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1.1.Aslan Maskhadov's Two Years as President

In January 1999, Aslan Maskhadov marked two years of his presidency of the Chechen Republic. Many observers believe that Chechnya had achieved no positive political, social or economic changes for that time.

Prof. Jabrail Gakayev who heads the Chechen Culture Centre in Moscow said in an interview with the Pravda Rossii newspaper (March 31, 1999) that the Chechen Republic had walked into a blind alley. Chechnya has exhausted all political potential of the armed separatism. The confronting parties - President Maskhadov and the armed military opposition - have failed to resolve the systemic crisis that affected their republic.

According to Prof. Gakayev, the greatest mistake of the Russian leaders was to recognise the authority of the armed minority in the Chechen Republic hoping that Maskhadov would normalise the Russian-Chechen relations. However, Maskhadov continued to play a radical nationalist instead. Federal attempts to tame the Chechen regime by making continual political and economic concessions or financial injections have in actual fact amounted to little but support to separatists.

At the end of the day, Maskhadov had just one common standpoint with his opponents. He insisted that Moscow recognise Chechnya's independence. This demand was made on behalf of all Chechen people, although many residents of Chechnya had already left it for Russia. The prevalent opinion among these migrants is basically unknown.

Prof. Gakayev noted in the same interview that Maskhadov had failed to consolidate the Chechen nation, overcome the social rift, become the leader of all Chechens, create an effective system of power, curtail crime or ensure fundamental rights and freedoms of individuals. Chechnya has become a safe haven for criminals from all over the CIS and a base for international terrorists, where civilians are terrorised by armed bandits. The Maskhadov regime itself has become a victim of his own creation. Armed separatists who constitute ten percent of Chechnya's population terrorise and enervate the entire nation.

Political bands are engaged in a never-ending skirmish for power and property. Analysing the situation that took shape in Chechnya by the early 1999, Prof. Gakayev noted that the captains of the Dudayev and Maskhadov army now led the opposition to Maskhadov. These included Shamil Basayev, Salman Raduyev, Arbi Barayev, Hunkar Israpilov, and the masterminds of separatism Zelimkhan Yandarbiyev and Movladi Udugov. They keep blaming Maskhadov for his contacts with Moscow, suspecting their president of betrayal.

Any attempts of Maskhadov to curb crime cause violent opposition from the field commanders, since their authority thrives only on armed violence. Maskhadov could achieve a crackdown on crime only by pooling his efforts with Moscow. However, a proponent of Chechnya's independence, Maskhadov was not ready for such an alliance. Deliberately or not, he always joined radical nationalists in the long last, and became their hostage.

In the summer of 1998, Prof. Gakayev published an article titled "Russia - Chechnya: Any Solution? Ichkeria Must Be Recognised Member of the Russian Federation" in Nezavisimaya gazeta (08.07.1998).

In the article, he asserted that a joint programme for crime control must be adopted as the first priority in the framework of the existing and new accords achieved by the Russian federal authorities and Chechnya. Strong reprisals must be exerted against those forces in Chechnya that openly stand against the peace process and that made terror and violence a weapon in their political struggle. The major objective would be to stop the smuggling of refined oil, weapons, drugs and ammunition, eliminate subversive groups and agent networks deployed by foreign secret services. Chechnya must be freed of foreign mercenaries infringing on the national customs and traditions.

In this context, Gakayev maintains, the Chechen national elite should, above all, prevent a split of the nation. Chechens should learn to sacrifice their bitter feelings, personal interests and those of their families, neighbourhood and clans for the sake of a common cause. This is the only way to achieve a national identity.

The Chechen intellectual elite is to perceive the essence and meaning of the national idea for the Chechen people in the new historical environment. Prof. Gakayev believes that this idea has always been self-preservation, growth and development of the Chechens, or ethnic Vainakhs. Everything that is instrumental to this goal is part of the national idea. Prof. Gakayev recaps that the Sheikh Kunta-Khaji of Kishin formulated the idea during the Caucasian war. The Sheikh believed that it was fatal for Chechens to wage war against Russia. The Sheikh called on Chechens to stop the war and save themselves. "Brothers, stop the war. They are provoking us to destroy us.... If they make you go to a church, go there. It is nothing but walls. Your souls should remain Muslim. I shall never believe that some Turks will ever help us.... So learn how to live with Russians, but if you are forced to forget your [native] language and your customs, rise and die all as one man".

Remarkably, Gakayev writes, that Kunta-Khaji saw the greater peril for his people in the potential loss of the language and Vainakh culture, not a ban on religion. For the Sheikh, the preservation of an ethnic community was more important than confessional considerations. Unlike the modern Wahhabi leaders who would continue the fight till the last Chechen, Kunta-Khaji did not want to sacrifice the Chechen nation for the sake of formal creed.

In the contemporary environment, maintains Gakayev, the national elite must see that the Chechen nation evolves consistently. This will help break the vicious circle of ignorance and switch from emotional to rational conscience, from fiction to fact. A breakthrough to the community of civilised nations will help do away with the economic and cultural backwardness and complete the process of social modernisation on the basis of modern technology and traditional culture. According to Gakayev, it is essential to ensure a high quality of living for the people and preserve the Vainakh system of spiritual development encapsulated in one very meaningful concept - Nohchol.

For the sake of this goal, the Chechen society must get consolidated and put an end to the bloodbath where prospects of its revival are perishing. This current problem cannot be resolved without a strong system of power that would respond to the interests of most Chechen citizens.

People who are guided by morals, honour, duty and justice can hardly survive in today's Chechnya. Gakayev notes that a marginal surrogate of the traditional Vainakh culture dominates the Chechen society. The official propaganda keeps ranting about the revival of the national identity, traditional culture and language, which sounds like a blasphemy with rampant violence, militant ignorance, purposeful destruction of the economy and education. Those who seek to legitimise their iniquitous riches exploit the national idea by pursuing policies, which have nothing in common with national revival or sovereignty. Pseudo-nationalists in ascendancy have already destroyed the little that was done by several generations in the multiethnic Chechnya to build a nation-state.

Back in the summer of 1998, Prof. Gakayev claimed that president Maskhadov still had chances of taking the situation under his control, provided that he came up with the idea of national and civic accord and sought support with his people. According to Gakayev, establishing friendly relations with the neighbouring nations, first of all with Russia, was paramount for the successful implementation of the Chechen national idea. Despite the dire consequences of the Chechen war, Chechen-Russian relations have a better potential for normalisation than ever. Prof. Gakayev maintains that this process may result in Chechnya becoming an associated member of the Russian Federation. Considering the high degree of economic, cultural and social integration of Chechnya and Russia, this appears to be the best option for the Chechen people, he concludes.