UNITED24 - Make a charitable donation in support of Ukraine!

Military

USIS Washington 
File

26 May 1999

TEXT: STATE'S RICE ON U.S. POLICY OPTIONS IN HORN OF AFRICA WAR

(5/25 testimony to House Africa Subcommittee) (1930)
WASHINGTON -- The United States government "remains actively engaged"
in support of the Organization of African Unity and U.N. efforts to
gain a cease-fire and implement the OAU's Framework Agreement to end
the war between Ethiopia and Eritrea, says Assistant Secretary of
State for African Affairs Susan E. Rice.
Rice made the comment May 25 to the Africa Subcommittee of the House
of Representatives Committee on International Relations, as she
outlined U.S. policy options in the border war, which, she added, now
"threatens a broad swath of Africa as well as United States' interests
in the region as a whole."
"The Ethiopia-Eritrea conflict, which began in May 1998, has
substantially damaged the economic growth and development of Ethiopia
and Eritrea and has led to humanitarian suffering on both sides of the
border," Rice said. "Tens of thousands of lives have been lost and
thousands more have been maimed."
Rice also stressed the need to repair, "over the long term, strained
relations in the Horn. A resolution of the border war may be
attainable. The task of rebuilding both countries and mending ties
between Ethiopia and Eritrea to ensure long-term sustained peace and
mutual security will be especially difficult. It will require due
attention and support from the United States and the international
community."
Following is the text of Rice's remarks as prepared for delivery:
(BEGIN TEXT)
"The Ethiopian-Eritrean War; U.S. Policy Options"
Introduction
Thank you, Mr. Chairman, for inviting me to testify today on the
conflict in the Horn of Africa. Much like the crisis in Sierra Leone,
which I had the opportunity to discuss with your subcommittee members
two months ago, the war in the Horn of Africa threatens a broad swath
of Africa as well as United States' interests in the region as a
whole.
The Ethiopia-Eritrea conflict, which began in May 1998, has
substantially damaged the economic growth and development of Ethiopia
and Eritrea and has led to humanitarian suffering on both sides of the
border. Tens of thousands of lives have been lost and thousands more
have been maimed.
The United States and others in the international community have
consistently called for an immediate cessation of hostilities and
speedy implementation of the Organization of African Unity's Framework
Agreement. We continue to work with the United Nations and the
Organization of African Unity to secure and implement a lasting peace.
Origins of the Conflict/Escalations of Hostilities
The origins of the war are complex. During the 1980s, two liberation
fronts -- the Tigray People's Liberation Front (TPLF) and the Eritrea
People's Liberation Front (EPLF) -- joined forces against Ethiopian
dictator Mengistu Haile Mariam, although differences between the two
led to occasional disputes. Mengistu's brutal Derg regime was toppled
in 1991, and Eritrea gained formal independence in 1993. As a result,
Ethiopia became landlocked, with a common border established almost
100 years ago between the Italian colony of Eritrea and Ethiopia never
fully and precisely delineated or demarcated. It is important to note
that the two new governments enjoyed such strong bilateral relations
that neither they nor the international community considered formal
determination of the border an immediate priority.
In the year leading to the outbreak of fighting, relations between the
two former allies deteriorated, exacerbated by economic tensions. A
border skirmish occurred on May 6, 1998, at Badme. A week later,
Eritrea sent troops and armor into and beyond Badme into territory
administered by Ethiopia. After several weeks of fighting, several
areas previously administered by Ethiopia -- the Badme area and areas
near Zela Ambessa and Bure, south of the port of Assab -- fell under
Eritrean control.
As the ground fighting escalated, in June of 1998, Ethiopia launched
airstrikes against Asmara airport. Eritrea made retaliatory strikes
against the Ethiopian towns of Mekele and Adigrat, south of Zela
Ambessa, hitting a school. Both sides then agreed to a U.S.-brokered
airstrike moratorium, and fighting decreased to occasional exchanges
of artillery and small-arms fire over a nine-month period.
Both Ethiopia and Eritrea used the intervening months to acquire new
military stockpiles, including state-of-the-art fighter aircraft and
artillery, and to recruit, train and deploy tens of thousands of new
soldiers. The United States actively discouraged suppliers to both
parties, and the U.N. Security Council urged governments not to
provide weapons to exacerbate the problem. Publicly, Ethiopia
continued to demand a complete and absolute return to the status quo
ante of May 6, 1998. Eritrea insisted that some of the area it
occupied after May 6, 1998, was Eritrean territory.
Fighting resumed on February 6, 1999, when Ethiopian forces attacked,
eventually displacing Eritrean forces from the disputed area of Badme.
Ethiopia employed fighter-bombers, helicopter gunships, and
reconfigured transport aircraft in tactical support of ground
operations. Ethiopia later launched an unsuccessful counter-offensive
on the Zela Ambessa front in mid-March. Eritrea failed to re-take
Badme in subsequent fighting at the end of March. In April, Ethiopia
struck an Eritrean Military training facility and other targets deep
within Eritrea. A week and a half ago, Ethiopian aircraft bombed sites
at Zela Ambessa, Badme, and the port of Massawa. Although there has
been a lull in the ground fighting over the past few weeks, press
reports from yesterday indicate there were clashes between ground
forces this past weekend at Badme.
United States' Interests
The United States has significant interests in ending the war between
Ethiopia and Eritrea as soon as possible. The current conflict
threatens regional stability and to reverse Ethiopian and Eritrean
progress in economic and political development.
The United States has important national security interests in the
Horn of Africa. Ethiopia's and Eritrea's neighbor, Sudan, has long
supported international terrorism, fostered the spread of Islamic
extremism beyond its borders, actively worked to destabilize
neighboring states, including Ethiopia and Eritrea, and perpetrated
massive human rights violations against its own citizens. Since the
conflict began last year, Sudan has increasingly benefited from the
hostilities between its former adversaries. Eritrea recently signed an
accord with Sudan to normalize relations. Ethiopia has renewed air
service to Khartoum and has made overtures to Sudan for improved
relations as well. Both sides have moved to reduce support to Sudanese
opposition groups.
Eritrea's President Isaias has made several trips to Libya -- Africa's
other state sponsor of terrorism -- for frequent consultations with
Colonel Qadhafi, and has joined Qadhafi's Community of Saharan and
Sahelian States (COMESSA).
We are very concerned by credible reports that Eritrea has delivered
large quantities of weapons and munitions to self-proclaimed Somalia
President Hussein Aideed for the use of a violent faction of the Oromo
Liberation Front. The terrorist organization Al-Ittihad may also be an
indirect recipient of these arms. Ethiopia also is shipping arms to
factions in Somalia. The recent upsurge of violence in Somalia is, in
part, related to these new developments.
Increased activity by a violent faction of the OLF in the south and
the east has led to cross-border raids by Ethiopian security forces
along its frontiers with Kenya and Somalia. These developments clearly
reflect a dangerous trend.
Prior to this conflict, Ethiopia and Eritrea played a constructive
role in the Great Lakes region. Their current dispute with each other
has precluded them from continuing to take such a role in this
volatile area and other areas of the continent where we had foreseen
mutually beneficial cooperation.
The security costs of the conflict are matched, if not exceeded, by
the grave humanitarian consequences of the war between Ethiopia and
Eritrea. Tens of thousands of lives have been lost and hundreds of
thousands displaced. Approximately 300,000 Ethiopian and
100,000-200,000 Eritrean civilians have been forced from their homes
and fields near the border by the conflict. An estimated 60,000
Eritreans and Ethiopians of Eritrean descent have been deported from
Ethiopia to Eritrea, and an estimated 20,000 Ethiopians have left
Eritrea under duress. We have made clear that we consider the practice
of deportation to be a fundamental violation of individual rights. The
nature of these expulsions and the arrangements made for transfer and
holding of property were clearly susceptible to abuse.
United States' Response
Immediately upon the outbreak of hostilities in May 1999, I led two
interagency missions to Ethiopia and Eritrea to facilitate a peaceful
resolution of the dispute. Working with the government of Rwanda, we
proposed a series of steps to end the conflict in accordance with both
sides' shared principles and international law. These recommendations,
endorsed by the OAU and the UNSC, later informed development by the
OAU of its Framework Agreement. These initial missions also resulted
in agreement by the two parties to the airstrike moratorium, which
remained in effect until February 6, 1999.
Beginning in October, President Clinton sent former National Security
Advisor Anthony Lake and an interagency team from the State
Department, the National Security Council, and the Department of
Defense on four missions to Ethiopia and Eritrea, the most recent
occurring in early 1999. We are grateful for Mr. Lake's tireless work
on behalf of the President and the Secretary of State. His intensive
efforts, which still continue, have been aimed at helping both sides
find a mutually agreed basis for resolving the dispute without further
loss of life. Working closely with the OAU and the UNSC, Mr. Lake and
our team put forth numerous proposals to both sides consistent with
the OAU Framework. In December, Ethiopia formally accepted the
Framework Agreement. Eritrea did not, requesting clarification on
numerous specific questions.
Fighting resumed on February 6 while U.N. envoy Ambassador Mohammed
Sahnoun was in the region still seeking a peaceful resolution to the
conflict. Following this first phase of fighting, Eritrean troops were
compelled to withdraw from Badme -- an important element of the draft
OAU Framework Agreement. Subsequent Eritrean acceptance of the
Framework was welcomed by the United States and the UNSC but was
greeted with skepticism by Ethiopia. Ethiopia instead demanded
Eritrea's unconditional, unilateral withdrawal from all contested
areas that Ethiopia had administered prior to last May.
On April 14, Prime Minister Meles of Ethiopia offered a cease-fire in
return for an explicit commitment by Eritrea to remove its forces
unilaterally from contested areas. He later added that Eritrean
withdrawal must occur within an undefined but "short" period.
Eritrea continues to demand a cease-fire prior to committing to
withdraw from disputed territories. Ethiopia insists that a cease-fire
and implementation of the OAU Framework Agreement can only follow an
explicit Eritrean commitment to withdraw from all territories occupied
since the conflict erupted on May 6, 1998.
Conclusion
A Joint Organization of African Unity/United Nations effort to urge
both sides to accept a cease-fire and begin implementing the framework
agreement continues. The United States Government remains actively
engaged, in support of the OAU, with both Eritrea and Ethiopia to
secure a peace settlement.
There is a need, however, to not only end the conflict as quickly as
possible but also ultimately to repair, over the long term, strained
relations in the Horn. A resolution of the border war may be
attainable. The task of rebuilding both countries and mending ties
between Ethiopia and Eritrea to ensure long-term sustained peace and
mutual security will be especially difficult. It will require due
attention and support from the United States and the international
community. Mr. Chairman, I look forward to continuing to work with you
and other members of this Subcommittee as we continue to pursue our
shared interest in forging a peaceful resolution to this tragic
conflict.
(END TEXT)



NEWSLETTER
Join the GlobalSecurity.org mailing list