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International Herald Tribune
September 13, 1999

By José Ramos-Horta, International Herald Tribune

AUCKLAND - What does one say of those who murder women and children? How does one describe a group that issues death threats against foreign diplomats, journalists and aid workers? ''Terrorists'' is the word I find. And how to classify the actions of an army that sponsors such thugs? ''State terrorism'' would fit.

Libya was quarantined by the United Nations for sponsoring terrorism. Serbia was systematically bombed by NATO for carrying out ethnic cleansing in Kosovo. Saddam Hussein's Iraq has been hit repeatedly for defying the United Nations.

In my small country, East Timor, illegally invaded and annexed by Indonesia in 1975-1976, the recent terrible violence was conceived at the highest levels of the Indonesian army.

More than 200,000 people have been driven from their homes by the military and the so-called militia gangs they sponsor. More than 100,000 East Timorese have been deported to various parts of Indonesia by truck, on foot and by ship to try to reverse the outcome of the self-determination plebiscite organized by the United Nations, in which an overwhelming majority of voters opted for independence.

The large-scale killing, raping, displacement and deportation are a case of ethnic cleansing. The strategy is clear. The Indonesian military is determined to exact a bloody retribution on a people who dared to vote for freedom and defy the army-militia campaign of intimidation and killing that was intended to coerce the population into voting to remain part of Indonesia.

Now the military wants to rid East Timor of its stubborn people and create conditions inside the territory in which tens of thousands of displaced civilians may die unless they receive food and medicine in the next few days. This is genocide by any definition.

The day of the plebiscite, Aug. 30, was the most beautiful day in my life, and in the history of my people. There they were, simple villagers, often poor and illiterate, walking down from the mountains to cast their ballots on the future of their nation. Almost 100 percent of registered voters turned out, and almost 80 percent voted against autonomy and thus for freedom from colonial rule.

What an admirable diplay of courage! But what a terrible price to pay for freedom!

The reason Indonesian President B.J. Habibie made the dramatic turnabout in East Timor policy in January was to rid Indonesia of a wasteful colonial war that had become a major diplomatic embarrassment and economic burden.

But the powerful army does not agree with the president, even though he is commander in chief of the armed forces under the constitution. The military refuses to accept the loss of East Timor and is bent on continuing the madness there.

There is no civil war in East Timor. Most of the militia members are not East Timorese. Well over half have been recruited by military special forces and intelligence agents from West Timor and other areas of Indonesia where unemployment and criminality are high.

For many months, I warned the United Nations and world leaders about this impending tragedy. In letters and opinion articles for the media, I tried to expose the strategy of the Indonesian army. No one really paid much attention. Now people are shocked by the overwhelming nature of the evidence from East Timor and the traumatic television pictures of human suffering and material destruction.

Before arriving in Auckland on Saturday to attend the annual meeting of leaders of the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation forum, President Bill Clinton said in a written statement:

''It is now clear that the Indonesian military is aiding and abetting the militia violence. This is simply unacceptable. The actions of the Indonesian military in East Timor stand in stark contrast to the commitments they have given to the international community. The Indonesian government and military must reverse this course, do everything possible to stop the violence and allow an international force to make possible the restoration of security.''

Mr. Clinton has agreed to meet me in Auckland this Monday to discuss the Timor crisis. What can the world do to stop this genocide?

An armed intervention, with or without Jakarta's agreement, is the only answer, preceded by immediate emergency airdrops of food, medicine and other humanitarian supplies to refugees most at risk. This operation should be mounted from Darwin using Australian and U.S. transport aircraft, if necessary with protection from jet fighters.

At the same time, a total arms embargo against Indonesia must be applied. Britain, as the largest supplier of weapons to Indonesia, bears an enormous responsibility now to join such an embargo, which the United States is leading.

But this is not enough. All bilateral and multilateral loans and economic assistance to Indonesia must be frozen, including those from the IMF, the World Bank and commercial banks. The only exception should be humanitarian and development aid channeled directly to the people of Indonesia through nongovernmental organizations.

I urge the citizens of the world to act on their consciences in the face of this crime against humanity and the people of East Timor. I appeal to all to boycott tourism in Indonesia. After all, army generals and the military itself have controlling interests in most of the hotel chains in Bali, the country's most popular international tourist destination.

And Indonesian-made goods should be boycotted.

A war crimes tribunal for East Timor must be set up immediately to prosecute those responsible for the carnage, including military commanders, special forces officers, senior police and militia leaders. There will be no shortage of credible witnesses among the hundreds of UN staff, international observers, journalists and East Timorese who have recently escaped from the territory. We will not be able to bring back the dead, but at least we owe them justice.

Under the long authoritarian rule of former President Suharto, Indonesia was a solid economic and political bastion, seemingly immune to international influence and domestic challenge. Its patrons in the West did their best to outdo each other to court favors from the cunning dictator of a resource-rich country with a rapidly growing economy. Meanwhile, the East Timorese were diplomatically isolated and their struggle for freedom w was largely overlooked.

Despite the much greater size and power of President Suharto's Indonesia, the East Timorese continued their independence struggle with extraordinary resilience and bravery. The international community has been slow to recognize the legitimacy of that struggle. It must not fail East Timor now.

Will Indonesia accept the overwhelming international demand for a UN peacekeeping force to enter East Timor to help protect the people there and ensure that their vote for independence is upheld? Despite military pressure, Mr. Habibie's government should take another couragous step and do so. I can only hope that the forces of reason prevail in Jakarta and that the current storm will soon pass. But at what price for my people!

Last month I traveled to Indonesia. With Xanana Gusmão, the recently released leader of East Timor's independence movement, and several other prominent East Timorese, I met Indonesian Foreign Minister Ali Alatas. We were impressed and encouraged by our meeting. Subsequently, both Mr. Alatas and President Habibie declared that they accepted the result of the UN-organized vote in East Timor and called on others to do so.

We also met the Indonesian armed forces commander and defense minister, General Wiranto. If we had any doubts about the army's leading role in instigating the violence in East Timor, that meeting dispelled them. He told us bluntly, almost boasting: ''I can disarm the militias in two days.''

Why hasn't he done so? After all, Indonesia pledged to maintain security and protect all East Timorese under an agreement it signed with the United Nations and Portugal, the former colonial ruler of East Timor, on May 5 in New York.

The Indonesian people, too, have a responsibility to uphold justice for East Timor. If they are really moving toward democracy, they cannot deny the East Timorese their share of peace and freedom. There cannot be the pretense of democracy in Indonesia and genocide in East Timor.

Indonesians cannot go on displaying their parochial nationalism and pretend to be offended by calls from the West and elsewhere for foreign peacekeepers under a UN mandate to enter East Timor, when they do not condemn their army's slaughter of the East Timorese.

They should recognize that the military, which is also killing and abusing civilians in Aceh and Irian Jaya, has severely damaged the country's interests and badly tarnished its international reputation.

The Indonesian army must leave East Timor now. But even after all this senseless violence, it can rest assured that when it does so, East Timorese will be mature and responsible enough to show respect to the departing soldiers.

Even after we part ways, East Timor and Indonesia will always be neighbors. We will need to bury the past and rebuild our lives.

The writer is a 1996 co-recipient of the Nobel Peace Prize and vice president of the National Council of the Timorese Resistance, which represents East Timor's independence movement. He contributed this comment to the International Herald Tribune.