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FRY ELECTIONS: 'A KOSTUNICA VICTORY'; MILOSEVIC 'DOWN, BUT NOT OUT'

Although there has been no official announcement from Yugoslav authorities regarding the results of Sunday's elections, a majority of commentators in Europe agreed with Western governments--including the U.S.--that it is increasingly apparent the opposition has prevailed. Editorialists in Europe, also agreed, however, that even though President Milosevic appears to be "electoral dead meat," the outcome is still uncertain. Analysts expressed concern that the Serbian strongman may still have "something up his sleeve," and that he will try to retain power, one way or the other. These observers contended that the West will still have to deal with Mr. Milosevic for the foreseeable future. Others were more sanguine. They believed that--given the reportedly large outpouring of support for a change in leadership in Yugoslavia--this is the end of the Milosevic era and the beginning of a new phase for the former Yugoslavia and its relations with the West. Meanwhile, a few opinionmakers questioned the role of the West in the FRY elections, with papers from Greece and China weighing in with the most strident criticisms. Salient themes follow:

OPPOSITION WIN: With the exceptions of one official Chinese daily and a Slovenian paper, a majority of observers concluded that Mr. Milosevic appears to have been "soundly, perhaps overwhelmingly," defeated in Sunday's election. Moscow's reformist Izvestiya, reflecting the sentiment of other reformist Russian dailies, proclaimed: "It looks as if the opposition has won. If so, this is akin to a revolution in Yugoslavia." A Ljubljana writer, however, wonderd how anyone could be deemed a winner in "fraudulent" elections.

'DOWN, BUT NOT OUT': Acknowledging that the opposition has most likely won the elections, most opinionmakers went on to warn that "there is no victory for democracy yet." They cautioned that the Milosevic regime intends "to concoct a 'victory' by whatever means are required." Many worried that Mr. Milosevic will attempt to create a state of emergency by invading Montenegro. Others foresaw that he would, once again, manipulate the constitution to his benefit. Some spoke of the possibility of an outright putsch on the part of pro-Milosevic forces. Notably, a few also warned that the presumed winner, Mr. Kostunica, was "as nationalistic and anti-Western as Mr. Milosevic."

'A GREAT CHANGE': Some analysts were more hopeful. A German daily held: "[Milsoevic's] days are numbered. The Serbs have caught a glimpse of their own strength. The dawn of freedom has arrived." Many in this group believed that Mr. Kostunica indeed does offer "an alternative" to Mr. Milosevic, and that irreversible democratic inroads in FRY have been made.

WEST'S ROLE: Greek and Chinese writers complained about Western activities in the run-up to the elections, contending that the U.S. and its European allies inappropriately tried to "intimidate" the Yugoslav electorate. Although less critical, Moscow's official government Rossiyskaya Gazeta touched on the Western role as well, saying: "The Western...idea was to offer massive support for the opposition by way of propaganda, finances and special services."

EDITOR: Diana McCaffrey

EDITOR'S NOTE: This survey is based on 52 reports from 19 countries, September 22-26. Editorial excerpts are grouped by region; editorials from each country are listed from the most recent date.

EUROPE

BRITAIN: "A Civil Victory"

The conservative Times said in its editorial (9/26): "Serbs stepped away from their disastrous recent past on Sunday.... A great civil battle has been won, but there is no victory for democracy yet. By yesterday, the question of how to disguise the true result was taxing the ingenuity even of a regime schooled in agitprop and intimidation.... In dictatorships, endgames are dangerous. For Mr. Milosevic, Sunday was the beginning of the end. Russia has long supported him in public and despaired of him in private, but now President Putin is publicly leaning to Serbia's democrats. As for the West, it must both prepare to shield Montenegro, and build solid bridges to 'the new democratic Serbia' to which, the European Union said yesterday, it 'more than ever holds out its hand'."

"Serbia's Choice"

The independent Financial Times held in its editorial (9/26): "Serbs have shown courage and good sense in their historic decision to vote Slobodan Milosevic out of office. Mr. Milosevic sought to build a greater Serbia. He has rendered the country incomparably weaker than he found it. Mr. Kostunica offers an alternative. The next few days could be delicate as Mr. Milosevic decides what to do. The West must take care not to compromise Mr. Kostunica by getting too close to him. He has won on an anti-Milosevic, not a pro-West, ticket. The West should also emphasize that, whether he quits now or in ten years, Mr. Milosevic will face a trial on war crimes charges. The man most responsible for the atrocities of the Balkan wars of the 1990s cannot be allowed to avoid justice for the sake of political expediency. He must be called to account."

"Milosevic Must Go"

The conservative Daily Telegraph editorialized (9/26): "The opportunist who rode to power on a wave of Serbian nationalism has been rejected by an electorate for whom that policy has signally failed to deliver.... Milosevic should step down forthwith. There should be no hanging around until his four-year term expires next summer. That would be acceptable in a normal democracy. In Yugoslavia, it would merely invite the incumbent to maintain himself in power by underhand means.... The choice before the Serbs is clear: a further slide into self-pitying bankruptcy or escape from a dream of domination that has long turned sour."

"Down But Not Out"

The liberal Guardian said in its editorial (9/26): "Serbs may still be officially in the dark about the identity of their next president, but Western leaders professed no shadow of a doubt yesterday. Slobodan Milosevic was electoral dead meat, they all agreed. The EU and the United States said Mr. Milosevic, despite fraudulent practice, had plainly, undoubtedly lost, and others like Gerhard Schroeder expressed a similar, almost desperate certainty. But Russia's Vladimir Putin kept mum while Russia's foreign minister spoke ominously of a poll free of 'major violations.'... Yesterday's concerted attempt to talk Mr. Milosevic into history, to choreograph his swansong from afar, is hot air filling a vacuum where a Western policy should be. Mr. Milosevic is down but, unfortunately, he cannot yet be counted out."

"No Guarantee West Prepared To Back Montenegro Bid For Independence"

Reacting to the uncertainty about Sunday's FRY election result, BBC Radio reported (9/26) on the situation in Milosevic's nervous neighbor: "The authorities in Montenegro were relieved to see U.S. military maneuvers taking place in neighboring Croatia this week. President Djukanovic knows there is no guarantee the West is prepared to back Montenegro's bid for independence with another military alliance. If President Milosevic clings to power, Europe could soon find itself on the brink of another Balkan war."

"Only The Serbs Can Make Milosevic Pay For His Crimes"

The centrist Independent editorialized (9/26): "Two things may be said about the confusion: Mr. Milosevic appears to have been soundly, perhaps overwhelmingly, defeated in Sunday's election. But it is equally clear that the regime intends to concoct a 'victory' by whatever means are required. If the worst comes to the worst, those means will be violent. So how should the West react? However perilous, this crisis is one for Serbs alone to resolve. They know that Yugoslavia has reached a dead end from which it cannot escape while Mr. Milosevic is around. He will twist and turn; the suspense may continue until a run-off vote on October 8. Ultimately his fate will be determined by the military, who must decide whether to continue backing him in defiance of the popular will. Yugoslavia's long nightmare is unlikely to be ended by a tyrant's sudden conversion to the virtues of the untampered ballot box."

FRANCE: "A Weak Milosevic"

Left-of-center Le Monde editorialized (9/26): "Sunday's elections marked a great change for the Yugoslavs, for the people received a chance to remove power from the last dictator in Europe. This time, the people obtained some power and Milosevic is no longer protected.... Milosevic is not a man who will allow himself to be defeated and he is capable of carrying out all kinds of scenarios before his term is through."

"Too Many Winners In Belgrade"

Marc Semo held in right-of-center Liberation (9/26): "The West say the opposition won and all kinds of manipulations are possible.... 'The Federal Electoral Commission has all the latitude to change the results of the votes,' says Ilios Yannakakis (an independent observer), who adds, 'the electoral process' movement and progress already gives supporters of the opposition (Kostunica) a feeling of victory. This euphoria is understandable, but is also dangerous. I cannot imagine Milosevic simply saying: Kostunica won and I remove myself from power.'"

GERMANY: "Half A Victory Is Not Enough"

Christoph von Marschall noted in centrist Tagesspiegel of Berlin (9/26): "Kostunica's victory over Milosevic is an important symbol. Just two years ago, such a development would have been unthinkable. Nevertheless, winning the presidency is only half a victory. Sharing power with Milosevic could quickly turn into a defeat. The head of state has mostly representative functions. The outcome of the parliamentary elections will be decisive. If Milosevic succeeds--by illegal means--in building a majority coalition, he will keep his power and Kostunica's victory will be without value. This has to be the second strategic goal of the mass protests: to discredit and isolate Milosevic to an extent that potential partners would be embarrassed to cooperate with him in front of the newly self-confident citizens."

"Everything Up For Grabs In Belgrade"

Jacques Schuster judged in a front-page editorial in right-of-center Die Welt of Hamburg (9/26): "Whether the West likes it or not, it will have to continue to deal with Milosevic. Neither NATO nor the EU will be able to topple him. Only the Serbs themselves can accomplish that. Whether this will happen with the help of an election, a run-off ballot, or revolution is an open question. The future direction of Serbia after Milosevic is also an unsettled question. One thing is frequently being forgotten in the midst of all the excitement over Kostunica's victory: like Milosevic, the opposition is nationalistic in orientation and, from a Western perspective, only semi-democratic. The opposition does not guarantee a new beginning. Only one thing appears certain after the election: the Balkans will keep the West busy for a long time to come."

"Premature Declaration Of A Winner"

Frank Herold suggested in an editorial in left-of-center Berliner Zeitung (9/26): "German Foreign Minister Fischer and his British counterpart Cook have declared the Yugoslav opposition the winner of the election, almost as if the opposition had triumphed in a fair and serious competition. It is dangerous to create such an impression. Behind such a maneuver stands the wish that Milosevic may admit his defeat. But why should Milosevic do such a thing? He did not play by the rules before the election, and there is no reason to believe he will do it now. For a decade, the West has tried in vain to topple Milosevic by different means.... Milosevic still has some options available, ranging from an openly terrorist dictatorship to a new alliance with those opposition members who are as nationalistic and anti-Western as Milosevic. For example, Kostunica."

"Milosevic Stays On Top"

Norbert Mappes-Niediek stated in an editorial in business daily Financial Times Deutschland of Hamburg (9/26): "Not only the Serbian opposition, but also the international community, had to let go of an illusion yesterday. Milosevic stays where he is, and all high-flying plans to begin a new 'Balkan policy' with the help of the Stability Pact and foster cooperation and economic growth in the region remain theoretical. Instead, there is the threat of a new violent conflict with Montenegro, a real civil war which could be more gruesome than the previous ones and which could not be ended with bombs. Montenegro's President Djukanovic expects the pressure from Belgrade to increase significantly. He has announced that he will seek independence from Serbia within a year if Milosevic stays in office because of election fraud. Once again, war, refugees, and reconstruction programs loom on the horizon. After years of dead-end Balkan policies, all the West can do now is pull out.... [In Yugoslavia,] the West has no choice but to rely on a 'change through trade' approach and quiet cooperation."

"First-Class Election Fraud"

Thomas Schrecker wrote in an editorial in mass-circulation right-of-center Berliner Kurier (9/26): "An old truth is being confirmed in Yugoslavia: One cannot defeat dictators with democratic elections. Dictators have to be overthrown. The election was a farce, a first-class fraud. Nevertheless, this election marks the beginning of the end of the Milosevic era. The people no longer want him. They are turning away.... The election was neither free nor democratic, but it was an outcry against oppression. Milosevic may be able to manipulate the will of the Serbs, but he cannot break in the long run. Maybe he will remain in power for a while. But his days are numbered. The Serbs have caught a glimpse of their own strength. The dawn of freedom has arrived."

ITALY: "Slobo's Agony"

Enzo Bettiza commented on the front page of centrist, influential La Stampa (9/26): "The picture could not be gloomier for Milosevic, who aimed at a presidency for life.... What emerges from the former Yugoslavia in these hours is not only the twilight--albeit desperately denied with silence--of the great Balkan destabilizer, but also the collapse of the third Yugoslavia--after the monarchic Yugoslavia buried by Tito and the latter's Yugoslavia dismantled by the paranoiac Milosevic family." Bettiza warned, however, that "very rarely have shiftings of power taken place in a democratic fashion in Belgrade. The rules of power were and remain tribal. Politics is interpreted and cruelly carried out in a Balkan style.... In sum, deference towards the winners, little or no mercy for the losers. Milosevic has been punished by the Serbs not so much for starting wars in Croatia, Bosnia or Kosovo, but for losing them and provoking, in the name of a never achieved Greater Serbia, the misery and the exodus of the Serbian populations in those areas."

"The Doubts Of The White House"

Washington correspondent Andrea di Robilant wrote in centrist, influential La Stampa (9/25): "Secretary Albright yesterday explored with The Hague Tribunal prosecutor Carla Del Ponte the possibility of a compromise to facilitate a peaceful way out for Milosevic, without damaging the reputation of the Tribunal. U.S. sources maintain that several hypotheses are being examined and that it is premature to talk of an agreement.... Diplomatic sources indicate that Albright remains the main supporter of a strong line towards Milosevic.... While the State Department appears to be more sympathetic to the demands of international justice, the White House seems instead to agree with the Europeans on the urgent need to speed up as much as possible a democratic transition in Yugoslavia."

"Slobo's Alternative: The Last War Or Surrender"

A commentary by Guido Rampoldi in left-leaning, influential La Repubblica said (9/26): "History has come to a crucial crossroads. And this explains why yesterday Americans, Europeans and Russians have bombarded Belgrade with solemn and convergent warnings: Milosevic should not proclaim himself the winner. According to international diplomacy, Kostunica has won, as Western governments declared yesterday with such a hasty and unprecedented euphoria as to suggest a very strong desire for such an outcome on their part."

"Time To Negotiate Withdrawal For Slobo"

Stefano Silvestri opined in leading business daily Il Sole-24 Ore (9/26): "Whatever comes next, the signal is a positive one.... Notwithstanding the mystery of conflicting statements regarding the outcome of the elections, one thing seems to be certain at this point: Milosevic has not scored the victory he was hoping for.... He can now choose to do several things in order to retain power: rigging the results (but to which extent?), aiming at a very difficult second ballot, trying a coup d'etat or even provoking another international crisis. In that case, the international community would have few instruments of pressure at its disposal, except for a possible toughening of the sanctions (unlikely and very difficult). Yet, for the first time, Milosevic would have to reckon directly with his own people, facing a domestic opposition much tougher and more articulate, as well as much stronger.... Sure, Kostunica is not an easy interlocutor.... The equilibrium in the Balkans would continue to be at risk and Europe would have to adapt its plan for regional stability to the new situation. Unlike Milosevic, however, Kostunica is a democratic interlocutor.... Switching from Milosevic to Kostunica would therefore mark the beginning of the end of the Serbian problem, even though strong differences would remain."

RUSSIA: "Croatian Model Works"

Konstantin Chugunov wrote in official government Rossiyskaya Gazeta (9/26): "The new authorities, if the opposition should win, would have to grapple with the problems that have accumulated over decades and a host of internal conflicts. Milosevic somehow managed to muffle them, but they need to be dealt with in a way to stop them from growing into a crippling crisis. Normalizing ties with the West is a top priority if Yugoslavia is to get out of isolation and have the international sanctions lifted.... Some things need to be clarified though. The Westerners used the so-called Croatian model in the election campaign. The idea was to offer massive support for the opposition by way of propaganda, finances and special services."

"It Looks Like Revolution"

Georgy Stepanov held in reformist Izvestiya (9/26): "It looks as if the opposition has won. If so, this is akin to a revolution in Yugoslavia."

"The Triumph"

Aleksandr Ivanitsky observed in reformist Noviye Izvestiya (9/26): "Obviously, the opposition has won. This is all the more remarkable because it is of Milosevic's manufacture, made in keeping with a known recipe--chief opponent Draskovic split from within, while Kostunica avoided arguing with Milosevic on most issues. The Serbs have shown themselves pragmatic. They have learned that from Milosevic."

"Too Early To Celebrate"

Gennady Sysoyev pointed out in reformist, business-oriented Kommersant (9/26): "It is too early for the opposition to celebrate. Milosevic, as shown by his 13-year rule, does not give up easily."

"Putin Agrees With West's Assessment"

Gennady Sysoyev, reporting on German Chancellor Schroeder's visit to Moscow yesterday, noted in reformist, business-oriented Kommersant (9/26): "The Russian leader virtually agreed with Germany and other Western countries yesterday that the candidate of the democratic opposition, Vojislav Kostunica, had won the elections in Yugoslavia.... Moscow is strongly opposed to foreign intervention in Yugoslavia, believing that it would be a blow to democratization and play into the hands of Slobodan Milosevic and other isolationists in that country."

"Yugoslavia In For A New Tragedy"

Dmitry Gornostayev opined in centrist Nezavisimaya Gazeta (9/26): "The situation in Montenegro is far more important than the outcome of the federal elections. Yugoslavia's fate depends on what Podgorica will do, no matter who wins."

AUSTRIA: "Kostunica The Winner"

Conservative Die Presse ran a front-page editorial by its senior foreign affairs editor Irene Miller (9/26): "No one believes that the FRY elections were fair, free, and democratic. At the same time, no one doubted even prior to the closing of the ballots that opposition leader Vojislav Kostunica is the winner. And no doubt that it is desirable to vote Milosevic out of office. It is, however, by no means assured that Milosevic will resign like any other democratic politician. Considering that he is wanted by the ICTY only increases the danger that he is posing. Without a doubt, the opposition must be preferred to the current regime, however, it must be seriously examined whether the opposition is strong and honest enough to adhere to international standards in human rights issues, and the protection of minorities and refugees, before euphoria goes over board. The new government in Belgrade will need not only support from abroad but mainly from democrats within the country."

BELGIUM: "Does Master Of Survival Still Have Something Up His Sleeve?"

Mon Vanderostyne held in independent Catholic Het Nieuwsblad (9/26): "To stay in power, Milosevic started and lost four wars causing untold suffering. One must fear now that Milosevic--a master of survival--still has something up his sleeve to stay in power once more. An escape like former DDR leader Erich Honecker's is not available to this indicted war criminal. Ten years after Tito's death, the Serbian people's desire to become again part of Europe must be met."

"Milosevic May Adopt More Subtle Means..."

Axel Buyse wrote in independent Catholic De Standaard (9/26): "The darkest scenario implies a full-fledged coup by Milosevic followers, but there are indications that the Army Chief of Staff, Nebosja Paskovic, has hinted that he cannot guarantee that the army would rally behind the regime. In any event, a coup would lead to military violence in the rebel republic of Montenegro.... Milosevic may also opt for more subtle means.... He has demonstrated in the past that he can quickly adjust all the laws of the country in a 'flexible' manner. He may cause a constitutional blockade or corner Kostunica in a merely ceremonial role. In theory,...he may also make every effort to consolidate his power inside the Serbian republic itself. However, all this implies a continuation of the lethal international isolation and an open confrontation with the opposition which, because of the likely victory, has received a boost. Consequently, one of the most likely developments is the gradual disintegration of the Milosevic camp."

CROATIA: "Milosevic End At Hand...But Not During This Election"

Dejan Djurkovic wrote in Zagreb-based Vjesnik (9/26): "With his message that he only wants to 'live in an average country, in which everything is average: media, health and social care, economy etc.', Kostunica was right in concluding that that's 'a lot and a little at the same time.' Not really being a true believer in 'Europeanization' himself, he won't elaborate a concept of Serbia as a pro-Western country, or offer a genuine alternative to Milosevic's populist, missionary rhetoric.... It's certain that Milosevic's end is at hand, but that won't happen during this election. This election will shatter him only under one condition: that the opposition come to power at the local level, and on a wider scale, thus paving the way for victory at the state level next year."

"Serbia Against Milosevic"

Jelena Lovric opined in Rijeka-based Novi list (9/26): "For Milosevic there are no good options: A run-off would only delay his ultimate defeat; declaring himself a winner would only contradict the will of the majority.... For the international community there's no doubt that Milosevic lost the election, but nobody knows what he's up to now. It seems that even he doesn't have a clue about it."

"It Takes Two Sides For A Civil War"

Danko Plevnik commented in Split-based Slobodna Dalmacija (9/26): "It takes two sides for a civil war in Serbia. Milosevic has no strength for more than a 'siege,' while the opposition is not able to instigate more than street riots. In order for Milosevic and his Mira to end up as the Ceausescu couple did, as predicted by Wesley Clark, it's not enough to hope for the analogy of consequences, but to analyze the analogy of reasons. In Romania, the secret service played the key role. In Serbia, they're still under Milosevic's control."

CZECH REPUBLIC: "Belgrade Regime Are Going To Fight

Kveta Buschova commented in the right-of-center Hospodarske noviny (9/26): "The current Belgrade regime and Slobodan Milosevic himself do not have anything to lose, and there is no doubt that they are going to fight. At the same time, the opposition understands that if it does not attain power now, it will miss the best opportunity it has ever had. Yugoslav society is deeply torn apart between the defenders of the old times, and those who want a change. However, the division seems to be much more equal than the opposition argues when it says that Milosevic suffered an election debacle. It would not be so bad if this were not the Balkans and Yugoslavia, which has had in the past ten years an extraordinary experience with conflict resolution of political, social and opinion disputes."

DENMARK: "Power And Honor"

Left-wing Information commented (9/26): "Milosevic appears to have lost the election. Officially, the result has not been issued, but everything points to a victory for Vojislav Kostunica.... It is unlikely that Milosevic will stand down by his own volition. The past has shown that Milosevic tends to hit back at his opponents. He could choose to claim that none of the candidates have been able to gain the necessary majority. Therefore, he may call a new election in two weeks time. He may also claim that the West has interfered in the election and therefore declare the vote to be undemocratic.... Whatever Milosevic chooses to do, one thing is certain, his days as the undisputed leader of the Serb people are numbered. Kostunica has won a remarkable victory...but as a nationalist, he is no fan of NATO. Neither does it appear that he would be willing to force Milosevic to stand trial. The West should not expect any marked change in Serb politics. Kosunica's victory, could, however, signal the start of a new era for Serbia, the end of isolation and the beginning of democratic development."

"Hesitancy In Belgrade"

Center-right Berlingske Tidende noted (9/26): "The election, that was originally planned as a maneuver to emphasize Milosevic's authority, appears to have turned into a catastrophe for the regime. U.S. and EU efforts to increase pressure on Milosevic have been admirable. However, even though pressure on Milosevic [to stand down] was growing last night, we should not count our chickens before they are hatched. It is very rare that dictators allow themselves to be removed from power after an election. Milosevic will probably fight to the last to hold onto power. He has shown in the past that he is prone to make desperate moves when his back is against the wall."

"Beginning Of The End"

Centrist Kristeligt Dagblad asserted (9/26): "Is it possible for two people to win the same election? The absence of an official result yesterday prevented the OSCE, the EU and the Council of Europe from declaring Kostunica to be the winner.... The West hoped that election could produce a new government...and that appears to be what the Yugoslav people have chosen. The large election turnout is also an extremely positive factor [for the future of democracy in the region].... Milosevic can drag things out, [before he hands over power] but he cannot remain indefinitely."

"Russia Holds Key To Free Yugoslav Elections"

Center-left Politiken emphasized (9/25): Begin quote: "Milosevic has three options open to him. He can provoke a violent confrontation in Montenegro in order to gather nationalist support. He can cheat his way to an election victory and thereafter clamp down on the opposition. He can admit defeat, but retain power by virtue of the fact that his electorate term does not expire until next year. In the meantime, he could attempt to undermine the opposition. Russia holds the key to Milosevic's survival. Without Russian supplies of oil and gas, Serbia cannot survive the winter. Therefore, it is crucial that the E.U. holds Russia to its promise not to accept anything other than a totally democratic and free election."

GREECE: "Milosevic Moves Toward the Exit"

In pro-opposition, sensationalist tabloid Eleftheros Typos, the lead editorial ran (9/26): "After elections in Serbia, Montenegro and Kosovo, Milosevic's gradual departure from power is underway.... The preparations for elections were not democratic.... We witnessed the regime's Communist-type methods, while at the same time we saw an anti-democratic intervention in a country's domestic affairs, including a bombing campaign, economic sanctions and subsidies to Milosevic's opponents.... The end of Milosevic's regime will occur under conditions decided by the Yugoslavs themselves, and not by the United States and its allies.... While Milosevic made mistakes and crimes, his Western critics carried out mass crimes."

"A People Between A Rock And A Hard Place"

The lead editorial in leftist, anti-NATO Eleftherotypia said (9/26): "The delay in counting the votes and making an official announcement of results has justifiably created agony, fears and suspicions in our neighboring country about what happens next. Will the clouds disperse quietly, or will a storm be unleashed? The delay is neither logical nor justified, as Yugoslavia is not that far from modern technology. The Milosevic government has not guaranteed a democratic process, and is using every means possible not to lose power. On the other hand, the outside world has openly exercised psychological pressure on the Yugoslav people to get rid of Milsosevic.... The conditions for these elections have not been such that voters could express themselves freely and decide who they want to rule Yugoslavia.... Milosevic, who has access to the ballots, gives his own results. The opposition gives their own, opposite, version, also unofficial. Meanwhile, the so-called findings of foreigners [present for the elections] are specious, as they have neither observers nor access to the ballots.... Until now, Yugoslavia has paid a heavy price for the oppressive Milosevic regime, but also for Western arrogance and barbarism, which bombed not Milosevic but the Yugoslav people for allegedly humanitarian reasons. The Yugoslav people deserve a better fate."

"Foul By Milosevic, Foul By The Rest"

The lead editorial in populist pro-government tabloid Ethnos said (9/26): "No one expected that the elections would be an examplar of democratic process, and...anyone aware of how the Yugoslav state operates should not expect immediate and serious changes.... But what can one say about the stars of the American-NATO attack against Serbia, who rushed to crow about Milosevic's 'defeat?' They know quite well that by speaking in this way they do not contribute to the normalization of Yugoslavia's domestic affairs."

HUNGARY: "Seven Lessons After A Long Night"

Miklos Ujvari pointed out in influential, liberal-leaning Magyar Hirlap (9/26): "[Senior representative of the ethnic Hungarians in Vojvodina] Jozsef Kasza and his party that, on a federal level, formed an alliance with the Democratic Opposition, has won a landslide victory among the ethnic Hungarians in Vojvodina. At the same time, the other ethnic Hungarian parties were unable to increase their nonexistent influence. They have failed, and so has the policy of Hungary that, not being able to work with the stand-offish Kasza, wanted to build a satellite system of insignificant little parties. Kasza and the Hungarian Alliance of Vojvodina, however, cannot be avoided. The election results have stabbed the power in the heart. Its collapse has started. The question now is, how long the decomposition will take, and how intensive it will be. In other words: How long his immediate followers will stick to the obviously humiliated Milosevic, how long the military will obey him, how long his propaganda machinery, his bodyguards, that is, his court, will follow him."

"The Milosevic Spell Has Been Broken"

Gabor Stier declared in pro-government, right-of-center Magyar Nemzet (9/26): "The opposition has won a landslide victory in Yugoslavia, one that surpasses all expectations. It cannot be ruled out at all that Milosevic, hopelessly cornered, will resort to violence. He may even annul the results by way of the courts. Neither can we discard the version that, faced with the hardly deniable failure, the so far disciplined Socialist apparatchiks will not follow their leader. There is no end to the possible scenarios. For the time being, however, the only thing that seems certain is that, although Milosevic has lost the elections, he cannot admit it. The struggle for power is a fight for dear life, therefore anything is possible."

NORWAY: "The Last Card"

Independent Dagbladet said (9/26): "The election landslide in favor of Vojislav Kostunica and the opposition alliance exceeds all expectations.... The dignity and calm that Kostunica has shown in his appearance, also after the victory, is impressive. If this is enough to get Milosevic to leave his position in a peaceful way, is a totally different question.... During his 13 years in power, Milosevic has shown himself a brilliant tactician. But that does not mean that he is a brilliant strategist. Now he stands at his life's crossroads, to deflect or risk a civil war in Serbia and maybe a war in Montenegro. He is about to grab the last card in the deck."

"Milosevic Has Already Lost"

Newspaper-of-record Aftenposten's editor Ulf Andenaes commented (9/26): "Even during all the confusion, all election fraud and all absurdity, the truth cannot be covered: The opposition candidate Vojislav Kostunica has defeated Molosevic by the ballot box.... The reserved professor of law Kostunica,with his small insignificant party, has previously always been in the shadow of other opposition leaders.... For once his (Kostunica) lack of glowing, artful speech has been more to his advantage than to his disadvantage.... For what we know today, Milosevic can still stay in power for a long time.... But it is just a question of time before he will go under; and when that happens, he can be certain that it will be in dishonor. In reality, he lost a long time ago."

SLOVENIA: "Circus Serbia"

Left-of-center, independent Dnevnik editorialized (9/26): "In its great desire...to overthrow Milosevic's regime, the West forgot about its basic rule of democracy: The winner is the one who receives the most votes after the count is done. Namely--in the words of the U.S. Department of State, the European Council, and the presidency of the EU--the West has called the elections a fraud and void if the opposition with Kostunica does not win. What if Kostunica wins and Milosevic...loses and even admits it; will the opposition have to organize new elections given the West's statements about elections being a fraud? A fraud is a fraud no matter who benefits from it. The West has completely lost its orientation in...this Balkan circus; if the opposition happens to win, this will be a real victory achieved without Milosevic's 'allies' in Brussels, London, or New York."

"Dictators Do Not Lose Elections"

Left-of-center independent Vecer commented (9/26): "There are several indications that Milosevic's era is not over yet.... The opposition wind is stronger this time...however the conflict with Milosevic does not end with elections. He has demonstrated several times that he is capable of the worst mischief in order to keep power. With political tricks, the military, and the police, he can once again prevent the opposition from taking over the leadership. This could lead to encounters resulting in suppression of the opposition by Milosevic, or Milosevic's end similar to that of Ceaucescu.... Irrespective of the election results, the fight for power will be difficult. The situation is dangerous. New tasks are facing the opposition if they win the election. Is the opposition clever enough after a decade of dictatorship? How can the international community help? Bombing is most probably not an option?!"

TURKEY: "Yugoslavia Elections"

Turgut Tarhanli wrote in intellectual Radikal (9/26): "There were a lot of political games played before and during the Yugoslavia elections. The Milosevic administration imposed some rules and regulations on media and tried to present an image of 'fair play.'... Everything is over now and it remains to be seen how close the law professor Vojislav Kostunica came to the presidency. Yet there is something clear: People in Yugoslavia are unable to determine freely their own future and administration; therefore the partition trend is getting even stronger."

EAST ASIA

CHINA: "Who Will Become The New Yugoslav President?"

Guan Jian wrote in official Chinese Youth Party China Youth Daily (Zhongguo Qingnianbao, 9/26): "It seems that America's intimidation and inducement did not work with Yugoslavia=s electorate.... Analysts pointed out that despite the claim of the opposition party, there is a slim possibility that public opinion may force Milosevic to step down. However, Milosevic is expected to face many difficulties if he succeeds in the elections. It is certain that Western countries will not acknowledge such a result and, of course, will never lift the sanctions on Yugoslavia.... On the other hand, agitated by the Western countries, Montenegro's inclination towards independence will be intensified. Therefore, how to maintain an intact Yugoslav Federation will be an imminent question for Milosevic."

WESTERN HEMISPHERE

ARGENTINA: "Milosevic Weaker Than Ever"

Julio Algañaraz wrote in leading Clarin (9/26): "Power is escaping from president Milosevic. He is weaker than even and he is likely to realize that it is the beginning of the end.... The United States and the European governments' harsh reaction has proved again that no one wants to negotiate with Milosevic and his regime.... (Milosevic) cannot count on Russia either, since it desperately needs the help from the rich capitalist West.... Milosevic must feel on the verge of the abyss and that's why he will attempt to reorganize his power in the two remaining weeks until the runoff takes place on October 8, which he may not lose and which he will not lose.... In the runoff, Kostunica will surely have the votes of all the other candidates, which guarantees his victory. Milosevic will have to resort to fraud if he wants to reverse this prospect. The question is whether the regime will resist this tension without falling into pieces."

CANADA: "Test For Yugoslavia"

Montreal's English-language Gazette editorialized (9/22): "One safe prediction about Sunday's presidential elections in Yugoslavia is that they will be neither free nor fair.... Few doubt that President Slobodan Milosevic will do whatever is required to stay in power.... At this point, stealing votes may be the only way Mr. Milosevic can win.... Diplomats and military analysts believe that worst-case scenarios after Sunday's vote could include a civil war, a military crackdown on the Yugoslav republic of Montenegro or even renewed violence in Kosovo. So far, the United States and the European Union have taken an intelligent approach by pledging to lift sanctions if Mr. Kostunica wins and forms a democratic government. This gives voters a real incentive to oust Mr. Milosevic. The more likely scenario is that the Yugoslav president will hold on to power. In that case, the choices for Western powers will be far more difficult."

MEXICO: "Milosevic And The Impotence Of The West"

Mireya Olivas asserted in nationalist Milenio (9/25): "During the 90's Milosevic was considered by the U.S. and by Western European nations as a pillar for stability in the Balkans.... However, Western tolerance for Milosevic ended in the Kosovo crisis when he became the source of all evils in the Balkans.... This is why the United States and the European Union have spent millions of dollars in support of the Yugoslav opposition.... While the United States and the EU are saying that yesterday's elections in Yugoslavia were not good because of the number of irregularities, but in fact they are keeping their fingers crossed so that their investment yields the results they expected.... Nevertheless, it seems that Milosevic used all kinds of tricks to steal the elections, but the anticipated protests by the opposition are unlikely to change the outcome. There is only one thing for the West to do--the same thing it has done in the face of the Yugoslav drama in the 90's--to play the role of a distant observer, and to participate afterwards in cleaning up the mess."

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