mr. Kostunica's favorable position? Some are thinking about it, such as France, which is holding the EU's presidency.... With such a sly adversary as Mr. Milosevic, it is a risk which others--the British and the Dutch first and

foremost--do not want to take too soon. This firm position is shared by Washington, where the U.S. administration has learned to be careful about Milosevic's skills in playing for time. The White House and the State Department's strong diplomatic statements are coupled, despite appeasing denials, with a real military show of force: 400 Marines are participating in joint maneuver with the Croatian army in the Adriatic until Friday.... For, beyond the current news, it is a huge geopolitical puzzle which is shaping up. The United States wants to consolidate its comeback in South-Eastern Europe, which it has made one of its zones of influence. NATO forces are present in Bosnia-Herzegovina, in Kosovo, in Macedonia, and in Albania. Hungary is a member of the Alliance, and Croatia, Romania, and Bulgaria have subscribed to NATO's Partnership for Peace program. Yugoslavia remains the last 'missing link,' but it can only join the others through a domestic change. The reformist authorities of Montenegro have made it half the way, the Serbian democratic opposition must complete the operation in Serbia. Is there a deadline? The international conference on the Balkans, which will be held in late November in Zagreb. It will be the continuation of the Sarajevo Summit which, in 1999, had launched the Stability Pact for the region. And in Zagreb, Western diplomats would like to talk with the Yugoslav President, Mr. Vojislav Kostunica."

BULGARIA: "1:1 For Milosevic"

Center-left Sega judged (9/28): "[Milosevic's] consent to a run-off could hardly be interpreted as an admission of defeat. This could turn out to be a well-planned tactical move.... The situation is being exacerbated by the opposition's idea of not participating in the run-off.... This is a rather strange idea. If, as the opposition says, Kostunica is the winner in the first round of the elections, it would hardly be a problem for him to do well in the run-off.... The impression the opposition leaves now is that it is afraid to enter the decisive stage of the elections, abandoning the democratic process."

"Democracy By Order"

Socialist opposition party Duma commented (9/28): "The fact that Milosevic came in second behind opposition leader Kostunica is undoubtedly a great disappointment for the Yugoslav president and his supporters.... Ever since parliamentary democracy has come into existence, the election results have always been a source of joy for some and disappointment for others. But whatever the results may be, it is only natural for them to either be recognized completely or be totally rejected. And if there is a conspiracy against the will of the Yugoslav voters, it is perpetrated by those who today are holding military exercises near Yugoslavia's borders, and use every propaganda method available to influence the behavior of the Serbian opposition and Yugoslavia's population. These are the same people who on one hand threaten military intervention and on the other pledge lifting the sanctions against Yugoslavia--so the will of the United States and NATO is fulfilled, not the will of Yugoslavia. This is how Yugoslavia was forced into elections and into democracy by outside orders."

HUNGARY: "Putin Should Send A Plane For Milosevic"

Endre Aczel speculated in top-circulation Nepszabadsag (9/28): "It cannot be ruled out...that things will take a completely different turn, toward civil war.... Milosevic himself may create a tension where one spark would be enough to ignite and burn everything. To prevent this, I must ask: Is not Milan Panic's idea the best one, that Putin send a plane to Belgrade and offer loving hospitality to this person [Milosevic]?"

"The Last Temptation"

Zsolt Ivan Nagy wrote in influential, liberal-leaning Magyar Hirlap (9/28): "Milosevic will not give up. He cannot. He knows the true results, and knows that he has lost. He can feel the rejection of the Serbian people, and see the panicky flight of his comrades who had pledged him an oath of alliance; still, he cannot stop. Slobodan Milosevic is fighting for his life. It seems, for that, he is even prepared to sacrifice his country. Again. In theory, he may even persuade the opposition to agree to the second round, so that they would avoid the threat of civil war. On the other hand, it is perhaps no coincidence that in Yugoslavia today, more and more people remember Ceausescu and the Romania of December 1989."

THE NETHERLANDS: "Wishful Thinking"

Left-of-center Trouw had this editorial (9/28): "Foreign Secretary Cook was very quick in acknowledging the defeat of Yugoslav president Milosevic.... This only reflects 'wishful thinking' and is not based on 'reliable evidence.'... Even though there are indications that the Milosevic era will soon be ended, this is not yet a fact.... Western leaders called on Milosevic to leave--and this appeal, too, reflects wishful thinking.... We would certainly wish the same, but the truth is that Milosevic has never really cared much about our wishes. Hopefully, he will care about the wish of the majority of the Serbian people who would also like to see his regime stepping down. His regime has caused enough misery in the Balkans. It is indeed time for a boring politician like Kostunica who wants to turn Yugoslavia into an 'ordinary' country."

"Fatal Combination"

Influential, liberal De Volkskrant's Olaf Tempelman commented (9/28): "Milosevic thought that combining his status as victim of NATO aggression with fraud would be sufficient for him to maintain his power. It proved fatal.... It now seems that he can keep his position only through large-scale fraud. But should he decide to do this, he risks an even bigger part of the population turning against him than was the case when he committed fraud in the 1996 elections."

NORWAY: "High Stakes In Yugoslavia"

Social democratic Dagsavisen said (9/28): "If Vojislav Kostunica, the opposition candidate in the presidential election in Yugoslavia, holds on to the decision to boycott a second election round, we are witnessing very daring high stakes wager in Yugoslavia. Kostunica would risk Slobodan Milosevic's getting exactly what he wants... If Milosevic gets acceptance of a second election round, he will be able to use the time to badger the opposition even more, paralyzing or dividing the 18 opposition parties that at last have managed to gather behind an alternative to a war crime-accused President.... Dictators do not leave voluntarily after an election. Much can therefore happen during the regime's hopefully last convulsions."

"Undressed by the People"

Independent Dagbladet commented (9/28): "The big question now is whether the weaknesses that Milosevic has revealed by losing make it possible for him to retain power.... The first days will be decisive. The opposition, led by the man who won the election, Vojislav Kostunica, encourages his supporters to use the streets as a podium to force Milosevic to leave his post. It is the strength that the opposition can mobilize in the streets, and the brutality of Milosevic's answer that will decide the near future of Yugoslavia.... The choice of strategy indicates that Kostunica will not, at this fateful crossroads, have any compromise with Milosevic and his people."

"The Beginning of the End"

Independent VG commented (9/28): "Regardless of what will happen in the days ahead; Yugoslavia and the rest of the world have seen the beginning of the end of Slobodan Milosevic's regime."

ROMANIA: "The Run-Off"

Cristian Stefanescu opined in pro-government Ziua (9/28): "There is no doubt that the opposition candidate will be victorious at the ballot box on October 8.... Kostunica cannot lose a final confrontation if his single adversary is Milosevic. Contesting the results published by the electoral commission, the regime's opponents continue to insist that they will not participate further because Milosevic is preparing to continue electoral fraud. [But] the opposition's possible withdrawal...gives the current president the ability to repeat the fraud uncontested. Then Milosevic will transform the existing authoritarian regime into 'a parliamentarian-democratic' government claiming popular support."

TURKEY: "Second Round Tale"

Zafer Atay opined in economics/politics Dunya (9/28): "Milosevic will either admit the opposition's election victory and pave the way for lifting sanctions on the new Yugoslavia, or stick to his post via military and secret police repression. However, 'Serbian nationalism' or 'Greater Serbia' tales will not suffice to keep him in power this time. If Milosevic chooses to use military power, Yugoslavia will be dragged into a civil war, which will inevitably trigger NATO intervention... Milosevic and his family, notorious war profiteers, might accept a withdrawal if they are given strong assurances of protection. Yeltsin, after getting similar guarantees, transferred his authority to Putin in Russia."

EAST ASIA AND PACIFIC

JAPAN: "Popular Will Is Clearly Anti-Milosevic, But..."

Top-circulation moderate Yomiuri editorialized (9/28): "The Yugoslav people have voted--with a rising sense of courage and conscience--against the Milosevic dictatorship. It is praiseworthy that more and more Yugoslavs, hit hard by international sanctions imposed on the Milosevic government, joined hands to express 'clear' opposition to the dictator and to show their eagerness to improve relations with the international community. In short, they opted for a more moderate form of nationalism. Although Milosevic finished second to opposition candidate Kostunica in Sunday's presidential election, the federal electoral commission announced that the presidential election would go to a second round. It is not certain whether the run-off election, slated for October 8, would be held without confusion. There are growing fears that the run-off will throw the nation into utter political confusion. The present Yugoslav situation is grave."

NEW ZEALAND: "Not Quite Finished"

South Island's largest-circulation, moderate Christchurch Press opined (9/28): "Serbian strongman Slobodan Milosevic is not about to break the habit of a life-time. The indicted war criminal is intent on defying both world opinion and the wishes of his own people. Faced with the prospect of losing last Sunday's presidential election, Mr Milosevic reached for the expedient used by many a dictator before him. He announced a contrived result to allow him a second chance to manufacture an electoral victory. That Mr Milosevic's own vote counters could not give him more than 40 percent was a staggering reflection of his fall in popularity.

Serbs, it appears, are finally sick of the man who led them into dismal nationalistic adventures in Croatia, Bosnia and Kosovo; prompted the NATO bombing of Serbia last year; presides over a shattered economy; and returned the language of 'ethnic cleansing' to Europe. Mr Milosevic's days are certainly numbered as his brutal history catches up with him. Yet, even cornered, he remains dangerous and has the ability to cause even more misery for his people before the placards proclaiming 'gotov je' (he is finished) are born out."

SOUTH KOREA: "The Opposition's Rejection Of A Run-off"

Independent Hankyoreh Shinmun observed (9/28): "It was in a run-off that Peruvian President Fujimori secured final election victory last April, a run-off round in which his strongest rival refused to participate. In an effort to help out the opposition at the time, the international community, including the United States, wielded the threat of possible economic sanctions. The attempt, we now know, brought no results. Now in Yugoslavia, the same thing may be happening, with Milosevic eventually snatching victory in a run-off.... With its own election around the corner, the United State will mostly likely oppose any military intervention should that be required. Also the fact that Yugoslavia has already been under severe economic sanctions leaves the West without many options with which to further pressure the country."

VIETNAM: "A Conspiracy To Overthrow Through An Information War"

Manh Tuong wrote in Ministry of Defense newspaper Quan doi nhan dan (9/28): "It [the September 24 elections] has been a rare occasion in which the 'stick and carrot' policy and a campaign to distort [facts about Milosevic] are carried out so carefully and on such a great scale. The purpose of this is to cause the Yugoslav people to be under an illusion that only with President Milosevic out of power can the country have opportunities to develop.... As the election day drew near, there had been a massive campaign of distortion in the mass media, alleging that President Milosevic would not step down even if he failed in the elections. The allegation will serve as a reason for the opposition to stage demonstrations in case Milosevic wins a victory, triggering political turmoil in Yugoslavia that can provide grounds for external intervention.... Democracy in Yugoslavia must be established by the Yugoslav people themselves. The Yugoslav people should be left alone to select their leader democratically by themselves. By interfering in Yugoslavia's internal affairs, the United States and several Western European countries are the very ones that have been violating severely a nation's right to self-determination, independence and sovereignty, and rights for democracy and freedom of peoples in the world, as well as going against the UN Charter and other international laws and conventions."

WESTERN HEMISPHERE

ARGENTINA: "An Increasing Pressure"

Julio Algañaraz, Rome-based correspondent for leading Clarin, opined (9/28): "[Milosevic] has a dark horizon ahead. If he chooses the hard line he will have to organize a false run-off without the leader of the opposition to whom he himself has recognized a relative victory. He will also have to witness the typical transformation of the end of a regime."

"Serbs, Without Signs Of A Change"

An editorial in daily-of-record La Nacion read (9/28): "If Milosevic is the bad guy of the movie, his adversary should be the good guy. Such a limited logical premise served as a basis for the actions of the countries which last year sent their troops to the remains of Yugoslavia in order to compel its head of government to abandon Kosovo.... It is obvious that peace in the region will

only be guaranteed if the ruling regimes follow the general lines of action established by Washington and by the European Union members. The difficulty lies in the fact that nothing guarantees that this can be achieved through Kostunica's exaltation. He is no less nationalistic than Milosevic, he--like Milosevic--is not well-regarded by Kosovars and much less by Montenegrinos and his only distinctive ideological feature is, seemingly, an intense Anglophobia, focused on North America.... The bottom line is that the persistent discontent of a wide sector of Serbians and their decision not to adapt themselves to the proposals of institutional modernization marked by new times continues to be one of the most sour ingredients of Balkan Europe and there is no further clue that this factor will disappear in a reasonably short time."

CANADA: "Force His Hand"

Quebec's conservative English-language Gazette suggested (9/28): "What Mr. Kostunica should be doing is providing the Yugoslav people with overwhelming, irrefutable proof that Mr. Milosevic has lost and will stop at nothing to cling to power. The best way of doing that is to participate in the runoff vote. Having to win twice may seem unfair, but it's better than letting Mr. Milosevic concoct a reason to call in the army."

CUBA: "If The Enemy Applauds"

Eduardo Montes de Oca commented in Communist Party Youth Wing organ Juventud Rebelde (9/24): "The elections held on Sunday in Yugoslavia--for the federal president and for the parliamentarians of the two entities, Serbia and Montenegro, which make up the Republic--came off as a real headache for anyone who wants the unvarnished truth to clarify the political process. Beyond open and veiled threats of new bombings, the European Union, some of the 'renovated' countries of Eastern Europe, the United States and their other partners have even stooped so low as to offer economic incentives, in exchange for the Serbians and Montenegrins' getting rid of the person who, possible errors aside, is stuck in the throat of the 'titans': Milosevic. Here we are witnessing an open exhibition of meddling in internal affairs by those who clamor for human rights and national sovereignty...when it is for themselves. In this context let us remember, simply, the ancient popular wisdom: It is bad if the friend says no; it is worse if the enemy applauds. And the enemy of the Serbs and Montenegrins is applauding rabidly. Even before it's time."

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