[Senate Hearing 112-476]
[From the U.S. Government Printing Office]
S. Hrg. 112-476
U.S. POLICY TO COUNTER THE
LORD'S RESISTANCE ARMY
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HEARING
BEFORE THE
SUBCOMMITTEE ON AFRICAN AFFAIRS
OF THE
COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN RELATIONS
UNITED STATES SENATE
ONE HUNDRED TWELFTH CONGRESS
SECOND SESSION
__________
APRIL 24, 2012
__________
Printed for the use of the Committee on Foreign Relations
Available via the World Wide Web: http://www.gpo.gov/fdsys/
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COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN RELATIONS
JOHN F. KERRY, Massachusetts, Chairman
BARBARA BOXER, California RICHARD G. LUGAR, Indiana
ROBERT MENENDEZ, New Jersey BOB CORKER, Tennessee
BENJAMIN L. CARDIN, Maryland JAMES E. RISCH, Idaho
ROBERT P. CASEY, Jr., Pennsylvania MARCO RUBIO, Florida
JIM WEBB, Virginia JAMES M. INHOFE, Oklahoma
JEANNE SHAHEEN, New Hampshire JIM DeMINT, South Carolina
CHRISTOPHER A. COONS, Delaware JOHNNY ISAKSON, Georgia
RICHARD J. DURBIN, Illinois JOHN BARRASSO, Wyoming
TOM UDALL, New Mexico MIKE LEE, Utah
William C. Danvers, Staff Director
Kenneth A. Myers, Jr., Republican Staff Director
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SUBCOMMITTEE ON AFRICAN AFFAIRS
CHRISTOPHER A. COONS, Delaware, Chairman
BENJAMIN L. CARDIN, Maryland JOHNNY ISAKSON, Georgia
JIM WEBB, Virginia JAMES M. INHOFE, Oklahoma
RICHARD J. DURBIN, Illinois MIKE LEE, Utah
TOM UDALL, New Mexico BOB CORKER, Tennessee
(ii)
C O N T E N T S
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Page
Acaye, Jacob, former LRA abductee, Gulu District, Uganda......... 31
Prepared statement........................................... 36
Coons, Hon. Christopher A., U.S. Senator From Delaware........... 1
Dory, Amanda, Deputy Assistant Secretary of Defense, African
Affairs, Department of Defense, Washington, DC................. 13
Prepared statement........................................... 14
Gast, Hon. Earl, Assistant Administrator for Africa, U.S. Agency
for International Development, Washington, DC.................. 9
Prepared statement........................................... 10
Inhofe, Hon. James M., U.S. Senator From Oklahoma................ 4
Isakson, Hon. Johnny, U.S. Senator From Georgia.................. 4
Landrieu, Hon. Mary L., U.S. Senator From Louisiana.............. 25
Okot, Jolly, regional ambassador, Invisible Children, Kampala,
Uganda......................................................... 27
Prepared statement........................................... 29
Yamamoto, Hon. Donald, Principal Deputy Assistant Secretary of
State for African Affairs, U.S. Department of State,
Washington, DC................................................. 5
Prepared statement........................................... 7
Additional Material Submitted for the Record
Responses of Deputy Assistant Secretary of State Donald Yamamoto
and USAID Assistant Administrator Earl Gast to Questions
Submitted by Senator Richard G. Lugar.......................... 43
Responses of Deputy Assistant Secretary of Defense Amanda Dory to
Questions Submitted by Senator Richard G. Lugar................ 46
(iii)
U.S. POLICY TO COUNTER THE LORD'S RESISTANCE ARMY
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TUESDAY, APRIL 24, 2012
U.S. Senate,
Subcommittee on African Affairs,
Committee on Foreign Relations,
Washington, DC.
The subcommittee met, pursuant to notice, at 10:07 a.m., in
room SD-419, Dirksen Senate Office Building, Hon. Christopher
Coons (chairman of the subcommittee) presiding.
Present: Senators Coon, Isakson, and Inhofe.
OPENING STATEMENT OF HON. CHRISTOPHER A. COONS,
U.S. SENATOR FROM DELAWARE
Senator Coons. I am pleased to chair this hearing of the
African Affairs Subcommittee examining U.S. policy to counter
the Lord's Resistance Army.
I would like to welcome my good friends, Senator Isakson,
Senator Inhofe, as well as our distinguished witnesses today:
Principal Deputy Secretary of State for African Affairs, Donald
Yamamoto; Assistant Administrator for Africa of USAID, Earl
Gast; and Deputy Assistant Secretary of Defense for African
Affairs, Amanda Dory. Thank you very much for being with us
today and welcome.
And our second panel: Ms. Jolly Okot, Regional Ambassador
for Invisible Children; and Mr. Jacob Acaye, a former LRA
abductee who will share with us on the second panel their
personal experiences of working to help communities in Uganda
recover from the LRA and their personal experiences of being
victimized by the LRA, which I think will add some strength and
breadth to today's hearing.
As we all know, for more than 2 decades the Lord's
Resistance Army has committed brutal attacks against civilians
in central Africa that have destabilized the region, resulted
in systematic killings, displacement, kidnapping, mutilation,
and rape. Joseph Kony and his commanders have abducted tens of
thousands of children to serve as child soldiers and sex
slaves, forcing them to commit terrible acts. And today, as I
mentioned, we are privileged and humbled to hear from two
victims of the LRA, Jacob and Jolly, both about their enduring,
horrific experiences in Uganda and their courageous efforts to
move forward and to make positive change in the world from that
experience.
Joseph Kony epitomizes the worst of mankind and evil in the
modern day, and as I mentioned, while the LRA has left Uganda
in 2006, it continues to burn a path of destruction through the
whole region. As you can see from this chart, in the past 4
months alone, the LRA has committed 132 attacks in three
countries, the Central African Republic, the Democratic
Republic of the Congo, and South Sudan, despite an increased
U.S. presence and regional efforts to counter them.
There has been and continues to be broad and bipartisan
support for stopping Kony. This was demonstrated in May 2010
with the overwhelming passage by Congress of the Lord's
Resistance Army Disarmament and Northern Uganda Recovery Act,
which made it U.S. policy to work with regional governments to
remove Kony and his top lieutenants from the battlefield and
protect civilians.
There is also bipartisan support for the recent deployment
of 100 U.S. military advisors which just yesterday President
Obama in his speech at the Holocaust Museum announced would
continue in their mission to train regional militaries.
Bipartisan support for this issue is so strong that six of
my colleagues on both sides of the aisle, including the two
Senators with me on the dais at the moment, joined last week in
releasing a video about the Senate's longstanding commitment to
countering the LRA that I would like to make a part of these
proceedings. And with the consent of the other Senators, I had
hoped at this point we would show that video for the benefit of
this hearing today.
[The transcription of the video follows:]
Senator Coons. In the last month, tens of millions of young
Americans have stepped up to take on a humanitarian crisis on the other
side of the world. The attention has been unparalleled. The level of
interest is unprecedented and it hasn't gone unnoticed.
I'm U.S. Senator Chris Coons of Delaware and I'm the chair of the
African Affairs Subcommittee of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee
that meets here in this room on Capitol Hill. In hearings held here
Senators have, for many years, tackled issues of justice, war, peace,
and America's role in the world. And in particular, how to tackle the
ongoing crimes against humanity committed by the Lord's Resistance Army
and their leader, Joseph Kony. It's work that a broad coalition of
Senators and Congressmen have worked on for many years, important work
that continues today.
Joseph Kony and the Lord's Resistance Army have wreaked havoc in
Uganda and its central African neighbors for more than 25 years.
Senator Isakson. He is now thought to be somewhere in the Central
African Republic, possibly the South Sudan, maybe the Congo, but the
area is tightening and he has been separated somewhat from his
soldiers, which is a good sign.
Senator Coons. For millions of Americans, the Kony 2012 Campaign
was the first they'd heard of the LRA's terrible crimes. But many in
Washington had been trying for years to get the world to notice and to
act.
Senator Leahy. I saw a report way back in 1997 by Human Rights
Watch. It talked about the abduction of children by a heavily armed
Ugandan rebel group called the Lord's Resistance Army.
Senator Inhofe. I was working in Uganda when I found out that up
north in the area called Gulu, this guy named Joseph Kony had been, for
about 20 years, mutilating kids.
Senator Landrieu. I remember knowing about it specifically in 2004
when I, in fact, traveled to Uganda for the express purpose of looking
into the terrible orphan situation and also seeing what I could do
about the LRA running rampant at the time through that country.
Senator Inhofe. What he did, he'd go out into the villages and he'd
kidnap and he'd abduct children, turn the girls into prostitutes--and
we're talking about 12- and 13-year-old kids--and then make soldiers
out of the boys. And once the kids learned how to kill people, they had
to go back to their villages and kill their parents and all their
siblings and if they didn't do that, they cut their lips off and they
cut their noses off.
Senator Landrieu. It is beyond comprehension that this single man,
with a relatively small group of followers, has been able to just run
havoc through this part of the world.
Senator Feingold. Well, I've heard of a lot of tragedies all over
the world and in many places in Africa, Eastern Congo and Sudan and of
course Darfur, but this was one of the worst in terms of brutality.
Senator Coons. In 2009, frustrated by the lack of progress being
made by regional forces, Senator Feingold introduced S. 1067, The
Lord's Resistance Army Disarmament and Northern Uganda Recovery Act, a
bill to make it the policy of the United States to work with
governments in the region to stop the LRA and help central Africa to
recover.
Senator Feingold. We have to remember this isn't just about
invading or military action, especially by the United States. It has to
do with diplomatic efforts, it has to do with intelligence, and it has
to do with restoring the lives and the situation of the people in the
area affected. Especially in Northern Uganda.
Senator Leahy. Senator Feingold's bill, the LRA Disarmament and
Northern Uganda Recovery Act, which passed in 2010, was a real
breakthrough.
Senator Feingold. In a time when there's so much gridlock and
partisanship, this is an issue that we have bipartisan support. It
passed relatively easy. It was signed by President Obama.
Senator Coons. Senator Feingold's bill laid the groundwork for
President Obama's decision last fall to send a hundred U.S. military
advisors to central Africa to help armed forces from Uganda, the
Democratic Republic of Congo, South Sudan, and the Central African
Republic to hunt down Joseph Kony and the LRA.
Senator Isakson. On my trip to Uganda 2 weeks ago I met with some
of the special advisors that are United States personnel in Uganda,
advising the Central African Republic, the Sudan and Uganda. They're
adding a great bit of ability to the troops over there and a great bit
of intelligence.
Senator Kerry. We are currently working with the Defense
Department, the State Department, other agencies to try to figure out
what we can do and how we can be more effective. And we're going to
continue to work with the State Department and others in an effort to
provide the focus on this issue.
Senator Isakson. It may take time. You have to understand the area
where he is thought to be is densely vegetated foliage. It has hardly
any roads. There are no telephone poles. There are no lights at night.
He's separated himself from a lot of his followers. So tracking him is
difficult.
Senator Inhofe. They're getting very, very close. Hopefully this
will be the year.
Senator Coons. President Obama, Congress, and our U.S. soldiers in
the field aren't the only Americans determined to help stop the LRA.
The Kony 2012 Campaign has inspired millions of young people to get
involved in a humanitarian cause for the first time.
Senator Leahy. Things that I heard about in 1997 finally the rest
of the world is hearing about it. And they're hearing about it because
of students and citizens in Africa and across America who have taken
the time to watch and learn and share information about Kony.
Senator Isakson. I'm proud of our young people in America who are
so compassionate about the African children and the African people, and
I'm proud to be a part of the United States Senate that's seeing to it
that we go after him and try and make sure he's brought to justice.
Senator Coons. Last month, we introduced a resolution in the
Senate, S. Res. 402. In it, we condemned Joseph Kony and the Lord's
Resistance Army for their horrific crimes against humanity.
Senator Leahy. We can all work to help victims of war rebuild their
lives. We can all work to bring the perpetrators of atrocities to
justice. And we can all work to help make the world a better place.
Senator Coons. We can stop Joseph Kony and the LRA. We just need to
keep at it and we need to keep working together.
Senator Inhofe. There are so many people who are joining together
now that he is literally on the run.
Senator Kerry. I believe we can stop Joseph Kony if we focus on it
intently, and we are, in the Foreign Relations Committee, increasingly
going to up our level of that focus. We're going to provide visibility
to this issue. We're going to try to push countries and push our own
Government into recognizing that we have to commit more.
Senator Isakson. It's only a matter of time.
Senator Coons. Stopping Kony and the LRA is a mission that has deep
bipartisan support in the Senate, in the House of Representatives, and
in Washington. Our challenge now is sustaining that support. That's
where you come in.
Senator Kerry. There's no country on the face of the planet that
allows people as much freedom of choice and as much opportunity to go
make a difference.
Senator Coons. Please, stay informed. Be engaged. Help make sure
that we finish the job, that we find Joseph Kony, that we remove him
from the battlefield, that we bring him to justice, and that we commit
to the ongoing work of healing the communities, the young people, the
families, who have been hurt by the crimes of this terrible man and his
horrific group.
And remember, there's so much more we can and should do in Africa
and around the world to promote American values. We welcome your voice.
We're listening to your concerns, and we look forward to working
together.
[End of video.]
Senator Coons. That video was in large part motivated by a
desire to respond to the millions of young people around the
world who have been engaged by and encouraged to be active on
this issue by Invisible Children, by Resolve, by the Enough
Project, and by their joint efforts to publicize this ongoing,
decades-long scourge in central Africa. It really is, I think,
a once-in-a-generation moment when we have the attention of
millions of folks around the world.
And so I want us to now move to our first panel to hear
about the status of the hunt for Joseph Kony, the multilateral
effort against the LRA, America's investments in recovery.
And I want to thank the two Senators to my left, both for
your participation in the video and for their long leadership
on this issue.
With that, I would like to ask Senator Isakson for his
opening statement before we go to the first panel.
OPENING STATEMENT OF HON. JOHNNY ISAKSON,
U.S. SENATOR FROM GEORGIA
Senator Isakson. Well, I will be very brief because I want
to hear from the panelists.
But to Assistant Secretary Yamamoto, Administrator Gast,
and particularly Amanda Dory, I am delighted that you are here
today. You gave me a great briefing before I went to Uganda
early in the month of April, and I am pleased to report, coming
back from that trip, that our United States forces under DOD
that are in Uganda and other parts of central Africa assisting
the various armies and the African Union are doing what our
troops always do: They are making America proud. And they are
bringing resources for the use by those armies that would not
otherwise be available, and the assets they have deployed and
the intelligence that they are gathering is being very, very
helpful in terms of the pursuit of Joseph Kony.
And I want to particularly recognize Jolly who is here
today and Jacob. Thank you for being here. We are anxious to
hear your story. I would much rather hear from you than me. So,
Mr. Chairman, I want to turn it back to you to conduct the
hearing.
Senator Coons. Thank you, Senator.
Senator Inhofe.
STATEMENT OF HON. JAMES M. INHOFE,
U.S. SENATOR FROM OKLAHOMA
Senator Inhofe. I will be very brief. I have another
hearing across the hall I am going to have to be attending.
I just returned from the east African community, and as
Ambassador Yamamoto will tell you, that was my 123rd African
country visit in 15 years. The most revealing one was back in
2005. And I really want to mention this because I think it may
have gone kind of unnoticed.
My first up to Gulu was in 2005 when we heard there is a
guy up there named Joseph Kony. When I got up there, there were
three guys who I really believe we would not be where we are
today if it had not been for them. They were the Invisible
Children guys. They had their camera going up there. Jason
Russell, Loren Pool, and Bobby Bailey. And when they put
together their first thing and went out and engendered the
support, I can tell you right now we ended up getting 64
cosponsors to 1067. I did most of that and could not have done
it without those kids harassing all the Members of the Senate
to get them to be interested in this mission.
So I joined them and I am just glad, hopefully, this will
be the year. We are going to do all of the resources we can. I
want to remind people, as I always do, that the amendments that
we put on the 2012 national defense authorization language was
one that precludes Americans from engaging in combat. And I
think that is very important for people to know because we get
a lot of criticism for getting places like Libya and other
places where perhaps we should not be, but they need the
support, they have the support.
And I will be visiting with President Kabila later this
afternoon on a plan that he has. You have not just five
countries, but you have included in that the additional five
countries of the east African community all working together to
make this happen.
Thanks for all your support on this.
Senator Coons. Thank you, Senator Inhofe.
I would like to now move to our first panel. Ambassador
Yamamoto.
STATEMENT OF HON. DONALD YAMAMOTO, PRINCIPAL DEPUTY ASSISTANT
SECRETARY OF STATE FOR AFRICAN AFFAIRS, U.S. DEPARTMENT OF
STATE, WASHINGTON, DC
Ambassador Yamamoto. Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman, for
this great opportunity to speak to you today on our efforts to
counter the Lord's Resistance Army.
The LRA is a weakened force, but its humanitarian impact
remains disproportionate. It continues to terrorize and uproot
communities across three countries, primarily the Central
African Republic, the Democratic Republic of the Congo, and
Southern Sudan.
And, Senator, let me say that we are all very grateful to
you, Senator Coons, Senator Isakson, and Senator Inhofe, for
everything that you have done. It is very humbling to be here
before you and the work that you have done to inspire us in our
work here.
Consistent with the legislation that you all passed in
2010, we continue to pursue a multifaceted strategy to support
regional efforts to end the threat posed by the LRA.
Let me stress that the governments of the region are in the
lead. Their troops are making the most important sacrifices and
their people are confronting the LRA's terror. These
governments are the ones that are ultimately responsible for
ending this threat and protecting local communities. The United
States is trying to help them fulfill these responsibilities.
Mr. Chairman, we continue to look for ways in which we can
enhance the capacity of these militaries to succeed. Last
October, President Obama authorized the deployment of a small
number of U.S. military forces to serve as advisors to the
regional forces pursuing the LRA. The President announced
yesterday that the United States will continue this deployment.
My colleague from the Defense Department will go into more
detail on this work of the advisors.
We are coordinating closely with the United Nations
peacekeeping missions in the region, especially to promote
civilian protection. We have encouraged the U.N. to scale up
its efforts when possible.
We are also working very closely with the African Union to
increase its efforts to address the LRA. Last month, the AU
officially launched the Regional Cooperation Initiative for the
Elimination of the LRA.
These new initiatives, united together, offer real promise.
However, as Chairman Kerry wrote earlier this month, ending the
LRA threat is not an easy mission. The LRA operates in very
small groups across vast territories, roughly the size of
California, and very heavily forested.
Mr. Chairman, effectively ending the LRA threat requires
simultaneously removing the top leadership from the battlefield
and addressing the conditions that leave the communities so
vulnerable to the predatory groups such as the LRA. That is why
the United States is seeking to pursue a multifaceted, four-
pillar program, and that is to increase protection of
civilians, the apprehension and removal of Joseph Kony and
others, the promotion of defections of the LRA and support of
disarmament, demobilization, and reintegration of remaining LRA
fighters, and No. 4, the provision of continued humanitarian
relief to affected areas.
And in partnership with USAID, the State Department is
supporting projects to increase civilian protection to enhance
early warning capabilities and strengthen the overall
resilience of communities.
We also believe that the targeted efforts to encourage the
LRA fighters to peacefully surrender can have a great effect on
reducing the LRA's number.
Mr. Chairman, we believe there is an opportunity for
further U.S. support using the State Department's War Crimes
Rewards Program. We welcome legislation that would expand the
authority of this program to that end.
In closing, let me reiterate that our partners in the
region are in the lead in countering the LRA threat and its
impacts, but the United States can provide a critical, capable
support to these efforts.
Mr. Chairman, I submit a longer version for the record.
And I also just want to take this time just to say thank
you to Ben Keesey and the Invisible Children and to Jacob and
the others who are here today.
Thank you.
[The prepared statement of Ambassador Yamamoto follows:]
Prepared Statement of Ambassador Donald Yamamoto
Mr. Chairman, thank you for this opportunity to update the
committee about our ongoing efforts to help end the threat posed by the
Lord's Resistance Army (LRA). Over the last several years, the
governments of the region have made progress dispersing the LRA and
reducing its numbers. However, despite this progress, the LRA continues
to abduct, terrorize, and uproot communities across three countries--
the Central African Republic (CAR), the Democratic Republic of the
Congo (DRC), and South Sudan. The LRA is a weakened force, but its
humanitarian impact remains disproportionate. The U.N. Office of
Coordination for Humanitarian Affairs estimated that more than 465,000
people were displaced or living as refugees during 2011 as a result of
the LRA threat.
Mr. Chairman, we believe that the LRA's actions are an affront to
human dignity and a threat to regional stability. Joseph Kony and the
LRA's top leaders should be brought to justice.
We appreciate Congress' strong interest and longstanding concern
about the LRA, especially the attention given by this committee over
the years. We view Congress as a critical partner in our ongoing
efforts. The United States has worked for many years to help address
the suffering caused by the LRA. Consistent with the legislation passed
in 2010, we continue to pursue a multifaceted strategy to help the
governments and people of this region in their efforts to end the
threat posed by the LRA and address the human consequences of the LRA's
atrocities.
Let me stress that the governments of Uganda, CAR, DRC, and South
Sudan are in the lead. Their troops are making the most important
sacrifices, and their people are confronting the LRA's terror. These
governments are the ones that are ultimately responsible for ending
this threat and protecting local communities. The United States is
trying to help them fulfill that responsibility. We have a strong
interest in enhancing the capacity and cooperation of our partners in
Africa to address threats to peace and security, such as the LRA, and
to better protect their citizens.
Continued leadership and cooperation by these governments is
essential to keep the pressure on the LRA. As we have seen in the past,
the LRA can exploit any reduction in military or diplomatic pressure to
regroup and rebuild its forces. Over recent years, the State Department
has provided support to enable counter-LRA operations by our regional
partners. Since 2008, we have obligated approximately $50 million in
logistical support to help the Ugandan military sustain its operations
and increase its mobility. We continue to provide this support.
In the DRC, the State Department funded training and equipment for
a light infantry battalion of the Congolese army that is now operating
in LRA-affected areas of the DRC. This battalion is engaged in targeted
military operations against the LRA in coordination with the U.N.
Organization Stabilization Mission in the DRC (MONUSCO). The State
Department continues to fund two mentors who are working with this
battalion. We are also engaging with the militaries of CAR and South
Sudan as they increase their efforts to counter the LRA and protect
their populations.
Mr. Chairman, we continue to look at ways that we can improve our
security assistance and enhance the capacity of these militaries to
succeed in their mission. Last October, President Obama authorized the
deployment of a small number of U.S. military forces to serve as
advisors to the national military forces pursuing the LRA and seeking
to protect local populations. The President announced yesterday that
the United States will continue the deployment. My colleague from the
Department of Defense will go into more detail on the work of these
advisors. We believe they are helping the partner forces to enhance
their cooperation, intelligence-sharing and fusion, and operational
planning.
The U.S. military advisors are coordinating closely with the U.N.
peacekeeping missions in the region, especially to promote civilian
protection. MONUSCO, in particular, has stepped up its efforts to
address the LRA in the DRC. MONUSCO conducts targeted military
operations unilaterally as well as jointly with the Congolese military
to help protect civilians. We have encouraged the U.N. to scale up its
efforts, when possible, to help address the LRA threat in CAR and South
Sudan. The new U.N. Regional Office for Central Africa is overseeing
the developing of a regional U.N. strategy for addressing the LRA,
which will be presented to the U.N. Security Council next month. We
have been working with the U.N. to develop this strategy and look
forward to helping the U.N. implement it.
We are also working closely with the African Union as it increases
its efforts to address the LRA. Last month, the AU officially launched
its Regional Cooperation Initiative for the Elimination of the LRA.
Although many operational details are still being worked out, we
believe the AU's involvement can strengthen coordination, information-
sharing, and trust among the four militaries pursuing the LRA. We also
believe the AU can help the governments in the region to develop a
common approach to encouraging LRA defections and ensuring effective
repatriation and reintegration of those who defect. Our military
advisors in the field are coordinating with the AU staff as they stand
up this initiative on the ground, and our embassies are working closely
with the AU's Special Envoy on the LRA issue, Francisco Madeira.
These new initiatives, united together, offer real promise.
However, as Chairman Kerry wrote in The Huffington Post earlier this
month, we have to level with the American public that ending the LRA
threat is not an easy mission. The LRA operates in very small groups
across vast territory roughly the size of California, much of it
densely forested. Regional forces have had success in tracking down LRA
groups, but the LRA's leaders are savvy. They exploit communal
conflicts and attack remote communities, which lack basic road,
telecommunications, and governance infrastructure. Moreover, the
governments in this region have limited capabilities and numerous
security challenges.
Mr. Chairman, effectively ending the LRA threat requires
simultaneously removing the top leadership from the battlefield and
addressing the conditions that leave communities so vulnerable to
predatory groups such as the LRA. This is precisely why the United
States is seeking to pursue a multifaceted strategy to enhance both
military and civilian capacity in the region. In partnership with
USAID, the State Department is supporting projects to increase civilian
protection, enhance early warning capabilities, deliver humanitarian
relief, and strengthen the overall resiliency of communities. We also
continue to encourage other international donors to increase their
efforts in these areas. As we have seen in northern Uganda and parts of
South Sudan, development can play a critical role in pushing out the
LRA and keeping it from returning.
We also believe that targeted efforts, in coordination with
increased military pressure, to encourage LRA fighters to peacefully
surrender can have a great effect on reducing the LRA's numbers. Since
2000, more than 12,000 fighters and abductees have left the group and
been reintegrated and reunited with their families through Uganda's
Amnesty Commission. The successful rehabilitation and reintegration of
those who leave the LRA creates a positive feedback cycle that
encourages others to defect.
MONUSCO is undertaking critical efforts in the DRC to encourage LRA
defections, including by setting up assembly points where LRA fighters
and associated persons can safely surrender. The mission is publicizing
the locations of these assembly points through targeted radio
broadcasts and leaflets. We strongly support these efforts and have
encouraged the U.N. to initiate similar, coordinated activities in CAR
and South Sudan. We are also looking at ways that we can augment these
activities through our programs and presence on the ground. The State
Department has deployed a civilian officer to the region who is working
with our military advisors and embassies to identify critical gaps and
opportunities for further U.S. support. We plan to deploy a second
officer soon.
Mr. Chairman, we believe there is an opportunity for further U.S.
support to the counter-LRA effort using the State Department's War
Crimes Rewards Program. This program allows the Secretary of State to
publicize and pay rewards for information leading to the arrest and/or
conviction of targeted war criminals. This program has been very
effective in bringing fugitives to justice, but the present statutory
authority is limited to fugitives indicted by the International
Criminal Tribunals for the Former Yugoslavia and Rwanda and the Special
Court for Sierra Leone.
We welcome legislation that would expand the authority for the War
Crimes Reward Program so it could be used to target foreign nationals
accused of war crimes, crimes against humanity, or genocide by any
international criminal tribunal, including hybrid or mixed courts. This
would shift the program from being court-specific to crime-specific.
Fugitives would only be added to the program after careful review and
approval by an interagency committee, and ultimately the Secretary of
State.
Under this expanded authority, we could use the program to target
Joseph Kony and other top LRA commanders. We could publicize rewards
for information about LRA leaders using leaflets, radio broadcasts, and
other communications mechanisms. We believe, and our colleagues at the
Defense Department agree, that this would provide an important tool to
generate information about the whereabouts of top LRA leaders,
especially to encourage nonindicted LRA fighters to defect and provide
such information.
In closing, let me reiterate that it is our partners in the
region--governments and civil society organizations--who are in the
lead in countering the LRA threat and its impacts. But the United
States can provide critical capabilities and support to help them
succeed in their efforts. We believe doing so puts us on the right side
of history, on the right side of our values, and on the right side of
our strategic interests. We appreciate Congress' strong commitment to
countering the LRA, and we look forward to working with you in the
months ahead.
Senator Coons. Thank you so much, Ambassador Yamamoto.
Assistant Administrator Gast.
STATEMENT OF HON. EARL GAST, ASSISTANT ADMINISTRATOR FOR
AFRICA, U.S. AGENCY FOR INTERNATIONAL DEVELOPMENT, WASHINGTON,
DC
Mr. Gast. Good morning, Chairman Coons. Good morning,
Ranking Member Isakson. Thank you for inviting me to speak with
you today. It is a pleasure to be back here again so soon.
For over two decades, the Lord's Resistance Army terrorized
communities across huge swaths of northern Uganda, abducting
civilians and forcing children to become soldiers. The LRA was
finally driven out of Uganda in 2006, and since then northern
Uganda has undergone a transformation that is tangible. People
can move freely. Banks and stores are open, and fields are
being cultivated. Poverty declined from 61 percent in 2005 to
an estimated 46 percent in 2010. And 95 percent of the more
than 1.8 million Ugandans who were displaced by the conflict
have returned to their homes.
Working with the Government of Uganda and civil society
organizations, the United States has done a tremendous amount
to solidify this progress by supporting the rebuilding of
communities and economies.
Today the LRA's numbers are significantly reduced, but it
continues to commit atrocities throughout large parts of
central Africa, the Central African Republic, the Democratic
Republic of Congo, and the Republic of South Sudan. LRA
violence has displaced more than 445,000 persons in an area the
size of California that is harsh, remote, and underdeveloped.
As the threat has shifted from northern Uganda to the
Central African Republic and the Congo and South Sudan, USAID
has adjusted its response to address humanitarian needs and
increase the protection of civilians in these areas, which is
at the core of our strategy. Our programs, which aim to assist
nearly a quarter of a million persons, are having a significant
impact. Because the LRA preys on vulnerable communities, we are
supporting coordinated efforts to reduce the vulnerability of
those communities. In the DRC, USAID has engaged 24 villages to
form local protection committees that are identifying security
threats and assessing what they can do to mitigate those
problems. Once these protection plans are in place, the use of
high-frequency radios will reinforce and extend an existing
network of radios managed by the Catholic Church as an early
warning system.
USAID also supports the reunification and reintegration of
formerly abducted children into their families and communities
and is helping to meet their significant psychosocial needs
with therapy and life skills training.
USAID is also helping women purchase sewing machines,
fabric, and basic accessories. Most of these women are the sole
providers for their children and they can now earn a living
through tailoring and producing clothing for clients in and
around their communities.
USAID has been heavily engaged in LRA-affected areas of
Uganda since the late 1980s and our efforts have shown that
development can flourish once stability and security have taken
root. As the conflict first began to exact severe economic
losses, caused mass displacement, and weakened governance in
northern Uganda, USAID focused on providing lifesaving
assistance to those affected by the conflict. When the LRA was
finally driven out of northern Uganda, our programs shifted
from relief to recovery and then to longer term development
which is taking place now.
USAID's Northern Uganda Transition Initiative was a
critical step in this evolution from relief, humanitarian
assistance, to development. This flagship program renovated
public service buildings throughout war-affected regions
including government office buildings, schools, and teacher
housing, health clinics, markets, police and justice
facilities, and at a time of tremendous risk and uncertainty,
the initiative quickly became a cornerstone of our strategy in
northern Uganda and was highly valued by our Ugandan partners
for its speed, for its flexibility, and its impact.
By partnering directly with government offices, the
initiative not only helped communities begin to rebuild but
also increased the visibility of and confidence in all levels
of government. This effort sent a clear message that peace had
returned to the region and the Government of Uganda was now at
the helm of the reconstruction process.
In northern Uganda, USAID's strategy is now woven into the
Government of Uganda's Peace, Recovery and Development Plan
which has ushered in the return of stability to the region. And
we are working closely with the Departments of State and
Defense, as well as other donors and regional governments and
civil society organizations that are on the ground, to make
this a truly concerted push to help communities cope, recover,
and rebuild.
Thank you for inviting me to speak with you today, and I
welcome any questions. Thank you.
[The prepared statement of Mr. Gast follows:]
Prepared Statement of Assistant Administrator for Africa Earl W. Gast
Good morning, Chairman Coons, Ranking Member Isakson, and members
of the subcommittee. Thank you for inviting me to speak with you today.
For over two decades, the Lord's Resistance Army (LRA) terrorized
communities across huge swaths of northern Uganda, abducting civilians
and forcing children to become soldiers. The LRA was finally driven out
of Uganda in 2006, and since then, northern Uganda has undergone a
transformation that is tangible. People can move freely, banks and
stores are open, and fields are being cultivated. Poverty declined from
60.7 percent in 2005 to 46.2 percent in 2010, and the U.N. High
Commissioner for Refugees estimates that 95 percent of the 1.8 million
Ugandans displaced by the conflict have returned to their homes.
Today the LRA's numbers are significantly reduced, but it continues
to commit atrocities throughout large parts of central Africa--the
Central African Republic (CAR), the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC),
and the Republic of South Sudan. It is an area the size of California,
and it is harsh, remote, and underdeveloped. Reported LRA attacks and
abductions have increased in the first quarter of 2012--particularly in
the DRC--and the LRA's violence has now displaced more than 445,000
people.
As the threat of the LRA shifted from northern Uganda to CAR, the
DRC, and South Sudan, USAID accordingly adjusted its response to
address humanitarian needs and supplement ongoing efforts by regional
governments and the United Nations to increase the protection of
civilians in these areas. In LRA-affected populations in CAR, the DRC,
and South Sudan, the United States life-saving humanitarian assistance,
health services, food aid, civilian protection, and economic recovery
totaled more than $18 million in FY 2011.
USAID remains committed to promoting stability and economic
development in northern Uganda while also addressing the immediate
needs of communities in LRA-affected parts of CAR, the DRC, and South
Sudan--though insecurity presents a significant challenge to providing
humanitarian assistance and promoting development in these areas.
USAID aims to provide at least 240,000 people with humanitarian
assistance in LRA-affected parts of CAR, the DRC, and South Sudan, and
these programs are having a significant impact on women and children.
USAID is addressing the psychosocial needs of children who have either
been abducted or displaced by the LRA by supporting the participation
of nearly 1,000 children in play therapy and life-skills training. In
CAR, DRC, and South Sudan, USAID supports protection for LRA-affected
children through reunification and reintegration of separated and
formerly abducted children into their families and communities. In CAR,
one of our grantees supports protection activities for LRA-affected
individuals, including gender-based violence sensitization and
psychosocial support for displaced and formerly abducted children. In
the Haut Uele District of the DRC, USAID is providing assistance to the
Kpezu Women's Tailors Association to purchase sewing machines, fabric,
and basic accessories. Made up primarily of women who are the sole
providers for themselves and their children, the women of the
association can now earn a living through tailoring and producing
clothing for clients in and around the community. Kpezu's activities
also include training young women who have not had the opportunity to
attend school in sewing and basic literacy.
The protection of civilians continues to be central to the overall
U.S. Government strategy to help counter the LRA. Because the LRA preys
on vulnerable communities, we are supporting the efforts of regional
governments and nongovernmental organizations to reduce the
vulnerability of those communities.
In LRA-affected areas of the DRC, the United States is
incorporating high-frequency radios into community-based protection
programs to provide early warnings to conflict and violence. Although
implementation of this work has been delayed by severe logistical
challenges, including undependable air service, negligible road and
communication infrastructure, and acute insecurity, the project is
progressing. USAID has engaged 24 communities based on their level of
insecurity, willingness to take part in the project, and gaps in
coverage with other similar programs. All 24 communities have formed
local protection committees that are identifying security threats and
assessing what actions they can take to mitigate the threats. Each
committee consists of around 15 members, including an average of four
to six women and representation from displaced populations and youth.
USAID is assisting them in developing protection plans tailored to
specific needs of their communities and will provide some funding to
support priority activities within the plans. For example, a committee
in Yassa formed in February 2012 reported that the police had been
abusive toward the population, stealing from and harassing them. Since
the committee began to work to improve relations between community
members, the police, and the DRC Armed Forces, the police have
significantly improved their behavior and are now working closely with
the community to address their concerns. Once these community
protection plans are in place, the use of high-frequency radios will
reinforce and extend the existing network of radios managed by the
Catholic Church as an early warning network.
Additionally, USAID is piloting an innovative cell phone tower
project that aims to diversify the communications options available for
use in early warning systems and humanitarian efforts. USAID funding
partially supports the construction of four low-cost base transmission
stations in strategic towns in Haut and Bas Uele. Each of the four
towers will provide at least 20 square kilometers of cell phone
connectivity to 1,200 mobile phone users living in areas previously
lacking coverage. Although the DRC's main mobile network operators have
the potential to expand their operations, their unfamiliarity with the
technology has precluded any investment. Despite these challenges,
Vodacom accepted the challenge and expects the towers to be operational
by fall 2012.
The benefits will be well worth the investment. Vodacom recently
sent a team to Ango to begin to educate the community about the
project; the residents were excited and believe it will significantly
reduce their isolation. Additionally, this project will be a model for
how to introduce low-cost cell phone coverage to remote areas located
outside of cellular networks. Mobile companies do not typically invest
in remote areas because of the difficulty in earning a profit. In this
project the low-cost, light-weight AltoPod ``stations'' replace large,
costly towers and are easier to transport into areas which are
logistically difficult to access. In terms of long-term development
impact and innovation, this pilot project could catalyze additional
private-sector investment in rural areas by demonstrating the technical
and economic viability to mobile network operators.
USAID has been heavily engaged in LRA-affected areas of Uganda
since the late 1980s, and our intervention evolved over the years to
reflect changing needs and priorities. With the LRA's departure, we
have had significant success in helping affected communities in Uganda
make the transition from conflict to relief to recovery to development.
As the conflict in northern Uganda first began to exact severe
economic losses, cause mass displacement, and weaken governance and
social structures in Uganda, USAID focused on providing humanitarian
assistance to those affected by the conflict. Between 1997 and 2009,
USAID provided more than $436 million in humanitarian assistance to
Uganda, including $370 million in food aid. Food, health services, camp
management, and other aid provided by the American people saved lives
and helped communities survive the worst of the conflict.
In 2006, when the LRA was finally driven from northern Uganda, we
shifted our programs from relief to recovery. We helped internally
displaced persons return to their homes and reestablish their
livelihoods. Investments in seed distribution programs improved food
security, the rehabilitation of water points reduced health risk, and
road repairs opened up access to markets, supporting local economies.
As a result of these investments, in 2009, we were able to shift our
programs in northern Uganda to focus on long-term development.
USAID's Northern Uganda Transition Initiative was a critical step
in this evolution. This 2008-11, $23-million flagship program renovated
public service buildings throughout war-affected regions, including
government office buildings, schools and teacher houses, health clinics
and health clinic housing, markets, boreholes, and police and justice
facilities.
In Agago district, physical additions to congested court and police
buildings strengthened the rule of law by allowing courts to process
more cases. As a result of USAID's infrastructure support, in 2011, the
Kiryandongo court received 10-15 cases a day, as opposed to one or two
cases before the court construction. Officials used to send cases to
Masindi--over 70 kilometers away--and the complainant was forced to pay
for the travel of the accused, police officers, and witnesses. The cost
forced many people to opt to settle cases, but now that the facility
has facilitated speedy trials, more cases are being reports, and
witnesses even come willingly.
In addition, USAID worked with media, especially radio stations, to
communicate correct and timely information on issues such as public
services and land rights to returnees in northern Uganda and to support
traditional and cultural reconciliation processes, which helped
communities heal from the wounds of war. Radio messages on amnesty
helped the return of former combatants and the disarming of civilians;
in fact, in Kitgum and Pader districts, guns were found surrendered
after these messages had aired.
At a time of tremendous risk and uncertainty, the initiative
quickly became a cornerstone of USAID's strategy in northern Uganda and
was highly valued by Ugandan partners for its speed, flexibility, and
impact. By partnering directly with government departments and offices,
the initiative not only helped communities begin to rebuild, but also
increased the visibility of, and confidence in, all levels of
government. At the same time, local officials appreciated how the new
infrastructure, especially markets, increased their revenue, making
them less dependent on allocations from the district government and
giving them more flexibility in development planning. This effort sent
a clear message that peace had returned to the region and the
Government of Uganda was now at the helm of the reconstruction process.
In northern Uganda, USAID's strategy is now woven into the
Government of Uganda's Peace, Recovery, and Development Plan, which has
ushered in the return of stability to the region. USAID has helped
nurture this progress by providing medical care and counseling to
abductees, promoting reconstruction, supporting transitional justice
and reconciliation, increasing opportunities for ex-combatants, and
addressing key issues such as HIV/AIDS, malaria, water, and sanitation.
In addition, USAID is helping northern Uganda to redevelop its farms;
in 2010, agricultural training and projects helped increase the
region's crop sales by more than $7 million. USAID's unique Northern
Uganda Development of Enhanced Local Governance, Infrastructure, and
Livelihoods program enables local governments to expand basic services
to areas with ex-combatants, abductees, and returnees, while at the
same time infusing capital into the recovering economy by using labor-
intensive methods of construction. In FY 2011, this program supported
the construction of 70 boreholes, six schools with latrines and teacher
housing, and contracts for 19 farm-to-market roads in four districts.
Our efforts in northern Uganda demonstrate that development can
flourish once security has been assured. However, the north remains the
poorest region in the country. Underlying grievances over land rights,
the discovery of oil, poor political processes, and ethnic divisions
have the potential to slow development and raise tensions. Recognizing
these challenges, USAID continues to take a conflict-sensitive
approach. We continue to dedicate resources to address some of the
remaining drivers of conflict and to build local government capacity to
deliver services. USAID's new Supporting Access to Justice, Fostering
Equity and Peace program will continue our efforts while also
proactively addressing emerging development issues and sources of
tension, such as land disputes. Our field office in Gulu, northern
Uganda, not only remains open, but is expanding its staff numbers.
The United States is committed to continuing its long-term support
to the people of central Africa in their efforts to respond to the
threats of the LRA. Although we have made progress in addressing
humanitarian assistance needs and increasing the protection of
civilians in LRA-affected areas, critical gaps remain in CAR and parts
of the DRC and South Sudan. USAID and the State Department are working
together to determine how best to utilize the $5 million in 2012
Economic Support Funds to address gaps in the region. We have
determined that programming will focus on the LRA-affected areas of
CAR, where the greatest gaps remain, although some funds may be
programmed in the DRC and South Sudan. USAID's efforts in LRA-affected
areas in the region and northern Uganda are closely coordinated with
the Departments of State and Defense, as well as other donors, such as
the European Union and the United Kingdom, regional governments, and
civil society on the ground, to make this a truly concerted push to
help communities finally begin to rebuild and recover.
Thank you for inviting me to speak with you today on this critical
issue, and I welcome any questions you might have.
Senator Coons. Thank you.
Ms. Dory.
STATEMENT OF AMANDA DORY, DEPUTY ASSISTANT SECRETARY OF
DEFENSE, AFRICAN AFFAIRS, DEPARTMENT OF DEFENSE, WASHINGTON, DC
Ms. Dory. Thank you and good morning, Mr. Chairman and
Ranking Member. I appreciate this opportunity to update the
subcommittee on the Department of Defense's role in countering
the Lord's Resistance Army. I particularly appreciate the
chance to appear before this committee in my first hearing in
my new capacity as Deputy Assistant Secretary for African
Affairs.
Consistent with the legislation passed by Congress in 2010
and signed into law by the President, the United States
continues, as you know, to pursue a comprehensive, multiyear
strategy to help our regional partners mitigate and eliminate
the threat posed by the Lord's Resistance Army.
DOD's contribution to this multinational effort is
consistent with the new Defense Strategic Guidance, which
states, whenever possible, we will develop innovative, low-
cost, and small-footprint approaches to achieve our security
objectives on the African Continent, relying on exercises,
rotational presence, and advisory capabilities. In this
operation, U.S. forces are combat-equipped for self-defense
purposes but do not have an operational role. U.S. advisors are
supporting the regional forces in an advisory capacity and
seeking to enhance our partners' capabilities to achieve their
objectives against the LRA.
The militaries of Uganda, the Central African Republic,
South Sudan, and the Democratic Republic of the Congo, in
collaboration with the African Union, continue to pursue the
LRA and seek to protect local populations. They are leading
this effort.
As you know, approximately 100 U.S. military personnel are
deployed for Operation Observant Compass across the four LRA-
affected countries. There is a command and control element in
Uganda that is working to synchronize and oversee DOD's
counter-LRA efforts and to coordinate at the headquarters level
with Ugandan forces.
Small teams of U.S. military advisors are also now working
with Ugandan military and national military forces in field
locations in LRA-affected areas of the Central African Republic
and South Sudan. In these two countries, U.S. advisors have
helped to set up Operations Fusion Centers to enable daily
coordination, information-sharing, and tactical coordination.
The U.S. advisors are also integrating local civilian leaders
into the work of the partner forces to improve the
effectiveness of the civil-military relations.
In the Democratic Republic of the Congo, United States
advisors are supporting efforts by MONUSCO, the United Nations
Organization Stabilization Mission, in the DRC, as well as the
Congolese military, to increase the protection of civilians and
address the LRA. Our advisors there are working with MONUSCO's
Joint Intelligence Operations Center which serves as the
intelligence fusion hub for these efforts in the DRC. United
States advisors are connecting the work of the JIOC and that of
the Operations Fusion Centers in the Central African Republic
and South Sudan to increase cross-border analysis and regional
coordination on LRA movements.
We believe our support is helping the partner forces to
improve their operations, but they continue to face significant
challenges in terms of their capabilities to quickly pursue LRA
groups across this vast area.
DOD appreciates the support provided by the authority in
section 1206 of the National Defense Authorization Act for
fiscal year 2012, which allows the expenditure of $35 million
to provide enhanced logistical support, supplies, and services
to our regional partners. DOD intends to use this authority to
provide enhanced mobility support to the regional forces, as
well as supplies to upgrade the Operations Fusion Centers.
I will close for now by saying that we believe the U.S.
military advisors have established a good foundation and made
initial progress, especially considering the complexity of the
operating environment, the number of partners involved, and the
remoteness of the operational areas. We will continue to
monitor the situation closely with our interagency partners to
ensure our support is having the intended impact.
DOD appreciates Congress' strong commitment to countering
the LRA and your support for the efforts of our deployed
personnel. And we look forward to working with you in the
months ahead.
Thank you.
[The prepared statement of Ms. Dory follows:]
Prepared Statement of Deputy Assistant Secretary Amanda J. Dory
Mr. Chairman, thank you for this opportunity to update the
subcommittee on the Department of Defense's (DOD) role in implementing
the U.S. strategy to help our regional partners counter the Lord's
Resistance Army (LRA). Consistent with the legislation passed by
Congress in 2010 and signed into law by the President, the United
States continues to pursue a comprehensive, multiyear strategy to help
our regional partners mitigate and eliminate the threat posed by the
LRA.
The U.S. strategy outlines four pillars for our continuing support:
increasing the protection of civilians; apprehending or removing Joseph
Kony and senior commanders from the battlefield; promoting the
defection, disarmament, demobilization, and reintegration of remaining
LRA fighters; and increasing humanitarian access and providing
continued relief to affected communities.
The militaries of Uganda, the Central African Republic, the
Democratic Republic of the Congo, and South Sudan, in collaboration
with the African Union, continue to pursue the LRA and seek to protect
local populations. They are leading this effort. They have made
progress, but there are significant challenges to pursuing LRA groups
across this vast, densely forested region. To enhance their efforts,
the President authorized a small number of U.S. forces to deploy to the
LRA-affected region to serve as advisors to the forces pursuing the LRA
and seeking to protect local populations. U.S. forces began this
deployment in October 2011 and small teams of advisors moved to forward
operating locations in LRA-affected areas at the end of 2011 and early
2012.
DOD's contribution to this multinational effort is in line with the
new Defense Strategic Guidance, which states, ``Whenever possible, we
will develop innovative, low-cost, and small-footprint approaches to
achieve our security objectives on the continent, relying on exercises,
rotational presence, and advisory capabilities.'' In this operation,
U.S. forces are combat-equipped for self-defense purposes, but do not
have an operational role. U.S. advisors are supporting the regional
forces in an advisory capacity and seeking to enhance our partners'
capabilities to achieve their objectives and accomplish their mission
against the LRA.
Approximately 100 U.S. military personnel are deployed for this
operation across the four LRA-affected countries. There is a command-
and-control element in Uganda that is working to synchronize and
oversee DOD's counter-LRA efforts and to coordinate at the headquarters
level with the Ugandan forces.
Small teams of U.S. military advisors are also now working with the
Ugandan military and national military forces in field locations in
LRA-affected areas of Central African Republic and South Sudan. In
these two countries, U.S. advisors have helped to set up Operations
Fusion Centers to enable daily coordination, information-sharing, and
tactical coordination. The U.S. advisors are also integrating local
civilian leaders into the work of the partner forces, to improve the
effectiveness of civil-military relations.
In the Democratic Republic of the Congo, U.S. advisors are
supporting efforts by the United Nations Organization Stabilization
Mission in the DRC (MONUSCO) and the Congolese military (FARDC) to
increase the protection of civilians and address the LRA. The advisors
are working at MONUSCO's Joint Intelligence Operations Center (JIOC),
which serves as the intelligence fusion hub for these efforts in the
DRC. U.S. advisors are connecting the work of the JIOC and that of the
Operations Fusion Centers in CAR and South Sudan to increase cross-
border analysis and regional coordination on LRA movements.
Over the last few months, the main body of U.S. advisors began the
actual work of advising and supporting partner operations. In the DRC,
U.S. advisors are helping MONUSCO and the FARDC to develop their
operations in LRA-affected areas. For example, U.S. advisors assisted
with the planning for a joint FARDC-MONUSCO operation in December 2011
to help deter the LRA from committing large-scale attacks during the
Christmas season, as they have done in the past. In CAR and South
Sudan, U.S. advisors are providing planning, training, and intelligence
support for the ongoing efforts to track and intercept LRA groups.
We believe our support is helping the partner forces to better
locate LRA groups and improve their operations. But, the partner forces
continue to face significant challenges in terms of their capabilities
to quickly pursue LRA groups across this vast area approximately the
size of California. DOD appreciates the support provided by the
authority in Section 1206 of the National Defense Authorization Act for
FY 2012, which allows the expenditure of $35 million to provide
enhanced logistical support, supplies, and services to the regional
partner forces. DOD intends to use this authority to provide enhanced
mobility support to the regional forces and supplies to upgrade the
Operations Fusion Centers.
U.S. forces have also been helping our regional partners to
increase their engagement with local civic leaders and nongovernmental
organizations (NGOs) to increase the flow of information and
effectiveness of operations. U.S. forces are also working with partner
militaries to integrate civilian protection into operational planning.
The State Department has deployed a civilian field officer who is
working with U.S. military advisors in this regard.
In coordination with our embassies in the region, U.S. military
advisors are coordinating closely with the U.N. in their efforts to
promote the defection, disarmament, demobilization, repatriation,
resettlement and reintegration of former LRA fighters and associated
persons. For example, U.S. military advisors have recently helped to
transport MONUSCO leaflets encouraging LRA defections for distribution
in the CAR. In addition, the U.S. Africa Command (USAFRICOM) has
developed plans for how they can reinforce existing information
operations by the U.N. and nongovernmental actors to encourage LRA
defections.
USAFRICOM also plans to utilize its existing rewards program and
fund small-scale efforts to increase information-gathering efforts
throughout LRA-affected areas. We believe that the use of the State
Department's War Crimes Rewards Program to target Joseph Kony and top
LRA commanders would significantly enhance and complement this effort.
We support legislation that would expand the authority for this program
for these purposes. This program would provide an additional tool to
help generate information about the location of LRA leaders, and
encourage more LRA fighters to defect.
I will close by saying that we believe the U.S. military advisors
have established a good foundation and made initial progress,
especially considering the complexity of the operating environment, the
number of partners involved, and the remoteness of the operational
areas. As the President said on April 23, upon ordering the deployment
last year, he directed his National Security Council to review our
progress after 150 days. Having completed this review, the President
announced that our advisors will continue their efforts to support the
regional forces. However, we want to continue to stress that this is
just one component of the overall U.S. strategy and that our regional
partners are the ones in the driver's seat. This is not an open-ended
deployment and we will continue to regularly assess their commitment to
this mission and whether we are making sufficient progress collectively
to justify the continued deployment of U.S. advisors. DOD appreciates
Congress's strong commitment to countering the LRA and your support for
the efforts of our deployed personnel, and we look forward to working
with you in the months ahead.
Senator Coons. Thank you so much, Deputy Assistant
Secretary Dory, for your testimony and for appearing before us
today.
Let me, if I could, start a first round of 7 minutes with
you, if I could, because I am very interested in this sort of
particular set of questions.
What is the level of cooperation at this point between the
four regional governments in terms of sharing information,
intelligence coordination now that these fusion centers are set
up, now that the 100 U.S. advisors are sort of facilitating
communication? Where are they in terms of collaboration? And
what are the main practical and operational challenges
associated with the U.S. mission that we might be aware of and
might be engaged in supporting either additional logistical
support or intelligence assets that might be needed to
strengthen AFRICOM's role and to strengthen cooperation and
effectiveness with our regional partners?
Ms. Dory. Thank you. On the collaboration question, I can
speak at the tactical operational level, and I know the State
Department will want to add from the diplomatic and strategic
level.
I would say the level of collaboration is growing. The
advisors that have gone into these operations centers engaging
with partner forces arrived, for the most part, in the December
and January timeframe, and the first period of time has been
involved in establishing their operations and developing the
relationships, building rapport and trust with each of the
partner militaries. As we all know, you cannot surge trust.
That is something that happens with time, and I think they have
made tremendous progress in this initial period of time.
I think at the tactical level, the level of communication
and cooperation is quite close. We see that in terms of the
closing between the provision of information and intelligence
and then the connection with the operations that are undertaken
by the partner militaries. So I think we have increasing
numbers of tangible incidents to point to where there have been
LRA engaged directly, where there have been abductees who have
been released as a result of the collaboration and the
cooperation at the tactical operational level.
In terms of the challenges, I highlighted a couple already
and, as you know, the terrain itself is perhaps challenge No.
1. Challenge No. 2 is perhaps our collective expectations
management on how quickly we will be able to succeed, given the
terrain, given the multiplicity of the partner forces, and
given the challenges associated with gathering actionable
information during this operation.
I think in terms of some--specific to Operation Observant
Compass, logistics and ISR are challenge areas for us. There
are logistics support being provided at the present time thanks
to the State Department's peacekeeping operations funding
support. That is something that DOD will be taking over via our
1206 counter-LRA authority, and we intend to increase the
amount of the logistics support provided to the partner forces
themselves.
When it comes to ISR, as you are well aware, there is not
enough ISR to go around for any of our combatant commanders.
They are constantly making difficult choices within their areas
of responsibility. AFRICOM has dedicated assets to the LRA
mission and is looking at other ways to increase the amount of
ISR coverage that could be provided going forward.
Senator Coons. Thank you very much.
If I could, just a follow-on question, and then I would
like to go to Ambassador Yamamoto for the same question.
But what are benchmarks for success that will determine the
duration of this deployment? You mentioned expectation
management as one of the major challenges, right up there with
terrain. What is the timeline? What could you suggest in terms
of benchmarks that would determine when you would think it was
appropriate for the DOD role to wind down?
Ms. Dory. I think in terms of benchmarks of success, when
we look across the four pillars of the counter-LRA strategy,
there are quite a few benchmarks to look at. Some of those
relate to the total number of defections over time. Some of
them relate to the number of LRA successfully engaged. Some of
them relate--these are specific in the DOD realm--to the
capacity-building of the partner forces and their ability to
increase the effectiveness of their information and
intelligence gathering operations and then to translate that
into operational activities on the ground. Those are some
specific ones to the DOD lane.
I think there are also metrics or benchmarks when you look
at the level of overall development in the areas in terms of
the access for humanitarian assistance and the ability to
engage in development activities over time along the lines of
what we have heard from USAID.
Senator Coons. Thank you so much.
Ambassador Yamamoto, if you would just speak to the same
basic question, what sort of progress we are making in terms of
getting the regional partners we have to collaborate, to
coordinate. To what extent is some ongoing hesitancy or
distance between the DRC and Uganda contributing to operational
challenges in the field? And then to what extent is
collaboration and coordination in the development and recovery
mission also critical to our long-term success?
Ambassador Yamamoto. And thank you very much, Senator.
One of the main issues is that the four governments are
committed. So that is really kind of the first step in trying
to get them together. You are obviously correct. Trying to get
all these countries to coordinate and cooperate and to have an
integrated military force that can coordinate and cooperate is
going to be tough. We are talking to Defense Minister Mbabazi
last week from the Central African Republic. In his troops,
they need equipment. They need training. They need a lot of
logistical support. But then in comparison to the Ugandan UPDF,
they have a much more advanced operation. And so how to
integrate these are going to be a challenge, but we are trying
to overcome those. I think the special forces group has been
very good about enhancing coordination and cooperation.
The other issue, too, is--of course, you are actually
correct. The Ugandan troops have not been in the DRC since the
elections last year. That is going to take some time. But they
are committed. We have spoken to President Kabila and Museveni
and they are going work together to make this happen.
But one thing that is really important is that as long as
we remain committed--the United States, the European Union, the
United Nations, and the African Union--that is going to be
important. And I think the AU especially setting up a regional
task force in Yambio, South Sudan is one step. The United
Nations peacekeeping operations contributing--that is another
step. And right now is, we are building that trust, and I think
that trust will continue to expand.
One thing, just going back to what Amanda Dory was saying
on the benchmarks, is if we can engage the enhanced
capabilities, coordination, and cooperation, that is one level
of success and benchmark.
Senator Coons. Thank you so much, Ambassador.
I am going to turn to Senator Isakson. Then we can resume.
Senator Isakson. Well, first of all, Administrator Gast, I
want to describe what I saw in the Gulu area of northern Uganda
because your organization and the NGO's you are contracting
with have made a remarkable turn in coordination with the
Ugandan Government. We flew into Gulu by a local puddle
jumper--I guess is the best way to put it--but we got there
from Kampala. But one of the things we saw along the way,
Museveni and the government, since Kony has been out of
northern Uganda, which is about 5 to 6 years, have built a
better road access between Kampala and Gulu where access is now
somewhere between 7 and 8 hours, whereas it used to be
nonexistent before, which has kind of connected the north to
the capital city.
And in the Gulu area, USAID, through its contractor CARE,
is doing some remarkable village improvements in terms of their
savings and loan concept and other things having to do with
microfinance, if you will, at the villages and bring about
economic recovery. And the Pathfinder Group that is in that
area is doing the same thing. And then CDC is doing a great job
in terms of PEPFAR and the AIDS problem that is in Uganda.
But I have to say if you talk about the horror of Joseph
Kony in northern Uganda 5 to 6 years ago and the savagery and
the destruction and the terrible things that were going on, a
lot of credit has to be given to the renaissance that has now
taken place in the Gulu area in northern Africa, and a lot of
that credit goes to USAID.
You might want to comment on some of those contractors.
Mr. Gast. Thank you, Senator, and thank you for your
praise. I look forward actually to going to Gulu. I have heard
about the tremendous impact that we collectively, the U.S.
Government, have made in partnership with NGO's, international
NGO's, local NGO's, and certainly the Government of Uganda.
USAID programmed more than $100 million last year into
northern Uganda, and that was about 50 percent of the United
States resources that went into northern Uganda last year. And
it is all coordinated under the Ugandan Government's peace and
reconstruction development program, and AID is a major
contributor. Other donors and the government itself are as
well.
Before I get into commenting on some of the specific
programs of our implementing partners, I do want to say that
this is one area where we are being forward-leaning,
recognizing that there is some good capacity within some of the
local governments there. And so when Administrator Shah was
before you and discussed some of the USAID Forward reforms,
this is one area where we are actually piloting the reforms.
And so we are programming resources directly through the local
government so that the local governments can build
infrastructure projects to support the community, and at the
same time, we have an independent verifier, one of the NGO's,
Winrock, provides that oversight to make sure that there is
strict accountability of the money that USAID is providing. So
I just wanted to highlight that as one success on the reforms
of AID.
In addition to working directly with the local governments,
we are also working with a wide range of partners, some 20
NGO's, to include CARE which is doing microfinance. We have had
a tremendous impact in economic growth, as well as in
agricultural growth. So, for example, just the interventions
and loans that we have made in the agricultural sector last
year resulted in an increase in 7 million dollars' worth of
agricultural products last year.
Senator Isakson. Well, you are causing a lot of economic
improvements to take place in the lives of those people which
really helps for the political stability in the area.
Ms. Dory, I want to comment on ISR for a minute.
Intelligence, reconnaissance, and surveillance is critically
important, as we have learned in many battlefields. That is
being enhanced now a little bit and I understand will be
enhanced a little bit more. And that is the real key the United
States, I think, can give to the AU and the U.N. and the other
forces that are there.
But it should be underscored for everybody that has an
interest in this where he is believed to be is a very heavily
vegetated, very underdeveloped part of the world where even
surveillance sometimes is very, very difficult because of the
canopy that literally covers the Central African Republic and
South Sudan and that area. I am very proud of what I saw and
what our 100 advisors, plus or minus, are doing there and the
cooperation and the aid they are giving to the Ugandan people
themselves.
One example--by the way, you talked about the reward
program. But they are also doing a great flyer drop program
like we used in a lot of battles all the way back to World War
I and World War II, but they are dropping leaflets offering
amnesty and recovery to abductees of Joseph Kony who will come
back. And that is starting to bear fruit, which is one of the
great programs. And I want to commend the advisors for doing
that. We saw firsthand some of the flyers and some of the
inducements to really provide these people with the confidence
to leave where they are in terms of in support of Kony and come
back and bring us the information necessary.
And I also want to say one other thing. I appreciate the
President extending the stay of those advisors in Uganda.
Joseph Kony can be within our reach sooner than we might have
thought in the past, and in large measure, it is because of
blending the ISR with the capabilities of the African
countries.
So any comments you want to add to that and the reward
program I would appreciate.
Ms. Dory. Thank you, Senator.
Your comments about the ISR and some of the challenges
there really underscore the need for all forms of information
and intelligence to be fused together and I think underscore
further the importance of the engagements with the local
populations, the engagements with the defectors and the kinds
of information that comes as a result of the defections. So the
defectors are a key part of the information picture that helps
the partner forces vector on the whereabouts of the LRA
leadership. So very complementary to the use of assets, ISR-
type assets, is the human picture, so to speak, derived from
information and intelligence. And to that end, the rewards
program--the proposal to expand the State Department's version
of the rewards program is well supported by the Department, by
General Ham and AFRICOM, as a way of inducing additional
defectors who in the end help tighten the net in terms of the
whereabouts of Joseph Kony.
Senator Isakson. Just a comment. I think DOD is very
supportive of the resolution of Senator Kerry and Coons,
myself, and others to expand the information leading to the
capture and conviction of the Kony rewards program, which has
been very helpful as I understand. And your fellows who were
deployed over there made it known to me how much they would
appreciate that opportunity. So I hope we can do that soon, Mr.
Chairman.
Senator Coons. Thank you, Senator Isakson.
That is, I think, our next step here legislatively, not
just to pass a resolution continuing to express support for the
mission and for the undertakings, express gratitude to the
regional armies, but also Senator Kerry's legislation that will
authorize the justice rewards program to also include Joseph
Kony and his coindictees at the ICC.
I would be interested in a series of answers, if I could.
Ambassador Yamamoto, the one country we have not talked about
is Sudan. Sudan played a role in arming the LRA and in
providing them some support years ago. There have been some
reports that suggest Kony might be trying to seek some kind of
safe haven in Sudan.
What is the status of our diplomatic efforts to pressure
Khartoum to prevent any efforts by Kony to seek sanctuary in
Sudan?
Ambassador Yamamoto. I think now the situation, of course,
in Sudan is very fluid because of the situation in Heglig and
the other areas.
We have been following very closely the reports and
allegations that the Khartoum government is supporting the LRA
for some time. We have not seen the evidence. We are looking,
but every information that we receive we are following and if
we do find verifiable evidence, we are going to act on it
immediately.
Senator Coons. And in your view, what would the
consequences be for the International Criminal Court and for
its stature going forward were Kony to be captured, taken to
The Hague, and tried as opposed to removed from the battlefield
in a way that prevented his being brought to justice?
Ambassador Yamamoto. I think the legislation by Senator
Kerry and by you, sir, has been extremely helpful as far as the
Rewards for Justice program because it does limit and isolate
Kony, not only Kony but also the other senior officials. And we
are supportive and receptive to how they are going to handle
Kony. I know that the Ugandans are very much involved in trying
to determine the ICC and other programs for Kony. But getting
him off the battlefield is No. 1.
Senator Coons. I would be interested in an answer from the
whole panel, if I could, in series to the next set of concerns
I have. If you could give me some more detail about the AU, the
African Union's role, how you see their engagement, how
sustained it will be, what sort of collaborative role they are
going to play, and that is both intergovernmental and then in
terms of recovery and development and then, most centrally, in
terms of the actual deployment. Is this simply rebranding
troops who are already in the field with a different command
structure? Will there be some additional troops sent to the
field? What kinds of capabilities and origin do they have?
First.
Second, civilian protection I think is a very important
part of the long-term strategy. I would be interested
particularly, Assistant Administrator Gast, in some comment
about what you have been doing around civilian protection.
And then last, how can folks who might be watching this
hearing who are interested--how they can be supportive? How can
they be engaged? What difference can they make in America's
effort at supporting our regional allies?
If you would first, Ambassador.
Ambassador Yamamoto. We commend the African Union's efforts
because their involvement is going to be very important not
only in coordination and cooperation of these four countries,
but also in bringing the entire African Union to bear on this
issue. As you know, the African Union selected recently the
Mozambique diplomat, Madeira, as the Special Envoy to the LRA.
And also in that context, they have also established
operations, a task force in Southern Sudan.
But what is going to be important, of course, is bringing
the other groups together, the European Union, and funding and
help in assisting, also the African Union to help coordinate
much more. And as you were saying, is it going to bring more
troops? And I think what they are going to do is bring a better
coordination and cooperation among these four countries and
then bring other support from outside.
And also the other issue is that our special forces unit is
working very closely with the African Union. So that
involvement is one element of helping to support and to sustain
and to close in on Kony and his team.
Mr. Gast. With regard to your question on the African
Union, they are certainly playing a very valuable role in
helping to coordinate on the humanitarian side with the U.N.
organizations, with the host country governments, and also with
the donor countries themselves, and also with the EU, which is
also a major provider of humanitarian assistance to those four
areas, those four countries.
But with regard to your question on protection, this is
something that we have put increased emphasis on over the past
couple of years, and we appreciate your earmarking of some $5
million in 2012. Most of that assistance will be going into
supporting protection programs mainly in the Central African
Republic where we feel that there is a gap at this time.
With regard to specific activities that we are doing in
enhancing civilian protection, it is certainly on the
humanitarian side, going in, providing relief services, also
providing psychosocial health services, and then reintegration
services livelihoods.
But one of the innovative things that we are doing with the
State Department and with the international community and also
with the Catholic Church is the early warning system. We will
be working with 24 communities in the LRA-affected areas of
Orientale Province in the DRC, and in those areas there are
about 60,000 inhabitants. And the early warning system is one
critical component that we found missing, how do we alert
villages that an attack or guerillas may be on the way, how can
they enhance communications between the villages. So that is
something that we are doing.
We are also working Vodaphone in a private partnership.
Vodaphone will be providing the retail services, and we are
going to help with some state-of-the-art, low maintenance cell
phone towers that we will be putting out in the eastern DRC to
facilitate additional communication so that community
protection committees can then get in touch with either U.N.
forces, either with their own government forces, or with other
villages.
Senator Coons. Thank you, Assistant Administrator Gast.
Deputy Assistant Secretary Dory.
Ms. Dory. Senator Coons, on the issue of the growing AU
role, I think we can only express our optimism at this point
that they are increasing their role, going from declaring the
LRA a terrorist organization at the end of last year to now,
the designation of an envoy, the gradual mobilizing of forces
to bring to bear. I think a parallel is interesting to consider
when you look at Somalia. In the first instance, the neighbors
are the ones who feel the impact and act first, but then over
time, the full force of the AU is brought to bear, as we have
seen with the AMISOM mission. I think we could envision that
that is a possibility for the counter LRA mission as well so
that it is not a rebranding exercise. It does become more than
the sum of the existing parts.
Senator Coons. Is it clear yet whether there will be
additional troops actually deployed under the AU umbrella or is
this still a work in progress?
Ms. Dory. I think this is still very much a work in
progress. We see encouraging signs of shuttle diplomacy
happening among all of the different leaders in the region at
the political level, at the military level. So I think I would
say stay posted.
Senator Coons. And then if I could, just a closing question
to all three of you. Both what could we, as concerned and
engaged Senators, do to be more supportive of the effort
multilaterally and then what could anyone watching or
interested do to continue to be supportive? If you would first,
Deputy Assistant Secretary Dory.
Ms. Dory. Thank you.
In the first instance, the continuation of the bipartisan
support for this mission is fundamental and this hearing today
demonstrates that yet again. So we would just thank you for
that support and sustained engagement. The visits to the region
that helped bring back the personal witness of what you have
seen, how you have observed the U.S. Government comprehensive
strategy in action, again just to encourage that.
We have talked about the expansion of the State
Department's rewards program already. The Department of Defense
fully supports that expansion.
The sustainment of the title 22 appropriations that are so
key to the efforts for many years now and going forward.
And then just the support from your last question,
encouraging the role of the U.N. and the African Union as they
increasingly come on line going forward.
Senator Coons. Thank you.
Assistant Administrator Gast.
Mr. Gast. Very similar. One is continued hearings and
speaking out on the issues, as you have done. Visits to the
region certainly help. And third, resources.
Senator Coons. Last, Ambassador Yamamoto.
Ambassador Yamamoto. Again, thank you very much, Senator,
what you have been doing with the legislation, our Rewards for
Justice. Your videos, your outspoken advocacy is important.
And also the efforts of Mr. Ben Keesey and others at
Invisible Children has been very supportive.
And also in continuation on their civilian protection and
what we can do is really work with the regional states because
they are the ones that are taking the lead, are taking the
hits, and doing the battles and the fighting and the
protection. I know that the Ugandans, for instance, in the last
couple years have devoted about $50 million for reconciliation
and protection, and Earl and his group and the U.S. Government
has done about $500 million since 2008 just for protection and
humanitarian assistance. So those are things that are
continuing in support, and those are really critical issues.
Thank you.
Senator Coons. Terrific. Thank you very much. I just want
to thank our first panel. I am grateful for your testimony
today and for appearing before the committee both for your
thorough and detailed written and prepared testimony and for
your availability to answer questions. I very much look forward
to continuing to work with you as we sustain this very vital
multilateral mission in central Africa. Thank you very much.
We are now going to turn to our second panel, and I see
that we have a guest, Senator Mary Landrieu, who I am going to
invite to come and join us in introducing our second panel. And
as our first panel is preparing to leave, I just want to
suggest that we might show a short video. We have prepared just
a summary of video that has already been made available that
helps highlight the stories of Ms. Jolly Okot, who is now the
Regional Ambassador for Invisible Children, who I invite to the
table, and Mr. Jacob Acaye whose stories have inspired millions
around the world. If you would join at the table Senator Mary
Landrieu.
[The transcription of the video follows:]
Jason Russell. It's been almost 10 years since Jacob and I became
friends. But when my friends and I first met him in Uganda in central
Africa, it was in very different circumstances. He was running for his
life.
You go to school here?
Jacob Acaye. Yes.
Mr. Russell. Yes? That's how you know English so well?
Mr. Acaye. Yes, I know.
Mr. Russell. How many nights have you stayed here?
Security Guard. Hello. Hello. You are making our work here very
difficult. You stop that thing now.
Mr. Russell. The night I first met Jacob, he told me what he and
the other children in northern Uganda were living through.
Mr. Acaye. We worry. The rebels, when they arrest us again, then
they will kill us. My brother tried to escape. Then they killed him
using apanga. They cut his neck.
Mr. Russell. Did you see it?
Mr. Acaye. I saw it.
African boy. We fear that if we sleep at our home, we can be
abducted by the revels because our home is far away from town.
Mr. Acaye. They will catch us. Then they will take us there in the
bush. We come here to save our life.
Mr. Russell. What is it that you want to be when you grow up?
Mr. Acaye. For me, I wanted to be a lawyer, but I don't have money
to pay my school fees so that I learn and then become a lawyer.
Mr. Russell. After spending a few weeks with Jacob, he told me
something I would never forget.
Mr. Acaye. So it is better when you kill us, and if possible, you
can kill us, you kill us. For us, we don't want now to stay.
Mr. Russell. You don't want to stay on earth.
Mr. Acaye. We are only two. No one is taking care of us. We are not
going to school, so----
Mr. Russell. You would rather die than stay on earth?
Mr. Acaye. Yes.
Mr. Russell. Now? Even now?
Mr. Acaye. Even now. How are we going to stay and have a future?
Jolly Okot. The world should know that this war is complex. If it
wasn't complex, it wouldn't have stayed for 26 years. I have been in
the forefront from day one with the filmmakers. I felt that this can be
an opportunity for someone else to see what was in northern Uganda. I
felt that let's do something and let the world know. That is why our
advocacy has been very strong.
Narrator. So while Jolly launched Invisible Children's programs on
the ground, we came home and in 2005 began telling true stories with
our friends affected by LRA violence because we have seen that stories
can change lives.
[End of video.]
Senator Coons. Thank you.
Now, I am in awe of Jolly and Jacob's courage and strength
and indeed agree that their stories have touched and saved
millions of lives just by participating in these videos. I am
certain that you have had that global impact. And now I am
grateful that you have the opportunity to join us here today.
I would turn to my good friend and colleague, Senator
Landrieu of Louisiana, to introduce our distinguished panel.
Senator Landrieu has been an outspoken, engaged, and effective
advocate on these issues for many years. I am honored she could
join us here at the committee hearing today because in a very
real sense, it is because of her that we have had the
opportunity to have you with us today.
Senator Landrieu.
STATEMENT OF HON. MARY L. LANDRIEU,
U.S. SENATOR FROM LOUISIANA
Senator Landrieu. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. I sincerely
appreciate your leadership as the chair of the African
Subcommittee on this very important committee of the United
States Congress to use this platform and your time and
attention to build support for those suffering the atrocities
going on in this part of the world.
They may not be the greatest, most widespread atrocities,
but they are atrocities nonetheless, and they have been brought
to our attention in a very special and significant way, through
the voices of children. It is very unusual for children of the
world. Maybe it has been done before in this way. I am not
sure. But this issue, with hundreds and millions of children
around the world, led by a child himself, has brought these
atrocities to our attention. And that in itself, Mr. Chairman,
should be honored.
We struggle to make democracy relevant to the children in
our country. We struggle to make democracy make sense to people
in the world who are not used to it. And it is moments like
these that need to be captured and promoted. When children, not
even able to vote, can recognize truth when they see it and, if
given an opportunity, will press and use the rights that we try
to start teaching them in kindergarten, but by honoring their
words in middle school and high school, we strengthen and make
true what we say to them not only as parents but as Senators.
I was led to this by two children, one, my niece, Kelsey
Cook, who is now married and her husband is serving overseas.
But when she was 14, she told me about a friend of hers that
was going to school with her, Johannis Oberman, who was working
for an organization that was trying to help the night walkers
in Uganda. Of course, I had read about them and had been
working with orphans in that country. And she said, Aunt Mary,
could you do something? And I said, well, yes, I will try.
So I began work here with other Senators and then, as you
know, traveled to Uganda myself and met the UNICEF Director,
Carol Bellamy, at the time. We tried to get to the northern
part to actually see the night walkers. But when we were there,
one of the priests who had been their great advocate--Episcopal
priest--had been murdered by the Kony forces and our State
Department did not allow us to go.
But we came back and you know that some of us have been
working over the course of the time to help. I have stayed in
touch with Invisible Children and the nonprofit that was
created after the plea that Jacob said to Ben, who is here in
the audience. He looked at Ben--and you saw it on the video. He
said, Ben, I would rather die than live on an earth with no
justice. And he is absolutely correct, Mr. Chairman.
And the sad thing is there are millions and millions and
millions of children and families living in places where there
is no justice.
And this might not be the greatest atrocity that ever
occurred, but it is most certainly worth our time and worth our
action. I do not know what the State Department said, but I
hope they have stepped up their efforts. I do not know what the
Defense Department has said. I hope they step up their efforts.
And I hope that your committee and the work that we can do here
will keep the focus on this tragedy, will stop this raging
maniac of a terrorist who believes that he is being led by some
higher spiritual calling which, of course, is not related to
any church or religion that you and I would be familiar with,
but evidently there is some higher spiritual calling that
empowers him to slice 5-year-olds in half in front of their
mother and then drag the brother and sister into servitude,
that allows children or forces children to kill their own
fathers in front of their family by slicing them to pieces and
then terrorizes children. I have never really truly in my life
ever heard of such horrors.
And the fact that all the governments of the world cannot
seem to catch him and to bring him to justice is a real
puzzlement to me.
But I am going to turn the mic over to two people who are
far more eloquent on this subject than I am who have literally
given their life for this cause. And with the Invisible
Children--that is one of the greatest NGO's I have ever known,
and they have my full and complete and undying loyalty to the
work that they do to inspire children to act and respond.
I want to introduce you to Jacob who has been presented in
the video. But at the age of 11--now Jacob is 21. He is
studying to become a human rights lawyer. I am confident that
he will be one of the greatest human rights lawyers ever to
practice on the planet. He was one of the 41 youth taken from a
Ugandan village by Joe Kony. Fortunately, Jacob escaped. He can
tell you how, and his moving story is the emotional centerpiece
of the video that you just saw.
I want to also recognize Ms. Jolly Okot, who is the on-the-
ground coordinator for Invisible Children. She is the former
Ugandan Country Director. Now she is working in a more regional
way because, as you know, we believe Joe Kony has left Uganda
and is now terrorizing an area the size of France in the middle
of a jungle with very few roads. But you know, he can be caught
if we would put our mind to it. And just by catching him and
his few followers, this whole reign of terror for 25 years
could come to an end. This is not, contrary to what some of the
experts say, that complicated in my opinion.
Among her many qualifications, Jolly holds a degree in
business administration, is experienced in program development
and coordination and logistics. How she has managed to continue
all of this work all of this time is beyond me. She is focused
on all children, but particularly girls in the subregion of the
country.
And I will close with this. If we cannot find and honor the
voices of the children in our country, your daughters and my
daughters--the second child was my own daughter, Mary Shannon
Snellings, who came home from Easter break this year and said,
``Mom, do you know Joe Kony?'' And I said, ``I know you don't
think your mother knows much, but I do know Joe Kony.'' And we
talked about it. She encouraged me to watch the video which
inspired me to reenergize myself.
So, Mr. Chairman, I thank you. Let us stay energized. Let
us not have to rely on our children to shake our conscience to
stay energized.
And I turn it over to these two extraordinary people. And I
thank again Invisible Children and the leaders that are here
representing this extraordinary nonprofit and the work that
they are doing to bring truth to the eyes of the world by the
voices of very small children.
Senator Coons. Thank you, Senator Landrieu, and thank you
for your long and effective and engaged advocacy on this issue,
for bringing the voice of the children who have touched you,
your daughter, your niece, and help to encourage and inspire
work by this subcommittee and by all of us in the Senate. Thank
you for your legislative leadership as well. I very much look
forward to working together over the long haul to restore a
sense of justice and security to the children all over the
world who have been haunted by this.
And let us now turn, if we could, first to Ms. Jolly Okot
and then to Mr. Jacob Acaye.
Jolly.
STATEMENT OF JOLLY OKOT, REGIONAL AMBASSADOR, INVISIBLE
CHILDREN, KAMPALA, UGANDA
Ms. Okot. Thank you so much, Mr. Chairman. I would like to
appreciate so much the big efforts that you have made to make
sure that this will come to an end. It has been going on for
the last 26 years.
I want to thank Senator Isakson for personally being
involved. When I met you in Gulu, I was also touched to see
that.
And I want to thank you, Mary, for the passion you have to
ensure that the children who are still suffering in the hands
of Joseph Kony get rescued and also get a second chance, like
the way I am right now.
And I want to thank the U.S. Government so much for being
involved and putting this agenda on top of all the other issues
that they have. It means a lot to us. That has shown that there
is a lot of love for the people, especially the people of
northern Uganda, Central African Republic, and Democratic
Republic of Congo.
I want to share my personal story. I grew up in northern
Uganda, and from day one, when this war started, I saw as it
transitioned to what is now called the LRA. And I lost my
teenage years to this war. I could not finish it up because I
got involved, I would say I got abducted, and started fighting
alongside the rebel group. That was my life as a young girl. I
got so tortured so much, and repeatedly, I was raped.
And today, when I go back to my community, I am still being
called the market officer because I was being forced to go and
get money and food forcefully for the rebel group. And up to
today, as much as I try to transform my community, I am still
filled with guilt of what I did more than 20 years ago as a
child and as a child soldier.
For the past 26 years, you know, it has been very hard, but
not only on me. I am just one person, but there are thousands
and thousands of people who have their own stories to share
about what has happened with the LRA.
When I left my village after being adducted, I escaped and
I rescued my dad, and we walked for 60 miles to look for
safety. The LRA retaliated in my village, first of all, by
killing my uncle who was taking care of our property, and then
second, in one night, I lost 21 of my cousins, because my
parents come from a family of seven people and each one of them
had an average of about five or six children. And these are my
cousins that I grew up with, but I entirely could not see them
after that one night.
And as I talk, their graves are still shallowly buried, 2
months ago when I went there, I asked my dad: ``I said why
cannot we re-bury these people properly?''
So, this pain is still in me, and then I still see the same
pain happening in Central African Republic. And that is why I
still stand very loud and why I said this war has to come to an
end no matter what it takes.
When I went to Congo last year, toward the end of my trip,
I met up with the victims. What touched me the most was a young
girl, who was 14 years old who came, and when I turned to her,
I said I thought she speaks French as we do not share any
language with the Congolese people. But when I turned to her
and I started speaking to her in Acholi, and she turned to me,
answering me in Acholi. That made me break down because I
exactly saw in her eyes what happened to me when I was growing
up, and that became very, very hard on me.
And then, when I met up with a group of women who were in a
workshop in a civil society meeting, I could see in their eyes.
I was the only Ugandan seated there, and all of them had these
questions of like, ``why are we being fought by this one guy,
Joseph Kony, that we do not understand?'' And the thing that
they raised, they said, ``Our voices cannot be heard. How did
you people do it, so that the world heard your voice, and now
the war in northern Uganda is able to get it stopped?''
And one thing that they all said was that because their
voices cannot be heard, they feel that this is a trick of
eliminating their ethnic group, which is the Azande Tribe.
Because when you look in Central African Republic, Sudan, and
Congo, it is only the Azande Tribe. that Joseph Kony is
apparently harassing. And this was very difficult for me,
especially hearing it from them. And I told them, ``You know,
there are people out there who can listen. We need to do
advocacy and we need to speak loud so that your voices can be
heard.''
And I have dedicated my life to work for these young people
right now, even if northern Uganda is relatively peaceful. But
when I go to the Congo, and see the Congolese girls who have
come out, speak to them in my own language, and to the people
from Central African Republic, I want to urge the world to
stand strong. The war of the LRA, whatever approach it is going
to take, we need to take a holistic approach of making sure
that this will come to an end. Because if we do not do that,
there are people who are suffering every day in the same life.
One thing that I ask the world, is to come strong--and I
want to appreciate the effort of the U.S. Government--if we had
an HF radio a long time ago, I would not have been abducted
because the information would have come to me early enough and
then I would have heard. If I had, you know, a communication
that could stop me from going out, I would not have suffered as
a girl.
And then I ask also the international community to push the
Governments of Central African Republic, Democratic Republic of
Congo, Sudan, and Uganda to take ownership so that the
population, the local population, whose voices are not being
heard. If you narrate it, the world cannot understand, but the
life there is so difficult, especially seeing young kids who
their future have been lost. So that pressure can help the
intervention of eliminating Joseph Kony.
I know that time is not so much on my side. But I know that
this is a story which is very difficult, and why I appreciate
the effort of the American Government. And yesterday, when I
heard the President speak, I was very, very impressed because I
relate with my own story. One day, when my son was 12 years,
called Davis, read a story about me in the African Woman
magazine, he asked my Daddy, ``Daddy, where were you when Mommy
was being taken? Mommy, couldn't Daddy protect you?'' And that
is what has compelled me to do what I do today, no matter what
it will take. There are people out there that have their own
opinions about how this war has to be ended, all those opinions
can be taken together, but we have to give a timeline because
the atrocities will not end unless the perpetrators are brought
to book.
So, I think briefly this is what I have to share. My story
is very big. I cannot share it within a short amount of time,
but this is briefly what I have to share with people out there
and people in this house. Thank you so much.
[The prepared statement of Ms. Okot follows:]
Prepared Statement of Jolly Okot
My name is Jolly Okot and I'm an Acholi from Uganda who has seen
the effects of war firsthand. I grew up with Joseph Kony as children in
the same village, not knowing what he would one day turn into.
In 1986, as a teenager, I was walking the 10 miles home from my
boarding school in northern Uganda, and came across a roadblock set up
by a group of rebels. They detained me, and I began to hear gunshots. I
turned to see a commander draw a pistol and shoot two people in their
feet. This was my introduction to what was then called the Holy Spirit
movement, and what soon after took shape as the Lord's Resistance Army.
That day, I myself was abducted.
I spent the next 2 years with the rebels, forced to fight, forced
to steal from my own people at gunpoint, and repeatedly raped by
commanders.
When I finally managed to escape, the LRA retaliated by going to my
village and killing my uncle. A year later, they returned to my village
and killed 21 of my cousins in a single night.
What was done to my family is still happening today in central
Africa. The LRA started out as a popular rebellion in northern Uganda
to overthrow the government, but they quickly lost support as Kony
attacked our own people, abducting children as young as 5 to join his
ranks. Since 2006, the LRA has been pushed out of Uganda, which is now
peaceful. Yet Kony continues to terrorize communities in the Democratic
Republic of the Congo, the Central African Republic, and South Sudan.
As a Ugandan who grew up with Kony, it is especially painful to
witness this conflict now impacting Uganda's neighbors. Kony has no
achievable political agenda; he and his top commanders are fighting
only for survival, and they are doing it at the expense of the local
population. Since 2008, the LRA have killed over 2,400 people in
central Africa, and abducted over 3,400 others. Nearly a half a million
people are currently displaced in the region, still living in fear.
These people are living in the remotest parts of the countries, and
their own governments have done little to stop the LRA. Late last year,
I heard testimonies from many local leaders during a civil society
workshop held in Dungu. People came from DRC, CAR, and South Sudan, and
nearly all of those in the workshop are part of one ethnic group, the
Azande. Because of the inaction of regional government on the issue,
delegates expressed the feeling that the LRA war is an attempt by their
governments to eliminate the Azande people. It is being perceived by
the local population as an attempt at genocide.
I have dedicated my life to working with communities affected by
LRA violence. After I escaped abduction, I went back to school,
realizing that education is the key to creating change. I began
supporting Sudanese refugees and started working with organizations
such as Oxfam, MSF, InterAid and UNHCR before meeting the founders of
Invisible Children and taking on the role as the director of Invisible
Children's programs in Uganda. For the last 2 years, I have helped to
expand programs in DR Congo and CAR to work directly with the currently
affected population.
This past December, I was in the town of Dungu, DRC meeting with
women's groups from South Sudan, Congo and Central African Republic. In
the meeting, most of them discussed the level of atrocities committed
by the LRA in their different villages. I met with several girls who
had just returned from abduction, and when they talked to me about what
they had gone through--being given forcefully as wives to commanders--
it broke my heart. It was a fresh reminder of exactly what I had gone
through, and what we in Uganda suffered for two decades. I met a young
Congolese girl of 14 years who had been abducted by the LRA. Coming
from Uganda, we don't share even a single word in our languages, so
normally having a translator is necessary to communicate. But when I
met this young Congolese girl, I found that she spoke my language
perfectly, as a result of her time with the LRA. It was shocking to be
in a foreign place, seeing such a high level of trauma, and realizing
that the language spoken by the LRA had been exported to innocent young
people in Congo. It made me realize that these people from South Sudan,
Congo, and Central African Republic are my brothers and sisters, just
as much as my Ugandan brothers and sisters. They are suffering the same
terror that we suffered for so many years. Although Kony has moved out
of northern Uganda, he is still terrorizing innocent victims and we
must join together and stand up for them.
Despite recent advances by the African Union, there has been little
cooperation between the countries that have been affected by the LRA on
a joint solution. Victims and local leaders are asking for the
intervention of the international community--and especially the U.S.
Government--to encourage better regional coordination, and to pressure
President Kabila to acknowledge the threat of the LRA and allow
regional forces the opportunity to pursue them in DR Congo. Likewise,
the LRA should not be given safe haven in Darfur, or anywhere else in
the region, and the United States should help diplomatically to ensure
this.
As we focus on bringing LRA atrocities to an end, we should embrace
a holistic approach to bringing to an end to this war that has been
going on for the past 26 years. Since peace came to northern Uganda in
2006, we have seen a rapid increase in development. Poverty rates
dropped from 65 percent in 2004 to less than 45 percent today. I
acknowledge the great support of the U.S. Government and the American
people on the ground. There is a lot that has been done to support the
victims of the LRA directly through USAID, U.S.-based NGOs and private
funding from young people across the country who have supported
Invisible Children and our local partners to carry out life-changing
work. Recently, young Invisible Children supporters have raised funds
for the expansion of 27 high-frequency radios that provide an early
warning of LRA attack to communities in the countries where the LRA now
operates. Young people have funded the region's first rehabilitation
center in DR Congo, and they have helped us to fund construction of
community-led FM projects that encourage safe LRA defection. Young
people--particularly young Americans--are changing the landscape for
LRA affected communities, and they should be commended for their
dedication and enthusiasm.
The United States has been at the forefront of international
efforts, and we have welcomed this leadership. But progress has been
slow to reach the ground, and in some areas altogether absent. More
efforts are needed, especially in currently affected areas like
southeast CAR.
Defeating Kony requires more than just seeing his arrest. LRA
forces survive by exploiting the remoteness and lack of infrastructure
in the areas of operation. Addressing this requires a multifaceted
approach. I speak on behalf of the victims in central Africa to call
for four things in particular. One, increased civilian protection,
including early warning systems and infrastructure projects like the
rehabilitation of key roads. Two, expanding demobilization,
disarmament, and reintegration (DDR) efforts, particularly in CAR,
where FM radio broadcasts and leaflet distribution can be effective at
encouraging peaceful LRA surrender. Three, increased support for
rehabilitation and reconstruction initiatives, ensuring that the
highest levels of trauma can be addressed. And finally, strengthened
intelligence and logistical support to the regional forces pursuing top
LRA leadership. The deployment of advisors has been a positive
development in this regard, though we have received numerous reports
that there should be fewer restrictions in their mobility to provide
better support to regional efforts in the field.
Now, words have to translate into results. The solutions being
discussed should be acted upon swiftly and courageously, so that peace
can be restored to the region. The world is watching and waiting to see
what will happen this year, and we have the opportunity to join
together, after 26 years, to deliver the results.
Senator Coons. Thank you so much, Jolly. And thank you also
for your written testimony which goes into great detail about
your personal sufferings and experience and your tremendous
work of recovery and then of regional strength and then of
investing your life in making sure that others do not suffer
similarly.
Mr. Acaye, if you would----
Senator Landrieu. Mr. Chairman, may I just say before Jacob
speaks, I am going to have to leave to go to an Energy and
Water markup, of which I am one of the ranking members, and I
am going to have to leave. But I am so grateful for Jacob for
telling his story. And I thank this committee again.
And I want to mention Resolve as well, which is one of the
nonprofits that has been working closely. They are here in
Washington with Invisible Children.
Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Senator Coons. Thank you so much, Senator Landrieu, for
joining us today.
Jacob, Mr. Acaye, if you would like to offer your testimony
today.
STATEMENT OF JACOB ACAYE, FORMER LRA ABDUCTEE, GULU DISTRICT,
UGANDA
Mr. Acaye. Thank you so much, Mr. Chairman.
On behalf of the survivors and those who are still going
through hardships in Central African Republic, Congo, and
Sudan, I want to testify and share my story in the struggle of
bringing this war, which has lasted for more than 2 decades, to
an end.
Being someone who was born during the war, I went through a
lot. And some of them were directly to my life and some were
indirectly. And when I say ``indirectly,'' I mean it has
touched many of my friends, relatives, and people like Jolly
Okot--she is here right now with me--and many of the people who
are back at home.
And I will basically go into the direct way which it has
touched my life and try to connect to the many who it touched
as well.
At the age of 12, I was abducted from my village by the
Lord's Resistance Army and taken to serve as a child soldier.
And the way I was abducted was that the rebels came at around
midnight, just in the middle of our sleep, and they broke down
our door and got inside where I was sleeping with my cousin,
and tied us up. And they also went ahead and woke my parents
who were sleeping the next door over, and they saw us being
taken. But knowing that the rebels' orders were always final,
they could not do anything that would stop the rebels from
taking us away from them.
And we walked through the whole night, because always, when
they do attack one place, they try to go far away as fast as
they can because they know the next morning someone might be
following them up. So we walked through the whole night and we
continued walking like that for the next 3 days. We were in the
next district which was neighboring to Gulu, and that was
Kitgum District, which is about 90 miles away from my village.
And when we got there, it was surprising that I actually
met with my brother who was abducted a year before mine. That
was in Tusanwan. And I was shocked to see him again, because I
had stayed for a whole year not knowing where he was, not even
expecting to see him again. But when I saw him, I again became
a little happy. I was like, ``Wow, so I can see my brother
again today.''
And a week after staying together with him--my brother had
always been thinking of escaping and coming back home, but it
is so hard to do it because someone who brought you forcefully
knows that you are likely to escape. And he tried it.
Unfortunately, the same group recaptured him in a few minutes
after had tried to escape. And they brought him back to where
he tried to escape. And to scare us, who have been abducted
alongside the 42 kids who were with us, they said whoever tried
to escape will suffer as an example to those who are still here
in order to encourage them to not to try to escape.
And when they brought him back, they tied him. They knew
very well that he was my brother, and they tied him. They
killed him in front of us when we were seeing. It was so hard
in my sight. And when I saw that happening, I could not cry
because they would think that I would have that negative
feeling toward them and escape as well. So I was to pretend and
act as if I was liking what they are doing which was so hard on
my sight.
But the next day, we met with a group that came from Sudan
that brought ammunition. We call it bullets. But I think the
group that abducted us was running short of ammunition. So, the
next group that came from Sudan came and brought just
ammunition. And their commander wanted someone who was young to
carry for him a chair. And by then I had stayed with this group
that had abducted me for like--that was the second week. And
then this guy came and the commander came and was interacting,
talking with the other commander who abducted me. He asked him,
``Do you have any kid who can come and help me carry my
chair?'' The commanders always have small chairs that would
help them sit in the jungles.
So me, being the youngest among the group, the person who
abducted me handed me over to this new guy who came from Sudan.
``Jacob, you are going to go with this guy, and he is heading
back to Sudan, I will find you when we get there. Safe travel
on your way to Sudan.''
I had no option. I had no decision. I had to go with this
guy. And for me, when I was going, I felt so bad because when I
was being abducted, I was abducted alongside 41 kids who, I
knew them. They were from the same village with me. So I was a
little bit comfortable with them, we could talk, and be like,
``OK, there is nothing we can do.'' As much as we wanted to
escape, it was hard. But then, I was being taken away from this
group. I was going to the next one--Sudan--where I know nobody.
So, I was a little scared.
But at some point, I realized that it was my luck that made
me come back home, that made it easy for me to escape, because
they met actually briefly, and they had no time to discuss more
about me with this commander who abducted me. So while staying
with this new commander, he wanted to know more from me. He
wanted to get to know how long I had stayed with the other
commander who abducted me. Then to gain his trust, I had to lie
to him because, the more time you stay with LRA, the more
freedom they give you because they think you are now loyal to
them. And he wanted to know how long I had stayed with other
commander. That is when I told him, I said, ``OK, I have been
with the other commander for like, 3 months, and I am liking
how you guys operate. And actually, I think I am willing to
stay.''
So, on hearing that, he gave me freedom of movement that I
could do what I want since I have stayed for so long now. I
know how they operate, but then I should always come early and
wake him up wherever he is sleeping and carry his chair and we
go wherever we are going.
So I did that for like 2 or 3 days, but every time I take a
new move. Like when he was sleeping here, I made sure to go a
distance from him and then see if he will react negatively
toward it. But all the time, he had trusted me, based on the
fact that I had stayed for 3 months. So, he thought maybe I
would not do anything, like escaping. So I would go a distance,
come back, and wake him up, and then I would carry his chair
and we go.
I did that for 3 days, and then on the 4th day, we were
actually heading toward the border of Sudan. And he told me,
``Jacob, you need to get ready. Tonight we are not going to go
anywhere. We are going to be in the same position because we
want everyone to prepare their food. Tomorrow very early in the
morning, we are going to take a long journey which is going to
be about 3 days, and if we are resting in between, it will be
less than an hour. So, you need to pack all what you need for 3
days, like food because we are crossing the border, and we have
to go straight to Sudan.''
So I was like, ``Yeah, that is fine. I have to get ready.
Is it OK if I stay up late tonight because I want to get
ready.'' He was like, ``Yeah, you are fine. You just get ready
because it is not going to be easy.''
So, what I did was what I had in my mind right from day
one--that I need to find a way out. I do not need to go to
Sudan. Fighting is not the way of solving any problem. But I
could not tell them to their face. So, I thought that was the
last night that it was going to be possible for me to escape
because I was going to cross to Sudan, a tribe I did not know.
The language they speak was different, and it would be so hard
for me to escape from them, and they would look at me like,
``These are Acholi people who are from Gulu. They are
terrorizing us in Sudan, and you escape and come to our
village.'' It would have been so hard for me.
So, I had to find my way out that very night. I was so
scared, but I felt like that was the only chance that I had. I
should try. And, bearing in mind that if they get me, I will
suffer as an example. But I decided I would rather die in
Uganda than go to Sudan and die in Sudan, a country that I have
never been.
So that way, I kind of got encouraged and tried to find my
way out. And the way I found my way out was really hard because
being a server to a commander, we would always stay in the
middle of the group, and there were all these intelligence
officers who would gather and are trained to guard the
commander. But because of the freedom of movement that I had,
during that day, I tried to move and see how they were setting
up, how they were trying to guard the commander. So at least I
knew where to go and how to dodge the people who were trying to
guard the commander. So at night, I was trying to move and
dodge all these things.
But, I thank God that I made it out and it was very far
from the IDP camp, Atiak--it is on the border. And it took me
the whole night walking, trying to find out how I can get to
the public who can notify--the authorities who can bring me
back home.
But I was so happy that when I got to the IDP camp, I had
that knowledge. At least I knew how to read, and I saw a police
post. So, I ended there and told them my problem and about how
I got there. And I was brought back to my village.
So, when I came back to my village, it was so hard for me
to sleep and stay in the same house where I was abducted from.
And I felt like the town was a little safe. The city center was
a little more safe, and that was where thousands of kids used
to go and sleep at night because the abductions were mainly
done during nighttime. So, to avoid being exposed at night to
abduction, people would go and sleep in the city center. But I
could not move to stay in town since my parents are still in
the same place where I was abducted.
So what I did, alongside thousands of kids, was, every 6:00
in the evening, we would walk to town, which is about 4 to 5
miles, and sleep in the city center, and then we would come
back in the morning.
So, I did that for about a year. And during the process
when I was sleeping in the bus park, that is when I met the
filmmakers. The city center was flooded by kids, all these kids
who feared the abduction. And when these guys came, they were
shocked because, coming from the United States seeing how
children are valued, and then they were in the middle of this
town where children were sleeping outside in the cold and it
was raining, they were like, ``Wow, we need to find out why are
these kids sleeping outside.'' And that is when I kind of felt
like, oh, maybe they want to know about why we sleep here.
And it was not my first time doing that. Being someone
could speak a little language, like a little English, I always
told these things to journalists who usually came, almost every
night, from different countries.
So, when I told these three boys, I did not expect anything
this big to come. I could never imagine myself being where I am
right now. But, I just wanted them to know why we were sleeping
outside. And the fact that they had the camera, was not a big
deal to me because the camera is like a brother to white men in
Africa--whoever is going there at least carries a camera. So it
was not a big deal.
So these guys, after I told my stories, I think they felt
touched and they really wanted to help. And they asked me--I
think you saw the clip in the video--``Jacob, what would you
want to be and what do you want us to do, how can we help?'' It
was a very challenging question because I think 80 percent of
the kids in northern Uganda look at white people as being
money. So, it was a very challenging question because the first
thought was like maybe they should give me money and I move
away from northern Uganda. And I realized that it was not good
for me to get money because it will not last. You can give me
thousands of dollars, but remember, I will be spending it, and
I will not be getting more.
So, I realized that the way these people could help me was
to put me in school, and that is what I asked from them. I
said, ```Put me in school since I want to be a lawyer and try
to work toward it.'' So, they started paying my school fees.
And when I met them, that is when I came to meet Jolly who
brought them to the bus park where we used to sleep, and she
opened up a scholarship program that has helped thousands of
kids, me being one of them. And Education has changed my life,
and I feel like there are still so many who need the same
thing, after going through what I went through, being put in
school after coming back and having parents who are displaced--
they had no money to like pay their kids in school since
education is very expensive. So, all these kids need to go to
school. And I feel like an idle mind is always a place for the
devil because I see Kony went to the bush as a frustrated
youth. And if we leave all these kids to stay at home, it is
likely that one of them might again go somewhere, like Kony.
And because of fact that the war is still terrorizing
people around the world, the same war, I am calling upon the
world to come up and join the youth who are advocating for the
end of this war. And I also know that you leaders are our
representatives, and if there is something that we want, we go
through you people. And if we send our voices out, then you
should care about what we are demanding for.
And then the second thing that I want to say is, I want to
thank all the people, all the different organizations that are
working alongside me toward bringing this war to an end. We
have so many organizations that I cannot mention them now. But
also thank you guys for letting us share our story and tell the
world what is going on.
Thank you very much. I welcome any question. But this story
is something short--the war has been going on for the last 26
years. I cannot summarize it all in 10 minutes or 5.
[The prepared statement of Mr. Acaye follows:]
Prepared Statement of Jacob Acaye
I was abducted by the Lord's Resistance Army when I was 12 years
old, from my village of Koro, in northern Uganda. The rebels came at
midnight and broke down the door where my cousin and I were sleeping.
We were both abducted in the presence of our parents, who could not do
anything to stop the LRA, knowing that the orders they are given to
carry out are always final.
The rebels tied our hands together and we walked through the whole
first night. They made us keep walking for the next 3 days until we
reached Kitgum district, about 90 miles away from my village. It was
here that I met with my brother,
who had been abducted 1 year earlier. It was a shock when I saw him,
but at the same time it made me so happy to see that he was okay. After
1 week together, my brother tried to escape, but unfortunately he was
caught. My brother was brought back to the group where I was and was
killed in front of me, to serve as example for others who would want to
escape.
We then met with another LRA group who brought ammunition from
Sudan, and the commander of this group wanted someone young to carry
his chair. Being the youngest, I was selected to go with this
commander. To gain his trust, I lied about how long I had been with the
LRA, telling him I had already been with the LRA for 3 months. On
hearing that, he thought I was loyal to them, and he gave me freedom to
move. Our group approached the border of South Sudan, and that is when
I decided to escape. I was so scared. I had been thinking about it from
day one, but this was the first time I had the opportunity to escape. I
left while the others were asleep and walked the whole night until
reaching a large displaced camp called Atiak, where authorities helped
me get back home to my village.
When I came back home, I had the fear of being abducted a second
time, which would have resulted in me being killed for having escaped.
So I joined the thousands kids who used to walk miles each night to go
to the town center to sleep, where there was some security. We used to
sleep at the bus park and under verandas--anywhere in the center of
town was safer than being exposed to abduction in our village at night.
This is where I first met the founders of Invisible Children, and I
told them the importance of education in my future. I knew that
education was the only thing that could change the situation in
northern Uganda. Through the filmmakers I met Jolly Okot, the Country
Director of Invisible Children, who began setting up a scholarship
program for kids like me in northern Uganda. I joined the scholarship
program and was supported through my studies for 6 years, alongside
thousand of other kids from northern Uganda.
For so long, I thought that I was alone and that our situation was
forgotten by the rest of the world. I thought people did not care about
what we were going through or about stopping the LRA. But when I came
to the United States in 2006 for an advocacy event called Displace Me,
I was encouraged. Thousands of youth in America came from all over and
slept outside in the cold, trying to bring attention to what was
happening with victims of the LRA. Many similar campaigns have followed
and now the whole world knows about the LRA. The youth from around the
entire world are demanding that the LRA be stopped.
Through education, my life has been transformed. Education has made
me independent, and it has changed my future. As a boy, I dreamed of
being a human rights lawyer, so that I could fight for others who have
suffered injustices just as I have. I have traveled the world as an
advocate, sharing my story and making people aware of what is still
happening today in central Africa. Now, I am proud to say that I have
received my diploma in Law, and am working for a law firm in Uganda. I
am happy to pay forward what has been done in my life to many who still
need the same.
I feel I should join the world and do what has been done for me not
only in Uganda, which is now peaceful, but also to my brothers and
sisters in the DRC, CAR, and South Sudan, who are now going through the
same suffering that I went through. Their children are now being taken;
it is their brothers now who are being killed. I stand before you today
to advocate on behalf of those in central Africa, to call upon the
world to get involved in stopping this war, and to urge that we stand
together to provide a brighter future for the victims of the LRA.
Senator Coons. Thank you so much, Jacob. Thank you, Jacob,
and thank you, Jolly, for your testimony which both in writing
and in speaking is powerful. One of my objectives as the
subcommittee chair was to include, more regularly in our
hearings, African voices to help, as we discussed on the train
the other day, Ms. Okot, strengthen the understanding and
appreciation in the United States, not just in the Senate, but
amongst all who watch the committee hearings that many of these
challenges have African solutions and that the folks who are
leading and doing the work and in the forefront of responding
to the atrocities of the LRA are African and are our allies
whom we need to support.
As was mentioned by Senator Landrieu and also by you, Ms.
Okot, I was very pleased that President Obama, in speaking
yesterday at the Holocaust Memorial, emphasized the ongoing
commitment and support and ranked the Lord's Resistance Army
among the great morally challenging atrocities of the last 50
years and emphasized his commitment to continuing.
You have both spoken about the importance of being able to
defect, to escape, and then the previous panel spoke about how
important that is both so that we have intelligence about what
is going on within the LRA, but also so that we can help those
who have been abducted recover.
I would be interested in hearing from each of you, if I
could. How can we encourage defectors? How can we help
encourage and support escapees who are currently in the hold of
the LRA? What more could we be doing?
And then second, what more should we be doing to help with
recovery and development efforts in which you have been very
active?
Please, Ms. Okot.
Ms. Okot. I want to say thank you so much for that
question.
The first thing that I think we need to encourage, which I
think worked very well in northern Uganda, is the effort to
support the information flow, especially to those who are still
in the jungle, like building up more FM radio stations and
sending a message of peace.
And as well, one thing that we always encourage someone who
is formally abducted, is that when they have hope that when
they get back, there is a second chance in life, and this
second chance comes with a lot of issues here. One, they have
to be given the opportunity to go back and live as a child once
again. And then another opportunity that is good and strong is
that these people need rehabilitation because from my personal
experience, it took me 10 years to get over it, but up to now,
I am not completely over it. When I go back to my home, even
the sight of a tree that I saw 20 years ago is a reminder of
what happened in my life. But the fact that I got through
education and I was rehabilitated and now I have a skill and I
am able to get a job--these are some of the ways that has moved
me forward very positively.
And also, one thing that I feel we need is more support
more in how to reintegrate these people in the community. Today
as I talk, in northern Uganda, as much as the guns have gone
silent, there are many more formally abducted who have returned
home, but have not had the same opportunity as others to
reintegrate fully and have something to do in the community.
Imagine a girl who came back with a kid who is very young, and
these kids are now being called bush children because these are
kids that were not wanted. How do we as a community, as NGOs,
as governments, come up with an approach that will help these
people get an opportunity in life?
As someone who has taken leadership in the programs on the
ground, we are trying, but that is not enough. There are many
people out there. There are social services, which are not
enough. You know, like roads, especially in Central African
Republic and the Democratic Republic of Congo--road conditions
or lack of roads have made it very, very hard for even the
troops on the ground and the people on the ground to access
social services so that they are able to move and get the best
they can have in their life.
I still say this, as we discussed in the train, as you
still referred to, I said your voice as American Government to
the four Presidents of the areas affected by the LRA to take
full ownership. The Ugandan Government should not turn its back
because the war is no longer on Ugandan soil. I watch our
President say we pushed the LRA away. But what about in the
Congo where it is still very fresh? What about in Central
African Republic where people are still being displaced? Is it
enough comfort for President Museveni to say we have pushed the
LRA away and yet there is another group who are still being
affected?
So, I think you putting a lot of force and emphasis on them
taking ownership and collaborating and bringing their forces
together to apprehend Joseph Kony is the best way forward that
I would request you people to do--and be strong on a diplomatic
approach because when I spoke to the civil societies in CAR and
DRC, the women there think their voices are not being heard.
And in that workshop, there are even people who are saying, no,
the LRA is not a big threat, but every day there are people who
are sleeping out in the rain. And you can see the fear. There
are children in Central African Republic that have no future
and have not been able to go to school. And how do we give them
a second opportunity? The displacement in Central African
Republic is such a huge problem. How do we get humanitarian
intervention into Central African Republic?
So those are the few questions that I would answer.
Senator Coons. Thank you, Mr. Okot.
If I might just interrupt for one moment. Senator Isakson
has been called to the floor, and he would like to give just a
brief closing comment. He has to depart. I am going to stay and
we will continue the conversation.
Senator Isakson. Well, first of all, Jolly, thank you for
meeting me in Gulu when I was in Uganda. I really appreciated
and enjoyed our meeting.
And, Jacob, your testimony is compelling.
As I listened to both of you, I reflected on last Thursday
in the Rotunda of the Capitol where we had the Holocaust
remembrance and honored a Swede--I am part Swedish--Raoul
Wallenberg who saved tens of thousands of Hungarian Jews in
World War II from Auschwitz. And I thought about history is
littered with individuals who speak out, who take risks, who
work to right wrongs, and both of you are just in that
courageous category.
And I want to thank you for your willingness to make this
issue visible because, as the chairman knows, out of sight is
out of mind, and Africa is a long way away from the American
media. It is a long way away from our country, and some of the
tragedies that have gone on in that country are terrible. You
are helping to bring visibility to those issues and that will
help us ultimately shine the light of day on Joseph Kony and
bring him to justice. So you both are heroes as far as I am
concerned, and I appreciate your willingness to do that.
I have a tough question to ask you, Jolly, but I want to
ask one before I go back. I know the Sudan is in deep trouble
in the south now and the north, and there is a possibility of
further deterioration there. But I also know in Darfur the
Chadian rebels and Janjaweed and some of those organizations
use rape against women as a military tactic. Is that what
Joseph Kony does?
Ms. Okot. Yes, that is what Joseph Kony does. And as I
speak right now, Joseph Kony, according to some of the people
who have defected, including his wife who defected recently,
has more than 50 wives around him. And the wives are what he
uses as protection, as a shield. So these are young girls that
have been raped, and many of them have returned with children.
So Joseph Kony is still continuously--himself as the leader,
having 50 wives, and what about the other commanders who have
even many more wives? So Joseph Kony is still raping and
abducting children.
Senator Isakson. The reason I asked the question is that
one of the good things USAID is doing through its NGOs in
Uganda that I have personally seen, but also in Darfur, is to
empower women and to help recognize the abuse that has taken
place in many places in Africa, like what Joseph Kony is doing.
In fact, when we were there in Kampala, the day after I met
with Jolly, we had the Speaker of the House or the Parliament
of Uganda as a woman, and women are becoming empowered in that
country and rising to power out of respect and equality for
them, which is an important thing in a nation that has been the
victim of people like Joseph Kony.
And Jacob, I have to leave to make a speech on the floor,
but you are my hero. Thank you for being willing to tell the
story. Thank you for being willing to come here. And I do not
blame you if you want to sit next to a pretty lady like Jolly.
I would be there too.
[Laughter.]
Senator Isakson. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Senator Coons. Thank you, Senator Isakson. As always, you
are a terrific partner and I am grateful for our opportunity to
work together on this.
If I could, just by way of conclusion, since we need to
bring this hearing to a conclusion. But, Jacob, if you have got
any input for us on whether you think Joseph Kony and the LRA
commanders should be brought to justice in Uganda or in The
Hague--if you have got any advice on what measures are most
helpful as we try to help those who have escaped or defected to
rebuild their lives.
And I, last, just would be interested to hear how it has
turned out for you, your study of law, your interest in
becoming a human rights lawyer. And I think many, upon first
hearing of your personal story in the video, then also are
hopeful to hear about the progress that you have made in your
own life, not just in recovering but in becoming educated and
strengthened and skilled to be able to use your experience to
fight for justice.
Mr. Acaye. Thank you very much again.
I think I will start with what can be done to encourage
these people to come back home. And being someone who was
abducted when I was young, for sure, they did try to brainwash
me, but because I was staying in the IDP camp by the time they
abducted me, there were some people who were returning from the
bush; from the captivity with the LRA. So, they were trying to
tell me that, ``Jacob, you know we bring you here, and when you
go back home, the government actually will kill you. There is
nothing like welcoming you people back home.'' And what he does
most to these kids that he is keeping, he tries to deny them
access to, media, like radio stations, and all these other
things that can let them know the truth that is outside, what
is happening actually when people come back home.
So these kids--some of them are fighting not because they
want to stay with the LRA, but because they feel like, ``Now
that he has forcefully brought us here, the government looks at
us as being rebels. And when I try to go back home, they will
just kill me straightaway. So I would rather fight for my dear
life and die in the battle.'' So thereby, he has been able to
keep a lot of kids around him.
And, if there is any way that these kids can be reached and
by people telling them that, ``I escaped sometime back. I was
with you, and now I am still living a positive life. I have
changed my life. I am involved in doing this.'' If these people
get to know that when you come back home, nothing actually
happens to you, it will encourage them to come back home.
And then, the second thing that I want to bring forward is
that Kony has been able to keep some of the kids because this
war has been going on for so long, so there are kids who were
born and raised in the bush, and they have both parents in the
bush, thereby making it very hard for them to feel like they
can even come back home because they feel totally comfortable
there. They are like 18 and their mothers are there with them
and the father is there. So all they know is fighting.
So, if there is a way they can be reached and told of
another type of life, which is coming back home, sitting down
at a table, and solving things in a good way, that would be a
perfect way of encouraging them to come back home.
And on my education side, I am so proud of Invisible
Children because they made me who I am. When I came back, it
was so hard for my parents to me back in school because the
school was expensive, and Invisible Children took the
responsibility of my parents and made sure that me, alongside
hundreds and thousands of other kids, went to school and
pursued our dreams.
I am still advocating for the rest because Invisible
Children has been operating for less than 10 years, and this
war has been going on for the last 26 years. So it has affected
thousands of kids. But now, it is going to affect more, and
that is why I feel like we should not leave it to Invisible
Children and we should not leave it to Enough, we should not
leave it to Resolve, and all these organizations. We should
come as a team, as the whole world, and make sure we rebuild
and heal the war victims.
So, that is what I feel like me, who has been helped out, I
should do something to pay forward. And I will only stop paying
forward when the war ends. So, I would love to stop paying
forward because then the war will end, and I will have to do my
things. I will not have to depend on any other person.
So, I am willing to be a human rights lawyer because I feel
like we should have value of human rights. People are always
the same; no matter what color you are, we all have the same
red blood and we are all born with the same right. So the same
right that people have in the United States, in China, in
Sudan, in Uganda, or in Congo has to be promoted by those who
are in authority. And no matter where you come from, if there
is a problem somewhere, you are affected in one way or the
other. So I find that I feel like if I am a human rights
lawyer, I can reach out to so many people, not only in my
community, not only in Uganda, but in the whole world.
Senator Coons. If I could, a last question. Jacob and
Jolly, what difference do you think it would make to those who
have been directly affected to those in the countries of the
region and then to the world--what difference would it make for
Joseph Kony and his top lieutenants who have been indicted by
the ICC--what difference would it make for them to be captured,
removed from the battlefield, and tried? How would it effect
change?
Mr. Acaye. I think I will start and then you will conclude.
I think it will make a very big difference because, right
now, personally I feel like Uganda is a little safe, and I kind
of want to forget about the past that I went through, but it is
very hard. It is not only me, but I am speaking on behalf of
the victims of northern Uganda. We are trying to forget what we
went through. But it becomes so hard when you wake up in the
morning and you hear that people are still being abducted in
Congo. It takes my mind back to where I was abducted. And if
someone's brother is being killed in Congo, it takes my mind
back where I saw my brother being slaughtered. And this is not
only to me. It applies to all those victims.
So when this case and this rebel group are brought to
justice, I think finally and slowly people will forget because
they will not hear it again in any way. So it will bring a very
big difference. And there are those who are still living in
very big fear, and those are the people who are still getting--
it will encourage them when the war ends and the fear that they
used to live in will actually go away, and they will turn to
the second version of life of knowing that, oh, I can still be
someone.
And personally, I had no hope in my life to the extent that
I was almost dead instead of living in the industrial world. So
now that I have received the second type of life that I can
actually help, I can actually do something--like right now I
know that all these kids who are with the rebels and all these
people who are living in fear, if given a chance, they can
still do something better. They can still achieve their dreams.
But it is hard because themselves, they do not know that. They
do not know that they can still have a different life--like if
they are given a chance, they can still have a life that is
very positive, that is fit for a human being. They do not know
about it. And that is what I did not know until when I was
introduced to school and now I know.
So the challenge is, how are we going to let them know? It
is by stopping this war and bringing them that, you know,
``Look here, you can still do this. You can go to school and
you will not have to fight to get money. You will not have to
go and grab people's money. You will have to work hard to get
what you want, rather than picking a gun and forcing someone to
give something to you. But, if you work hard, you will enjoy it
and no one asks for the account. Like the money that they pay
me right now in my place where I am working--I can actually
spend it, and do what I want. Jolly does not come and say,
``Jacob, we are paying for your school fees. You are the
beneficiary. We gave you this money to go and pay in the
school. Where is the receipt?'' But it is my money, I work for
it. I can wake up and say, ``Oh, my leader is here. This is a
beer. Drink.''
[Laughter.]
Mr. Acaye.And no one would ask for it.
So that is what I want. I want people to be independent. I
do not wand children to think that they will have to pick up a
gun to get money, they will have to pick up a gun to get food.
I want them to work towards it.
Thank you very much.
Senator Coons. Thank you, Jacob. It is great to be reminded
that part of what our President Obama was speaking about
yesterday was the importance, first, of ending the conflict,
second, of bringing the leadership to account, but then third,
of remembering. Even today it is important for us to remember
the Holocaust, one of the worst atrocities in known human
history. But in this particular case, in central Africa with
the Lord's Resistance Army, as we said at the outset, there are
still attacks going on today. There are still communities that
are not safe today. There are still children who were abducted,
as you said, Jacob, who have now grown up in the bush and know
no other life. Our first order of business must be to end the
conflict by bringing him to justice.
Jolly, you have the last word today. How do you think it
will make a difference for the world? You, yourself, shared
with me that you knew Joseph Kony as a child, that you grew up
in the same village. I am sure it was hard to imagine that he
would turn into this monster he has become. And so on some
level, ending his violence and his actions would help close a
chapter and then hopefully bring some justice and then some
peace and then serve as an example to the rest of the world of
the possibility of restoring justice. How do you see it? What
difference would it make if he were actually captured and
brought to justice?
Ms. Okot. Thank you so much, Mr. Coons.
I think bringing Kony to justice will show the world that
impunity is not a way forward--to let human souls suffer. And I
think bringing him to justice will, I think in the long run,
stop people around the world who are so brutal. And people will
stop thinking that playing around with the lives of a fellow
human being is the way forward to gain authority and, you know,
threatening the other people. But, also I think letting the
world know that justice, when people come together, can be
brought to anyone. So I think this will also serve to many
African leaders who have, you know, turned their backs toward
the local population and they will know that the world will
also be watching them.
So, I feel like bringing Kony to justice is one way forward
of stopping any atrocity in the future that will happen in the
world. And to me, I feel this is key because I think as much as
Joseph Kony is still out there at large, I feel that it is very
important to bring him to books and let him answer for the
crimes he has committed.
But, also I think it is a responsibility as well to other
leaders to realize that it is very, very important, when people
are in leadership, to also protect the lives of the people they
lead.
And I think the coming together of everyone around the
world and focusing on this one man and bringing him out will
also, in the future, cause fear to prevent other people who
might think they should stand up and rise and terrorize people.
So I think that is the most key, important element.
And also I think bringing Kony to justice is a way of
promoting democracy in Africa because I think that is one area
where we have all these wars springing up because of lack of
transparency in the government system as well, bring people to
start fighting amongst themselves. So, I think bringing Kony to
justice is one way forward that will save so many lives. And
besides, why is he not fighting his own country? Why does he
have to take suffering to a country where people have no idea
why he is fighting?
Senator Coons. With that, thank you both very much. Thank
you, Jolly. Thank you, Jacob, for sharing your stories with us
today, for your personal journey of recovery from being
abducted by the LRA to turning your personal experiences to
positive contributions not just to Uganda but to the whole
world. And we are grateful to Invisible Children, to Resolve,
to Enough for their very hard work in partnership with you in
advocacy.
I am going to hold the record of this hearing open until
Friday, April 27, for any member of the committee who was
unable to join us but wants to submit.
And without objection, I am going to also enter into the
record a written statement from the Enough Project that they
wanted made a part of the record of the hearing today.
Thank you so much for your witness, your testimony, and
your vision.
Ms. Okot. Thank you.
Senator Coons. With that, this hearing is adjourned.
[Whereupon, at 12:03 p.m., the hearing was adjourned.]
----------
Additional Material Submitted for the Record
Responses of Deputy Assistant Secretary of State Donald Yamamoto and
USAID Assistant Administrator Earl Gast to Questions Submitted by
Senator Richard G. Lugar
Question. A considerable number of programs and accounts provide
assistance for the USG effort to assist in countering the LRA in
Central Africa as well as responding to the humanitarian and
redevelopment needs ascribed to the threat.
Provide a breakdown of all USG assistance for the above
purpose from 2005 to the present, including that assistance
provided through international and regional organizations and
missions.
List the number and home agency of U.S. personnel assigned
to manage or implement this multilateral effort, as well as
where they are assigned.
Answer. Over the years, the United States has provided assistance
to help the governments and people of central Africa in their efforts
to respond to the threat and impacts of the Lord's Resistance Army
(LRA). Over the past decade (FY02-FY11), the United States has provided
more than $560 million in humanitarian assistance to populations
affected by the LRA in the Central African Republic (CAR), the
Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC), the Republic of South Sudan,
and Uganda. These funds have supported the provision of food
assistance, humanitarian protection, health, livelihoods initiatives,
and other relief activities for internally displaced persons, host
community members, and other populations affected by the LRA.
In addition to this humanitarian assistance, the United States has
recently funded projects to help remote communities in LRA-affected
areas to develop civilian protection plans, better anticipate LRA
threats, and make their own decisions related to safety. The State
Department and USAID are spending approximately $1.7 million and $1
million respectively to fund ongoing projects to help approximately 48
remote communities in LRA-affected areas of the DRC to develop
community-based protection plans and connect with other communities
through a High Frequency Radio Network. In addition, USAID is spending
approximately $300,000 to launch a pilot project to install four cell
phone towers in LRA-affected areas to increase the flow of information.
USAID is also spending $200,000 to establish a community radio
correspondents' network to increase the availability of accurate
information on the LRA for local community and humanitarian actors in
the CAR.
In addition, the United States has also provided over $750 million
to support northern Uganda's post-conflict recovery since 2007.
Northern Uganda has undergone a dramatic positive transformation since
the LRA's departure in 2006. According to the United Nations High
Commissioner for Refugees, an estimated 95 percent of people once
living in internally displaced peoples' camps have now left and moved
to transit sites or returned home. According to the Uganda Bureau of
Statistics, poverty in northern Uganda declined from approximately 61
percent in 2005-2006 to 46 percent in 2009-2010, representing the
largest decline in poverty for all regions in Uganda during that
period. Challenges remain, but tremendous progress has been made.
The Governments of Uganda, the CAR, the DRC, and South Sudan, in
coordination with the African Union, continue to undertake efforts to
bring an end to the LRA threat. Over the years, the United States has
provided assistance to enhance their efforts. Since 2008, the State
Department has obligated just under $50 million of Peacekeeping
Operations funding to provide logistical support and limited, nonlethal
equipment for the Uganda People's Defense Force's (UPDF) continued
operations against the Lord's Resistance Army. The United States also
obligated $4.4 million of FY11 1206 funding to provide communications
and combat engineer equipment to the UPDF for counter-LRA operations.
In addition, in 2010, the United States provided approximately $13
million of PKO funding to train and equip a light infantry battalion of
the Congolese Army, which was subsequently deployed to LRA-affected
areas of the DRC. This battalion is currently engaged in targeted
military operations against LRA elements in the DRC, in coordination
with the U.N. Organization Stabilization Mission in the DRC (MONUSCO).
The State Department has also provided approximately $300,000 of PKO
funding to provide two mentors to the battalion who continue to provide
training and support. We also continue to engage with the militaries of
the CAR and South Sudan as they increase their counter-LRA efforts. The
State Department used PKO funds to provide just under $570,000 worth of
uniforms and other personal gear to the CAR forces deployed to the LRA-
affected area.
Since October 2011, the United States has deployed approximately
100 U.S. military personnel to serve as advisors to the national
military forces pursuing the LRA and seeking to protect local
populations. These personnel are working in Uganda and in field
locations throughout the LRA-affected area with partner forces to
enhance cooperation, information-sharing and synchronization,
operational planning and overall effectiveness.
Over the years, the United States has provided significant amounts
of funding to the U.N. peacekeeping and political missions in the CAR,
the DRC, Sudan, and South Sudan as part of our obligations as a member
of the United Nations. From FY05 to present, the United States has
provided nearly $3.1 billion in assessed contributions to MONUSCO and
its predecessor, MONUC. During the same period, the United States has
provided approximately $1.9 billion in assessed contributions to the UN
Mission to Sudan (UNMIS), and its successor, the UN Mission to South
Sudan (UNMISS). A fraction of our assistance to these missions goes to
help their activities and operations in LRA-affected areas.
There are a large number of U.S. Government personnel that work on
the counter-LRA strategy and these various programs, as part of their
regular duties. This includes officers in the four U.S. Embassies in
the LRA-affected region, the U.S. Mission to African Union, the U.S.
Mission to the United Nations, U.S. Africa Command, the Defense
Department, USAID, the National Security Staff, and multiple bureaus at
the State Department. To enhance coordination and implementation of
this effort, the State Department has deployed an officer from the
Bureau of Conflict and Stabilization Operations (CSO) to the region to
work full-time with our embassies and the U.S. military advisors on the
counter-LRA effort. CSO has also provided a full-time subject matter
expert to support interagency policymaking and planning efforts for the
counter-LRA effort in Washington, DC.
Question. The region affected by the LRA is considerable as well as
being very remote and undeveloped. The threat to the region's dispersed
population is evident.
How does the concept of operations define the ``protection
of civilians'' as made preeminent in the President's Strategy
and what specific role does the United States have in it?
What means of protection are being considered and what
personnel or technological resources will be required?
What expectations are there of the United States by the
local population in these remote areas?
What role and what concrete resources are being assumed by
other donors, and what are the specific expectations of the
countries affected by the LRA threat in this regard?
Answer. The Lord's Resistance Army (LRA) preys on remote,
vulnerable populations in the Central African Republic (CAR), the
Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC), and South Sudan who lack basic
protection services and early warning capabilities. The U.S. strategy
to support disarmament of the LRA, provided to Congress in November
2010, defines the increased protection of civilians as a strategic
objective for U.S. efforts. The strategy defines civilian protection as
``(a) freedom from imminent threat of physical violence and abduction,
and (b) freedom of movement to pursue livelihoods.'' The strategy
states that the protection of civilians encompasses civilian and
military efforts to improve the security and safety of civilians
exposed to LRA violence, including ``actions to reduce the threat
itself, to minimize civilian vulnerability to the threat, to reduce the
frequency of their exposure to the threat, and to increase their
ability to anticipate and react to the threat.''
National governments bear responsibility for the protection of
their citizens. Although they face significant challenges in protecting
all populations given their limited resources, lack of mobility, and
the poor transportation and communications infrastructure in the
region, there are steps they can take to empower communities and reduce
the risk of large-scale LRA attacks. Although locals have high
expectations that U.S. involvement will improve the situation, we
continue to make clear in our public messaging and our private
engagement with our partners and local communities that the governments
in the region are in the lead, and the United States is playing a
supporting role.
U.S. military advisors do not have a direct operational role, but
they are seeking to emphasize the importance of civilian protection in
their engagement with the partner forces. They are integrating civilian
protection into training and operational planning, and seeking to
promote greater information-sharing and collaboration between military
and civilian actors. U.S. military advisors are also coordinating
closely with the U.N. peacekeeping missions in the region and other
actors who undertake protection activities. The U.N. Organization
Stabilization Mission in the DRC (MONUSCO) carries out unilateral and
joint operations with the Congolese military to help increase civilian
protection in LRA-affected areas of the DRC. U.S. advisors provided
information fusion and planning support for a joint operation that was
carried out in December to help deter the LRA from committing large-
scale attacks in the DRC during the Christmas season, as they did in
2008 and 2009.
At the same time, the United States is funding civilian projects to
help remote communities to develop protection plans, better anticipate
LRA threats, and ultimately make their own decisions related to their
safety. In the DRC, the State Department and USAID are funding projects
to help approximately 48 remote communities in LRA-affected areas to
develop community-based protection plans and connect with other
communities through a High Frequency (HF) Radio Network. The Catholic
Church currently manages an HF Radio Early Warning Network to which
communities tune in twice a day to share information about LRA attacks
and threats. In the CAR, USAID is funding a new project implemented by
Internews to establish a community radio correspondents' network, which
will increase the availability of accurate information on the LRA for
local community and humanitarian actors. USAID and the State Department
are working together to determine how best to utilize $5 million in
FY12 Economic Support Funds to address further gaps in the region. We
have determined that programming will focus on the LRA-affected areas
of the CAR, where the greatest gaps remain, although some funds may be
programmed in the DRC and South Sudan.
The United States is encouraging other donors to increase their
funding for activities and programs to increase civilian protection. In
2010, we formed an International Working Group on the LRA to enhance
coordination among all of the international donors and to encourage our
partners to fill critical funding gaps. We cochair this Working Group
with the European Union. The European Union and its member states have
provided considerable humanitarian assistance for LRA-affected
populations, including for protection activities, and support for the
U.N.'s efforts in the region. We are working with the World Bank as
they plan new programs to assist LRA-affected communities. Finally, we
continue to partner with a number of international and local
nongovernmental organizations, who have undertaken innovative efforts
to increase civilian protection.
______
Responses of Deputy Assistant Secretary of Defense Amanda Dory to
Questions Submitted by Senator Richard G. Lugar
Question. Section 1206(b) of the National Defense Authorization Act
for Fiscal Year 2012 (Public Law 112-81) provides as follows: ``No
United States Armed Forces personnel, United States civilian employees
or United States civilian contractor personnel may participate in
combat operations in connection with the provision of support under
subsection (a) [relating to support for foreign forces engaged in anti-
LRA operations], except for the purpose of acting in self-defense or
rescuing a United States citizen (including any member of the United
States Armed Forces, any United States civilian employee, or any United
States civilian contractor).''
Have U.S. military personnel deployed in support of anti-LRA
operations since October 12, 2011, engaged in combat
operations, for the purpose of self-defense, rescue, or any
other purpose?
Answer. Since their deployment began in October 2011, U.S. forces
have not engaged in any sort of combat operations. As noted in the
President's report to Congress, consistent with the War Powers
Resolution in October and December 2011, U.S. forces deployed in
support of counter-LRA operations are combat-equipped for self-defense
purposes only and will not engage LRA forces unless necessary for their
self-defense.
Does the administration believe that U.S. personnel deployed
in support of anti-LRA operations should be authorized to
participate in combat operations?
Answer. The advisors are filling the role that was intended for
them, which is to provide advice and assistance in an effort to enhance
the capacity of the national militaries that are pursuing the LRA and
seeking to protect local populations. It is important to remember that
governments in the region are in the lead of this effort. As sovereign
states, they are responsible for protecting their citizens and
addressing threats to their security and we are trying to help them
fulfill that responsibility.
Question. In an October 14, 2011, letter to Congress, President
Obama stated that the total number of U.S. military personnel deploying
to central Africa to assist the anti-LRA efforts of regional forces
``is approximately 100.''
What is the number of U.S. personnel currently deployed to
central Africa in support of regional anti-LRA efforts?
Answer. As of the latest operational update on April 18, 2012,
there were 91 military personnel deployed in support of regional
counter-LRA efforts.
Does the administration believe there is a need for
deployments of additional U.S. personnel in excess of the
numbers currently deployed in order to provide effective
support to regional anti- LRA efforts? Please describe any
current plans to increase the number of U.S. personnel deployed
in connection with these efforts.
Answer. Current force deployments are considered to be at an
appropriate level, and there are no current plans to increase the
number of U.S. personnel deployed for counter-LRA efforts.
Question. President Obama announced on April 23, 2012, that U.S.
military personnel would remain deployed in central Africa following a
review of the progress of their mission during its first 150 days.
How long does the administration anticipate that U.S.
military personnel will remain deployed in central Africa in
support of anti-LRA activities?
Answer. There continues to be a robust interagency review process
within the U.S. Government and on-going dialogue with our partners in
the region to ensure that our military support is having the intended
effect--namely, enhancing the capacity of the forces in the region to
succeed in their mission to end the LRA threat.
While there are no plans at this time to pull back the U.S.
military advisors, this is not meant to be an open-ended commitment. We
believe that U.S. forces can provide critical capabilities to help
regional forces conduct more effective operations against top LRA
leaders and better protect civilians in the near-term. Our continued
support is contingent on the continued leadership and collaboration of
the affected countries in the fight against the LRA.
What is the annual cost of the U.S. military deployment in
support of anti-LRA activities?
Answer. It is difficult to project total annual costs for
contingency operations that may change according to unpredictable
factors. That said, our initial estimate indicated the operation would
cost approximately $4.5 million per month, and recent cost data
indicate an expenditure rate of about $3.5 million per month for this
operation. The majority of the cost is for sustainment and airlift
support for DOD personnel. As for any contingency operation, costs may
fluctuate from month to month.
Question. While the President issued a strategy paper on the U.S.
effort as part of a multilateral campaign to counter the LRA in 2011, a
concept of operations with particulars was not provided.
Describe the concept of operations as it relates to the
strategy the President provided on addressing the LRA,
including the responsibilities of U.S. personnel and their
bilateral and multilateral partners.
Answer. The United States is pursuing a comprehensive, multifaceted
strategy to help the governments and people of this region in their
efforts to end the threat posed by the LRA, and to address the impacts
of the LRA's atrocities. To advance that strategy, the United States
has deployed a small number of U.S. military forces to the region to
serve as advisors to the partner forces pursuing LRA top leaders and
seeking to protect local populations. The regional militaries are in
the lead. They are responsible for protecting their citizens and
addressing threats to their security, and we are trying to help them
fulfill that responsibility.
The U.S. military forces do not have a direct operational role
against the LRA; they are advising the regional partner forces and
seeking to enhance their overall effectiveness. Specifically, the U.S.
military advisors are working to strengthen relationships between
regional military officials and civilian actors, enhance information-
sharing and synchronization, and help with training and operational
planning. U.S. forces are also providing planning, training, and
intelligence support for ongoing Ugandan military operations against
LRA groups in the Central African Republic (CAR) and South Sudan.
The mandates of the U.N. Security Council-authorized peacekeeping
missions in the DRC and South Sudan, United Nations Organization
Stabilization Mission in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (MONUSCO)
and United Nations Mission in the Republic of South Sudan (UNMISS),
include support for efforts to disarm and demobilize the LRA and to
help protect affected communities. We continue to encourage the U.N. to
increase its efforts focused on the LRA where possible. The U.S.
military forces are coordinating closely with MONUSCO as it undertakes
operations to help increase civilian protection in LRA-affected areas
of the DRC.
The African Union (AU) officially launched its Regional Cooperation
Initiative for the Elimination of the LRA (RCI-LRA) in March 2012.
Although many operational details are still being worked out, we
believe the AU's involvement can strengthen coordination, information-
sharing, and trust among the four militaries pursuing the LRA. Our
advisors are coordinating with the AU staff as they implement this
initiative. To the extent possible, our advisors are seeking to
establish sustainable mechanisms that could eventually be taken over by
the AU or other bilateral or multilateral partners.
Enumerate the equipment expected to be provided and the
costs associated with the equipment and the overall costs of
the U.S. portion of the effort from predeployment to date and
expected over the period of expected implementation as extended
April 23, 2012.
Answer. Proposed assistance to be provided to partner forces under
the authority provided in Section 1206 of the FY12 NDAA will be
notified to Congress once approved by the Secretary of Defense.
The current average expenditure rate for U.S. forces deployed in
support of counter-LRA efforts is $3.5 million per month.
Provide a timeline as well as any redlines for the United
States as it relates to implementation of the strategy and the
concept of operations.
Answer. Consistent with the LRA Disarmament and Northern Uganda
Recovery Act, the United States is pursuing a comprehensive strategy to
help our regional partners in their efforts to mitigate and eliminate
the threat posed by the LRA. This strategy is meant to provide
direction for U.S. assistance to the region over multiple years. To
advance that strategy, the President authorized a small number of
combat-equipped forces to deploy to the region in October 2011 to serve
as advisors to the national military forces pursuing top LRA commanders
and seeking to protect local populations. On April 23, 2012, the
President announced that the United States was continuing this
deployment of U.S. forces. There is no specific timeline for concluding
the deployment but our continued support is contingent on the continued
leadership and collaboration of the affected countries in the fight
against the LRA, as well as the availability of the necessary
resources.
Please expand upon your statement at the hearing that ``a
comprehensive and multiyear strategy'' has been implemented in
addressing the LRA. What is that strategy and what elements of
it are the respective responsibilities of State, USAID, DOD or
other USG entities?
Answer. Pursuant to the Lord's Resistance Army and Northern Uganda
Recovery Act of 2010 (Public Law 11-172), the President submitted to
Congress in November 2010 a comprehensive strategy to guide the United
States support across the region for viable multilateral efforts to
mitigate and eliminate the threat to civilians and regional stability
posed by the LRA.
The strategy outlined four strategic objectives for U.S. support:
(1) the increased protection of civilians; (2) the apprehension or
removal of Joseph Kony and senior LRA leaders from the battlefield; (3)
the promotion of defections and support of disarmament, demobilization,
and reintegration of remaining LRA fighters; and (4) the provision of
continued humanitarian relief to affected communities. The strategy
provided considerable details on each of these objectives and
implementation priorities, including engagement with bilateral,
regional, and multilateral partners.
There continues to be strong interagency collaboration to implement
this strategy. The Department of State leads the diplomatic engagement
and international coordination necessary to advance and sustain the
above objectives. The U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID)
oversees assistance programs to advance civilian protection,
reintegration of ex-combatants, and humanitarian relief. The Department
of Defense leads the operation to advise and assist the partner
military forces in their on-going efforts to apprehend top LRA leaders
and better protect civilians.
Pursuant to Public Law 111-172, the Secretary of State submitted to
Congress in November 2011 a report on implementation of the U.S.
strategy.
Question. AFRICOM and CJTF-HOA have become far more prevalent
actors in Africa and U.S. policy in the region since their inception.
What role and effect does AFRICOM have in security
cooperation and how would you characterize the evolution of
their engagement over the last few years in the region?
Answer. USAFRICOM conducts a variety of operations, exercises, and
security cooperation activities, including the counter-LRA operation
that focus on building the professional capacity of African forces to
protect their civilians and address security threats more effectively.
These engagements help African nations build capable and professional
militaries and security forces that respect human rights, adhere to the
rule of law, and more effectively contribute to stability in Africa.
These engagements are also in line with the January 2012 strategic
guidance for the Department of Defense, which states: ``Today's
security challenges require adaptable and strategically targeted
approaches. Whenever possible, we will develop innovative, low-cost,
and small footprint approaches to achieve our security objectives,
relying on exercises, rotational presence, and advisory capabilities.''
USAFRICOM's core mission remains one of helping to strengthen
defense capabilities of partner nations. USAFRICOM supports security
programs that reflect U.S. interests and does so primarily through
military-to-military activities and assistance programs. This reduces
the threats to U.S. interests and enables Africans to address their
security challenges.
The Command's efforts are centered on two over-arching principles:
(1) a safe, stable, secure Africa is in the best interest not only of
the African states, but that of the United States as well; (2)
Africans, in some cases with partner support, are best able to address
the continent's security challenges. USAFRICOM recognizes the
importance of multilateral solutions to many of these security
challenges and works to promote regional cooperation to strengthen the
ability of African militaries to work together.
We welcome the Command's increased involvement on the continent as
USAFRICOM and CJTF-HOA have built its necessary infrastructure and its
component commands have found their stride. The U.S. military's limited
footprint on the continent is welcomed in large measure, the
relationships it has created are productive, and its partnerships
spanning the continent are enhanced by its engagements.
Are there any instances in which AFRICOM or CJTF-HOA have
failed to maintain communication with the Embassy and Chief of
Mission? What has been done to improve their interaction and
safeguard U.S. interests?
Answer. USAFRICOM and CJTF-HOA strive to support key Embassy goals
and to maintain excellent communication with Chiefs of Mission and
other Department of State colleagues. USAFRICOM and CJTF-HOA Commanders
regularly visit nations in the region and engage in dialogue with
Chiefs of Mission, their staffs, and military personnel at various
locations. With Department of State leadership, they meet with host
nation representatives and visit USAFRICOM-sponsored projects to ensure
that objectives further U.S. goals. CJTF-HOA has a Department of State
political adviser (POLAD), and it deploys country coordinating element
(CCE) staff to embassies to represent CJTF-HOA and improve its
communications. CCEs complement the work of U.S. defense attaches and
U.S. office of security cooperation chiefs, and are generally colocated
with them. The CJTF-HOA commander has a biweekly secure teleconference
with all CCEs, affording opportunities to exchange information that
facilitates embassy activities.
To improve coordination further, CJTF-HOA has worked with embassies
in the region to inaugurate regular ``3D''--diplomacy, defense,
development--meetings among State Department, USAID, and DOD staff so
that the three key elements of U.S. policy in Africa are pursued in a
coordinated manner. These efforts, pursued by dedicated staffs, help
minimize communications disconnects.
What role and effect has CJTF-HOA had in Uganda? What has or
might be improved since their first years in the country?
Answer. In Uganda as elsewhere in the region, CJTF-HOA conducts a
wide variety of military-to-military, civil-military, and other
engagements aimed at assisting the Ugandan Peoples Defense Force (UPDF)
to enhance stability and security, increase capacity, and offer greater
support for U.S. initiatives and regional stabilization. CJTF-HOA and
the UPDF have a particularly close relationship.
CJTF-HOA works with the UPDF in three areas. At the Kasenyi
Training Base, CJTF-HOA cooperates with SOCAFRICA to facilitate SOCAF
Joint/Combined Exchange Training (JCET). In the past, the facility has
been used for an Advanced Infantry Combat Course (AICC), giving the
UPDF the targeted field skills it needs for a variety of missions,
including the African Union Mission in Somalia (AMISOM). At the Singo
Training Center, CJTF-HOA provides mentors that augment the Department
of State's African Contingency Operations Training and Assistance
(ACOTA) program, helping the UPDF prepare for its mission in Somalia.
Among the courses taught have been those addressing combat life-saving,
tactical combat casualty skills, and various soldiering and
peacekeeping skills. Finally, CJTF-HOA operates a civil affairs team in
the Karamoja region of northern Uganda. This team has sponsored
projects ranging from civil assistance construction at schools,
clinics, and hospitals to veterinarian assistance projects designed to
help the largely pastoralist population in the region. The team is
preparing to conduct human rights/rule of law training to UPDF units in
the region and to expand contacts at orphanages and among vulnerable
youth later this year.
In addition to activities in these locations, CJTF-HOA continues to
send traveling contact teams to Uganda to assist in the overall
security assistance mission of improving capacity and professionalism
of the host nation forces. Since in-country engagements began, CJTF-HOA
has become a valued partner of the UPDF.
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