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USIS Washington File

29 June 2000

Transcript: Pickering's June 9 VOA Interview on Afghanistan

(Terrorism, narcotics and treatment of women discussed) (3520)
Under Secretary of State Thomas R. Pickering said that his recent trip
to the subcontinent to hold high-level discussions with leaders in
India and Pakistan on a variety of issues, including Afghanistan, was
"very successful." On June 9, he gave a telephone interview on
Afghanistan to the Voice of America
While in Pakistan, Pickering said "we talked about the extensive and
very difficult subject of a peace settlement in Afghanistan." He said
the talks focused on efforts of the Organization of the Islamic
Conference and the United Nations Six-Plus-Two plan. Pickering also
said there was interest in discussing the status of the former king of
Afghanistan in any settlement.
Regarding any kind of approach to the issue of an overall peace
settlement for Afghanistan, Pickering said, "with Pakistan, certainly
I think we have broad agreement on many of the questions of major
objectives including the need for a peace settlement that's broadly
representative and which includes all parts of Afghan society. We
reached agreement that that should be done through a negotiating
process."
Terrorism training camps and Osama bin Laden were also discussed while
in Pakistan, said the Under Secretary.
Following is the transcript Amb. Thomas R. Pickering's VOA interview:
(begin transcript)
VOICE OF AMERICA TELEPHONE INTERVIEW WITH
THOMAS R. PICKERING, UNDER SECRETARY FOR POLITICAL AFFAIRS
U.S. DEPARTMENT OF STATE
JUNE 9, 2000
VOA: Mr. Secretary, you had a very successful trip to the region,
recently, where you talked with the Indian as well as Pakistani
officials on a variety of subjects. And we are actually interested in
the Afghanistan part of it.
I understand that you did discuss the Afghan situation with both the
Indians and the Pakistanis. Can you tell us something as to what was
discussed?
PICKERING: Sure.
I had a very valuable and useful trip. We'll let the question of
success be judged by history. But since I went to both educate myself
and talk to foreign governments about what was on our mind that, in my
view, made it a useful trip and a valuable trip.
In India, we discussed Afghanistan, although in both the minds of
Indians and in the minds of Americans, India is somewhat more remote
from Afghanistan. We had a good opportunity to review views from India
on the region where they continue to express hope for a peace
settlement and obviously, expressed concern from their particular
point of view about the Taliban.
I had much more extensive discussions in Pakistan because of the
closeness of Pakistan to Afghanistan, and in particular the
long-standing interest the Pakistanis have in Afghanistan. The agenda
of issues which we discussed included the question of the fact that
Osama bin Laden has refuge now in one of the Taliban-dominated parts
of Afghanistan; the question of terrorist training and terrorist
training camps, which is a great preoccupation of the United States,
and very much on our minds; and the development of terrorists'
networks throughout the region.
We talked about the extensive and very difficult subject of a peace
settlement in Afghanistan and what, if anything, could be done with
the various processes that are being engaged; that of the Organization
of the Islamic Conference, that of the UN Six-Plus-Two. There was
interest, as well, in discussing the question of the former king and
the process in Rome, of hoping to find a way to lead to a loya jirga
in Afghanistan.
We discussed questions of the human rights treatment of Afghans and
particularly concerns about the treatment of women and girls. We
expressed, on our side, great hope that that could be improved
rapidly.
There was a discussion, particularly in Pakistan, which has done a
very strong job on its own in dealing with the cultivation and
transportation of narcotics from Pakistan, about our deep
preoccupations and concerns about what was happening, again in the
mainly Taliban-controlled areas of Afghanistan with respect to drug
production and trafficking.
While I was in Pakistan, I had an opportunity to meet with some of the
leaders of the Taliban, one who had come from Kandahar for
consultations in Pakistan. We discussed all of these issues as well
with the Taliban.
VOA: And did you reach any agreement with any of the two sides, the
latter one especially, about any of the subjects that you discussed
that you mentioned here?
PICKERING: With Pakistan, certainly I think we have broad agreement on
many of the questions of major objectives including the need for a
peace settlement that's broadly representative and which includes all
parts of Afghan society. We reached agreement that that should be done
through a negotiating process. The question of making it happen is
obviously still a major stumbling block, and we urged Pakistan to use
its influence with the Taliban to make that process more likely.
Similarly, we reached firm agreement on the need to deal with
narcotics, and on the question, obviously, of the treatment of women
as well as of minorities in Afghanistan from the human rights
perspective. We, I believe, reached a strong agreement that we had a
common struggle against terrorism. And clearly, Pakistan has said they
would do what they could to help, but they claim they do not have
absolute control inside Afghanistan on these kinds of issues. We
expressed deep concern on our side that any Pakistani help or
assistance to the Taliban would result in helping and assisting the
people who were sheltering someone who was clearly an avowed enemy of
the United States, and that we had to find more ways to work more
closely together to deal with this issue.
We had the same discussion with the Taliban. They suggested some ways
that they thought could be helpful in dealing with Osama bin Laden. We
said that they should test all of them against the United Nations
resolution, which requires that he be taken to a country where he can
be brought to justice. And since none of the suggestions that we heard
from the Taliban came anywhere near meeting that United Nations
standard, their proposals were unlikely to be helpful. We told them
that we and other members of the United Nations would be urgently
examining more sanctions on the Taliban if forward progress could not
be made.
They expressed concern about narcotics; said that they had made some
progress. But we said it didn't seem to us that they were doing
everything they could in that regard. They said they hoped to make
progress as well in dealing with women and minorities.
They didn't respond very much on the question of the peace
arrangements. They complained that the other side -- the Northern
Alliance -- was planning to attack them, and so on.
It was a useful discussion, but I'm afraid I can't say we registered a
wide degree of common agreement.
VOA: There's one concern, Mr. Secretary, that the U.S. has generally
given Pakistan the green light to go ahead and deal with Afghanistan
as its, so-to-speak, backyard. Is that really the case? Because, in
the past, Pakistan was blamed for not doing enough in the case of
Afghanistan.
PICKERING: I think that, first and foremost, the United States has its
own policy with respect to Afghanistan, and I've already given you our
views on where that might broadly differ from Pakistan policy.
Secondly, we have not asked Pakistan to become an instrument of, or
surrogate for, or agent of the United States. We have, however, urged
Pakistan, in areas where we have difference of great importance to the
United States, including Osama bin Laden and terrorism, to take firmer
and stronger action to meet our common objectives in that area.
The feeling that we have at the moment is that there needs to be more
attention focused on Afghanistan and the problems of Afghanistan,
rather than less. While I was in the region, there was this Russian
threat to use military force against Afghanistan in connection with
the report that Afghanistan was training Chechens to fight in Russia,
and we expressed our concern about that, but also our sense of deep
concern about the continuation of terrorists and terrorist training in
Afghanistan.
So, the United States has not designated any country, including
Pakistan, to be its agent of foreign policy. Pakistan has its own
foreign policy. It is proud of it and it would not wish to be seen, I
believe, or considered as an agent of America.
I think the question of Pakistan's special interest in Afghanistan,
whether it is its strategic depth, is the subject of debate. Among
Pakistanis that I spoke with -- and certainly, not all Pakistanis, and
certainly not all official Pakistanis agreed necessarily with that
conclusion when we spoke to them about it -- there was a difference of
view. Some thought Afghanistan -- probably a minority of people
thought Afghanistan -- was a heavy weight around the neck of Pakistan,
maybe not worth being carried. Others felt that it had to be carried
-- that weight, and that it had to be dealt with because inevitably
and inextricably Pakistan and Afghanistan were close together as
neighbors and close together as societies.
VOA: Recently, the foreign secretary, the foreign ministry in the
United Kingdom, which is the closest, probably, ally of the United
States, mentioned that Pakistan should be placed on the list of
countries that sponsor terrorism. Do you at all share this sentiment?
PICKERING: Well, I don't believe that, in fact, it was an official
announcement of a friendly foreign ministry. We, of course, continue
to look at that because the United States law requires that we do.
There are certain requirements that have to be met before countries
can be placed on that list, and we examine those very, very carefully,
as we do in the case of Pakistan or indeed all others who are on the
list. And at the moment, as you well know, we have not made a decision
to put Pakistan on the list, and we, of course, continue to examine
it. Others may suggest things, but it is an objective review by the
United States of the situation that would obviously make that
determination. And while that's done every year on a regular basis, I
see no basis for changing the present American policy in those
regards. If such a basis does emerge, we will have to take it into
account.
VOA: Mr. Pickering, I have three questions. One is regarding your
talks with the Taliban, the second one is on sanctions, and the third
one is about your meeting with the delegation of the former king of
Afghanistan and the prospects of a solution through a loya jirga.
First, about your meeting with the Taliban, I know you mentioned that
you spoke about all those other topics, but the main focus was the
issue of Osama bin Laden, if I understand correctly.
PICKERING: Yes, that's correct, and that's what we spent the most time
on, and that has been perhaps the most vexatious issue in our
discussions with the Taliban over a period of time, as I believe you
well know.
VOA: Yes. And in that regard, the Taliban -- we interviewed them after
you met with them. They are saying that they are willing to find a
solution for this issue. And what they are saying -- and this is a
direct quotation -- "that America wants us to put chains on his hands
and feet and turn him over to America. They don't want any kind of
solution to the bigger problem of terrorism, or putting a cover, or a
hold, or something on his activities." Is that true? Is that what we
want, or is it that we want the solution for this problem?
PICKERING: Well, their precise formulation, I think, is filled with
some errors and maybe misunderstandings, and that's too bad because we
had plenty of opportunity to discuss this very clearly and very
directly.
First and foremost, our policy with respect to Osama bin Laden has now
been defined very clearly in a very straightforward United Nations
resolution, and it's essentially, as I said, in response to an earlier
question, that he be brought to a place where he could be brought to
justice. And that isn't necessarily America; it can be other places
that have reason and right to try him for the crimes that he has
committed and where they have the evidence. We presented again to the
Taliban the evidence [against bin Laden] and we had an opportunity,
obviously, to have further discussion with these Pakistani friends who
had examined the evidence, too, and they presented their views of the
situation to the Taliban.
So I think that part is very clear and very straightforward. I think
that that represents a clear statement of U.S. policy on this issue.
We are deeply concerned by terrorism in all its aspects and everywhere
it occurs. As I said to Mullah Jaleel, who came to that meeting, we're
deeply concerned by the terrorist training camps and their
continuation and their relationship to Osama bin Laden and others, and
we believe that a stop should be put to them. And they said, yes, they
do, but they're not engaged in such efforts, or maybe they have shut
one or two that were as engaged.
So, it is a kind of answer which basically doesn't really address the
significant question, the one that you raised and the one that we
raised that there are these aspects of terrorism, as well, about which
we're deeply concerned that apparently take place or originate in the
areas which the Taliban controls, and which we believe they have
strengthened the power to deal with, and should deal with.
VOA: And the coming back, it's, I think, related to the same issue, on
the issue of sanctions. The Taliban are saying, on bin Laden, that
they would try or they have tried to not allow him to be active, and,
of course, they deny the existence of all those terrorist camps and
all those training facilities. And they say due to cultural issues,
he's a guest and he had fought during the invasion of the Soviet
forces and they can't give him up. And they say that they expect the
U.S. to understand.
Having said that, we will come to the issue of sanctions. Don't you
think, under current circumstances, especially when this major drought
is in the country, sanctions will have a negative impact on --
although they are not intended for the people of Afghanistan -- will
hurt the people even more?
PICKERING: Well, three things or four things are important. One is
that they claim they have stopped [bin Laden] from carrying out
actions, but as you know, people were arrested in Jordan and the
United States at the turn of the year, closely related to Osama bin
Laden, who clearly were planning to carry out terrorist acts. So they
are ineffective if they have really done that, and that's another
reason why that doesn't seem to be a satisfactory answer in meeting
the terms of the UN resolution.
I think that the notion that pushtunwali -- that traditional
hospitality obliges them to take care of a guest even when that guest
has committed massive crimes -- not just against Americans, but
against Muslims, in which hundreds of people were killed, the majority
of whom were Muslims, doesn't, in our view, strike us as reasonable.
There is an abuse of the privilege of hospitality that has long been
past. Whatever obligation may have been incurred through hospitality
and past history seems to me to be totally wiped out by the fact that
they now harbor in their midst someone who wishes to pick their
enemies and turn their enemies against them. Because that's precisely
what is happening.
Now finally, with respect to sanctions, it does seem to me that people
should listen to what we have been saying: we have no interest in and
will be very careful about any sanctions that would harm or go against
the people of Afghanistan, with whom we have great sympathy and with
whom we've had a long and very traditional friendship, one that we
regret has come under pressure from the current [Taliban] leadership
with the steps that they have taken.
Sanctions can be smart and carefully calibrated and carefully
targeted, and sanctions can therefore be effective without damaging
the people of Afghanistan. This is the question we are now thinking
through, just as we did originally when the last sanctions were
instituted. We believe these sanctions have not affected the vast
majority of the people of Afghanistan in a negative way. We believe in
affecting the leadership who is responsible for these policies.
VOA: Mr. Pickering, you met with the delegation from the former king
of Afghanistan and promised support -- or expressed support - of the
U.S. government for the loya jirga process. Do you think that that
process will bring effective leadership to Afghanistan, and will that
solve all these problems of terrorism, and narcotics, and human
rights, or whatever else might or might not be existing or going on in
that country?
PICKERING: I would like to say this, which we expressed extremely
important interest in the ideas they advanced. Particularly, as you
said, the creation of the loya jirgah in Afghanistan. We believe a
process that would lead to the creation of such a body, such a
conference, such a meeting, which then could address the problems of
Afghanistan, would be a process that we could support.
It doesn't mean we are providing exclusive support to that process,
because we are also deeply engaged in providing support for
negotiating processes wherever they appear to have promise. And we
will continue to do so. The aim of the United States is to have a
government in Afghanistan which is broadly representative of all of
the groups in the country and which can command the respect and the
adherence of Afghans. These sorts of ideas would be, in our view, the
primary basis for our process.
But we found the ideas interesting. We listened with a great deal of
interest. We encouraged adherence to these ideas to see what they
could do to spread them more broadly. We wish them good luck. We hope
that they would be able to find others who would work with them in
that objective, and we said we would follow their progress closely.
VOA: So, the U.S. will not provide the financial or, as the rumor has
it in the region, military support for...
PICKERING: They didn't ask for that. That was not the idea. The
pursuit of an effort to have a loya jirga, in our view, isn't achieved
by force of arms; it's achieved by force and strength of ideas. And so
that was not an issue. And they didn't ask for funding. We said we
would be glad to provide continued support, and if some funding were
needed to further popularize this idea, if they could come forward
with good proposals, we would certainly consider it.
VOA: Mr. Pickering, given the volatility and the importance of the
situation, both in India, Pakistan as well as Sri Lanka, you know, Sri
Lanka with the Tamils, India with Kashmir and Afghanistan as well,
would there be any follow-up on this trip from your side or Assistant
Secretary Inderfurth in the near future to measure the progress?
PICKERING: Sure. This is all part of ongoing American diplomacy, the
highlight of which -- and the keynote of which was President Clinton's
important visit to the region. We intend to take a greater and
stronger interest in the activities of the region. My colleague,
Deputy Secretary Talbott, of course, has led an important dialogue
with Minister of External Affairs Jaswant Singh in India, and is
deeply involved in discussions at very high levels with Pakistan. And
there will be new opportunities for Secretary Albright to meet her
fellow ministers from the region.
The role that I have played is one that I would like to continue to
play. And we expect to have further meetings. So, there is intent to
continue American diplomacy reflecting interest in the region,
particularly coming out of the president's trip. We would expect to
continue to develop our interest in the region and our support for
solutions to the problems, our support for the work that is going on
to deal with nonproliferation and other issues.
VOA: Thank you very much. It was a pleasure talking to you, and we
appreciate the time that you gave us.
PICKERING: Thank you.
(end transcript)
(Distributed by the Office of International Information Programs, U.S.
Department of State. Web site: http://usinfo.state.gov)



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