
04 November 1999
Text: Sestanovich Statement on Chechnya to Senate Committee Nov. 4
(Albright advisor criticizes Russia on force, refugees, human rights) (1,680) While recognizing Russia's "obligation to protect itself and its citizens from terrorist and other attacks," U.S. Ambassador-at-Large Stephen Sestanovich told the Senate Foreign Relations Committee November 4 that "this obligation does not and cannot justify indiscriminate attacks on civilians, the blocking of borders to prevent civilians from fleeing, or other violations of human rights." "How Russia resolves these issues," Sestanovich continued in his prepared statement, "how it counters this insurgency and how it treats its own people -- will determine what kind of country it will become and what kind of relationship we have with it. That will be Russia's challenge and ours." Sestanovich, who is special advisor to the Secretary of State for the New Independent States, characterized Russia's response to terrorism in Chechnya as "deeply troubling" because of the "indiscriminate use of force," the growing humanitarian crisis, and the human rights violations committed against certain ethnic groups. In addition, he said, the United States is concerned that the violence in Chechnya could "spread beyond Russia's borders and pose threats to the independence and security of Azerbaijan, Georgia and Armenia." Sestanovich also expressed concern that the adapted Conventional Forces in Europe (CFE) Treaty that was to have been signed at the summit of the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) in Istanbul November 18-19 may be in jeopardy because Russian deployments in the North Caucasus exceed those allowed under the document. However, he termed "a step in the right direction" the news that Russian Foreign Minister Igor Ivanov has invited an OSCE mission to visit the North Caucasus. The United States has said repeatedly "that there cannot be a purely military solution to the conflict in Chechnya," Sestanovich told the committee. "A durable settlement requires dialogue and the participation of regional leaders. Unfortunately, neither the Russian government nor Chechen leaders have shown much interest in such a dialogue, and the military escalation that is underway obviously makes it very difficult to open talks." Following is the text of his prepared statement: (begin text) "THE CONFLICT IN CHECHNYA AND ITS IMPLICATIONS FOR U.S. RELATIONS WITH RUSSIA" U.S. Ambassador-at-Large Stephen Sestanovich Special Advisor to the Secretary of State for the New Independent States Senate Foreign Relations Committee Washington, D.C. November 4, 1999 Thank you, Mr. Chairman, for the chance to discuss the conflict in Chechnya and our response to the humanitarian tragedy that is unfolding there. This is a complex topic with a long history and important implications for Russian domestic politics, for the stability of the region, and for Russia's standing in the world, including its relations with the United States. Since my remarks involve strong criticism of Russian policy, I want to emphasize at the outset that we recognize Russia's territorial integrity and its right to respond to threats to its security. The Russian government has a responsibility, indeed an obligation, to protect its citizens. But it also has a responsibility to avoid using indiscriminate force against them -- and to take steps aimed at a peaceful settlement. Mr. Chairman, I hope it is clear that in speaking of threats to Russian security, I am not referring to abstract or hypothetical threats. There are real terrorists and violent insurgent groups in the North Caucasus. Chechen insurgents are receiving help from radical groups in other countries, including Usama Bin Laden's network and others who have attacked or threatened Americans and American interests. The Chechen warlord Shamil Basayev led a raid on neighboring Dagestan last August that aimed to set up an Islamic state there. That attack and a series of apartment bombings that killed nearly 300 innocent people spurred the Russian Government to step up its fight against terrorism and to launch the present military campaign. President Clinton and Secretary Albright condemned the apartment bombings as acts of terrorism. The President offered the Russians technical assistance with their investigation, and the FBI will send a team to Moscow shortly to follow up. But while we share Russia's outrage over terrorism and respect its right to defend itself, the manner of the Russian government's response is deeply troubling. Let me note three problems in particular: First, the indiscriminate use of force. The Russian military offensive in Chechnya that was launched on October 1 has steadily escalated. A relentless bombing and artillery campaign has been carried out in nearly all parts of the republic. This use of indiscriminate force against innocent civilians is indefensible, and we condemn it. We have publicly and privately urged Russia to exercise restraint and to open Chechnya's borders to allow civilians to escape the fighting. The 1994-96 war in Chechnya left 80,000 dead, the overwhelming majority of them civilians. That tragedy must not be repeated. Like other countries, Russia has assumed obligations under the Geneva Conventions and commitments under the OSCE Code of Conduct on Politico-Military Aspects of Security. Common Article 3 of the Geneva Conventions states that "in armed conflicts not of an international character, persons taking no part in the hostilities ... shall be treated humanely." Article 36 of the OSCE Code of Conduct states that "if recourse to force cannot be avoided in performing internal security missions, each participating State will ensure that its use must be commensurate with the needs for enforcement. The armed forces will take due care to avoid injury to civilians or their property." Russia's current campaign does not match these commitments. Second, refugees. The conflict in Chechnya has created a growing humanitarian crisis that requires immediate attention. Neighboring Ingushetiya lacks the resources to care for nearly 200,000 displaced Chechens, and Russia's efforts have also been inadequate. Americans do not stand idly by in such cases, and, through the International Committee of the Red Cross and the UN High Commissioner for Refugees, we are providing emergency aid. We recently provided $4.5 million to help support UNHCR and Red Cross programs in the region, and the Administration will quickly answer the Red Cross's specific appeal for funds to help civilians displaced by the conflict in Chechnya. In the past week, three air shipments of U.S. humanitarian supplies arrived in the North Caucasus to support these Red Cross efforts. As winter approaches, the international community will almost certainly have to do more, and I hope that we can count on your support for the resources to do the job. Russia, too, must devote significantly more resources to addressing this humanitarian crisis, which it created. We have made that point repeatedly to Russian officials. Third, human rights. In the wake of apartment bombings in Moscow and other cities, the Russian Interior Ministry launched Operation Whirlwind to root out terrorists nationwide. Police have detained over 2,000 individuals in Moscow and deported many of them -- evidently because the color of their skin suggests they might have Chechen or other Caucasus origins. Ethnic-based roundups of "the usual suspects" are wrong and have no place in a country that aims to provide equal treatment to all its citizens, as the Russian government has said it wishes to do. The Russian Government is obliged to do so as a signatory to the International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination. We have said repeatedly that there cannot be a purely military solution to the conflict in Chechnya. A durable settlement requires dialogue and the participation of regional leaders. Unfortunately, neither the Russian government nor Chechen leaders have shown much interest in such a dialogue, and the military escalation that is underway obviously makes it very difficult to open talks. In these circumstances, we believe the OSCE may be able to help. During the first war in Chechnya, after all, the OSCE mission to Grozny brokered many rounds of negotiations and monitored cease-fires. On Monday, Russian Foreign Minister Ivanov invited an OSCE mission to visit the North Caucasus. This is a step in the right direction. Mr. Chairman, we are particularly concerned that the violence in Chechnya could spread beyond Russia's borders and pose threats to the independence and security of Azerbaijan, Georgia and Armenia. Deputy Secretary Talbott and I visited the South Caucasus last week, and we made clear at every stop that the U.S. supports these three countries during this time of turmoil in the region. Azerbaijan and Armenia have made progress in addressing the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict with support from us and the other OSCE Minsk Group countries, including Russia. We need to do more. As for Georgia, the single largest element of our assistance program has been to strengthen the Georgian government's ability to control its borders, including with Chechnya. The international implications of the conflict in Chechnya extend beyond the Caucasus region. To conduct their operations in Chechnya, Russian armed forces have deployed more weapons and military equipment in the North Caucasus region than they would be allowed under an adapted CFE Treaty. On Monday, Prime Minister Putin pledged that this situation is only temporary, and that all excess weapons and equipment from the so-called CFE "flank" area will be withdrawn as soon as possible, once the situation in Chechnya is under control. This commitment is especially important now, since Russia, the United States and the other CFE Treaty member states hope to sign an adapted CFE Treaty at the OSCE Summit in Istanbul in two weeks. Mr. Chairman, let me repeat that the Russian government has an obligation to protect itself and its citizens from terrorist and other attacks. But this obligation does not and cannot justify indiscriminate attacks on civilians, the blocking of borders to prevent civilians from fleeing or other violations of human rights. How Russia resolves these issues -- how it counters this insurgency and how it treats its own people -- will determine what kind of country it will become and what kind of relationship we have with it. That will be Russia's challenge and ours. (end text) (Distributed by the Office of International Information Programs, U.S. Department of State)
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