[House Hearing, 112 Congress]
[From the U.S. Government Printing Office]
U.S. POLICY TOWARD NIGERIA:
WEST AFRICA'S TROUBLED TITAN
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HEARING
BEFORE THE
SUBCOMMITTEE ON AFRICA, GLOBAL HEALTH,
AND HUMAN RIGHTS
OF THE
COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN AFFAIRS
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
ONE HUNDRED TWELFTH CONGRESS
SECOND SESSION
__________
JULY 10, 2012
__________
Serial No. 112-184
__________
Printed for the use of the Committee on Foreign Affairs
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COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN AFFAIRS
ILEANA ROS-LEHTINEN, Florida, Chairman
CHRISTOPHER H. SMITH, New Jersey HOWARD L. BERMAN, California
DAN BURTON, Indiana GARY L. ACKERMAN, New York
ELTON GALLEGLY, California ENI F.H. FALEOMAVAEGA, American
DANA ROHRABACHER, California Samoa
DONALD A. MANZULLO, Illinois DONALD M. PAYNE, New Jersey--
EDWARD R. ROYCE, California deceased 3/6/12 deg.
STEVE CHABOT, Ohio BRAD SHERMAN, California
RON PAUL, Texas ELIOT L. ENGEL, New York
MIKE PENCE, Indiana GREGORY W. MEEKS, New York
JOE WILSON, South Carolina RUSS CARNAHAN, Missouri
CONNIE MACK, Florida ALBIO SIRES, New Jersey
JEFF FORTENBERRY, Nebraska GERALD E. CONNOLLY, Virginia
MICHAEL T. McCAUL, Texas THEODORE E. DEUTCH, Florida
TED POE, Texas DENNIS CARDOZA, California
GUS M. BILIRAKIS, Florida BEN CHANDLER, Kentucky
JEAN SCHMIDT, Ohio BRIAN HIGGINS, New York
BILL JOHNSON, Ohio ALLYSON SCHWARTZ, Pennsylvania
DAVID RIVERA, Florida CHRISTOPHER S. MURPHY, Connecticut
MIKE KELLY, Pennsylvania FREDERICA WILSON, Florida
TIM GRIFFIN, Arkansas KAREN BASS, California
TOM MARINO, Pennsylvania WILLIAM KEATING, Massachusetts
JEFF DUNCAN, South Carolina DAVID CICILLINE, Rhode Island
ANN MARIE BUERKLE, New York
RENEE ELLMERS, North Carolina
ROBERT TURNER, New York
Yleem D.S. Poblete, Staff Director
Richard J. Kessler, Democratic Staff Director
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Subcommittee on Africa, Global Health, and Human Rights
CHRISTOPHER H. SMITH, New Jersey, Chairman
JEFF FORTENBERRY, Nebraska KAREN BASS, California
TOM MARINO, Pennsylvania RUSS CARNAHAN, Missouri
ANN MARIE BUERKLE, New York THEODORE E. DEUTCH, Florida
ROBERT TURNER, New York
C O N T E N T S
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Page
WITNESSES
The Honorable Johnnie Carson, Assistant Secretary of State,
Bureau of African Affairs, U.S. Department of State............ 6
The Honorable Earl Gast, Assistant Administrator, Bureau for
Africa, U.S. Agency for International Development.............. 19
Pastor Ayo Oritsejafor, president, Christian Association of
Nigeria........................................................ 43
Darren Kew, Ph.D, associate professor, McCormack Graduate School,
University of Massachusetts Boston............................. 49
Mr. Anslem John-Miller, U.S. Representative, Movement for the
Survival of the Ogoni People (MOSOP)........................... 57
LETTERS, STATEMENTS, ETC., SUBMITTED FOR THE HEARING
The Honorable Johnnie Carson: Prepared statement................. 10
The Honorable Earl Gast: Prepared statement...................... 21
Pastor Ayo Oritsejafor: Prepared statement....................... 46
Darren Kew, Ph.D: Prepared statement............................. 52
Mr. Anslem John-Miller: Prepared statement....................... 59
APPENDIX
Hearing notice................................................... 66
Hearing minutes.................................................. 67
The Honorable Russ Carnahan, a Representative in Congress from
the State of Missouri: Prepared statement...................... 68
Questions submitted for the record by the Honorable Christopher
H. Smith, a Representative in Congress from the State of New
Jersey, and chairman, Subcommittee on Africa, Global Health,
and Human Rights, to the Honorable Johnnie Carson.............. 69
Written responses from the Honorable Johnnie Carson............ 70
Written responses from the Honorable Earl Gast to questions
submitted for the record by the Honorable Christopher H. Smith. 77
Questions submitted for the record by the Honorable Christopher
H. Smith to Pastor Ayo Oritsejafor............................. 82
Written responses from Darren Kew, Ph.D., to questions submitted
for the record by the Honorable Christopher H. Smith........... 83
Questions submitted for the record by the Honorable Christopher
H. Smith to Mr. Anslem John-Miller............................. 87
U.S. POLICY TOWARD NIGERIA: WEST AFRICA'S TROUBLED TITAN
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TUESDAY, JULY 10, 2012
House of Representatives,
Subcommittee on Africa, Global Health,
and Human Rights,
Committee on Foreign Affairs,
Washington, DC.
The subcommittee met, pursuant to notice, at 2 o'clock
p.m., in room 2200 Rayburn House Office Building, Hon.
Christopher H. Smith (chairman of the subcommittee) presiding.
Mr. Smith. Good afternoon and welcome. Today's hearing will
examine U.S. policy and policy options for managing relations
with Nigeria in light of concerns on terrorism and social and
political unrest. The stability of the Nigerian Government is
critical to regional, continental and global interests. Nigeria
is hugely important on many fronts. Nigeria, Africa's largest
producer of oil and its largest democracy is one the United
States Government's key strategic partners on the continent. It
is Africa's most populous country with more than 155 million
people, roughly half Muslim and half Christian, and its second
largest economy. Nigeria supplies over three times the volume
of imports to the United States as Angola, the second leading
U.S. import supplier. The United States receives nearly 20
percent of our petroleum exports from Nigeria. Consequently,
Nigeria's stability is of critical interest for the U.S.
economy and American policy interests.
Attacks by the Nigerian Islamic group Boko Haram on
Christians, including attacks launched this past weekend, are
absolutely unprovoked and they are unconscionable. People of
all faiths and all people of goodwill must demand immediate
action against the terrorist organization.
According to the Catholic News Agency, EWTN News, and I
quote,
``Archbishop Ignatius A. Kaigama is concerned over the
seemingly endless violence against Christians that
claimed at least 58 lives this past weekend and
hundreds of others in recent weeks. It is `our prayer
that something definitive will be done to stop the
situation that is inhuman,' the Archbishop of Jos,
Nigeria and Nigerian Bishops' Conference president
said. In a July 9 interview with Vatican Radio,
Archibishop Kaigama said that the violence against
Christian villages `doesn't seem to stop.' Although he
was recently awarded the Institute for International
Research's annual peace building award, the archbishop
said he and his priests are discouraged by the silence
of foreign governments surrounding the violence in
Nigeria. A peaceful resolution `cannot be left to just
one country,' the archbishop said, urging a `collective
effort.' ''
Boko Haram, as we all know, reportedly is in league with
al-Qaeda in the Mahgreb, and is involved at some level with
Tuareg rebels in northern Mali, Islamists in Somalia, and
possibly even the Taliban in Afghanistan.
In addition to its well publicized attack on Christians in
Nigeria, Boko Haram has been involved in murdering those they
consider moderate Muslims or Muslims collaborating with the
Central Government or the West, including several Muslim
clerics, the leader of the All Nigeria People's Party and the
brother of Shehu of Borno, a northern Muslim religious leader.
There are reports that some northern Nigerian leaders may be
supporting Boko Haram in some way as a leverage against a
government that they oppose.
U.S. policy toward Nigeria must also take into account
ethnic, religious and political changes the Nigerian Government
faces outside of the Boko Haram dynamic. Furthermore,
development deficits in Nigeria have had unequal impacts on
various minority groups such as Nigeria's Delta region. This
lack of attention to equitable development in Nigeria has led
to violent uprisings that do not appear to be resolved in any
part of the country, certainly not in the Niger Delta.
In Nigeria, President Goodluck Jonathan is considered to be
the personification of his name, a fortunate politician who has
been in the right place at the right time to enable him to
enjoy a meteoric rise in politics with no perceived political
base or political distinction in his relatively brief career.
He was an obscure government employee before he entered
politics in 1998, and a year later was elected Deputy Governor
of the Bayelsa State. Except for his success in negotiations
with his fellow Ijaws in the troubled Delta region, he served
until he became the Governor of Bayelsa State, after his
predecessor was impeached on corruption charges in 2005.
Outgoing President Obasanjo selected the then-Governor
Jonathan to be the People's Democratic Party's Vice
Presidential candidate with Umaru Yar'Adua, a Presidential
candidate from the North, in the 2007 elections. Yar'Adua was
ill for much of his time in office, and Jonathan was called on
to exercise presidential authority from November 2009 when
Yar'Adua was unable to do so. The Nigerian power brokers
accepted Jonathan as official Acting President in February
2010. Jonathan did surprise people, they didn't think he would
do this, when he announced in September 2010 that he had
consulted widely throughout Nigeria and would actually run for
President. President Jonathan won the election convincingly but
his People's Democratic Party lost seats in the Senate and the
House of Representatives, and PDP now holds four fewer
governorships, down to 23 of 36.
In October 2010, the Jonathan administration called for the
fuel subsidy to be removed. The government's decision was met
with demonstrations and strikes by national unions. But while
the unions agreed to end strikes and protests, the Joint Action
Forum, a civil society affiliate of the unions, continued
protest for a time throughout the country. The government
responded with what human rights groups charge was excessive
force. In northern Kano State, a student was shot to death in
the course of breaking up a rally.
In addition to the resentment caused by government
brutality in dealing with the large youth-led fuel subsidy
protests, high unemployment, resentment over perceived
government corruption, and mismanagement and experience in
organizing social protests may yet have a lasting impact on
Nigerian politics and society.
The issues of excessive government force in the Niger
Delta, northern Nigeria and other areas of the country over
several past governments in Nigeria have fed resentment.
Combined with the northern political opposition, the increasing
resistance by minorities and the civil society political
revolt, the Jonathan administration faces significant forces
arrayed against it. The questions our Government must answer,
will this government withstand its opposition and what can we
do to help Nigeria remain Africa's essential nation?
I would like to yield to my friend and colleague, Ms. Bass,
for any opening comments she might have.
Ms. Bass. Well, once again Mr. Chairman, I want to thank
you for your continued leadership and attention toward the
African continent and on holding today's hearing on Nigeria,
one of our country's most important strategic partnerships in
the region.
We all know that Africa's most populous nation with a
wealth of natural resources, Nigeria has much to offer the
continent, our country and the world. Over the last 6 years,
Nigeria has experienced an average growth rate in GDP of nearly
7 percent, due in most part to the fact that Nigeria is
Africa's largest oil producer and one of the top U.S. suppliers
of oil. It said that oil and gas production account for 95
percent of export earnings. The Congressional Research Service
reports that U.S. imports account for over 40 percent of
Nigeria's total crude oil export, making the United States
Nigeria's largest trading partner.
It is clear that the United States and Nigeria have a
unique partnership that links our two nations in important and
meaningful ways. However, despite all that Nigeria has to
offer, Nigeria continues to be challenged by a host of social,
political, economic and security issues that stymy its full
emergence as one of the continent's brightest stars.
Just over a year since Presidential elections, President
Jonathan continues to press for much-needed reforms, and it is
my hope that he will move expeditiously on a path of reform
that addresses endemic corruption in and outside of government,
and that these reforms focus on transparency and accountability
at all levels. President Jonathan must also address some of the
most enduring tensions that divide ethnic groups in the north
and south and that also cut across religious lines.
Too many Nigerians have lost their lives and sadly more
hang in the balance if President Jonathan and his
administration do not address social-economic development and
land rights issues as part of the root causes of these
tensions. This includes continued efforts to strengthen the
Economic and Financial Crimes Commission, the lead body
established to address fraud and corruption. I would appreciate
the witnesses providing an update on the Jonathan
administration's efforts to address corruption.
We are also aware that Boko Haram continues down a path of
violence and disruption, and poses serious threats to peace and
stability in Nigeria and can be a destabilizing element
throughout the region, especially if its ties to AQIM are
continued. Just 2 weeks ago, AFRICOM's General Ham commented
that Boko Haram and AQIM are likely sharing guns, training and
explosive materials. I would appreciate the witnesses providing
their perspectives on the present-day makeup of Boko Haram.
Does the core group number just in the hundreds? Is the
group susceptible to fracturing of its leadership away from
building ties with al-Qaeda? I will be particularly interested
to hear your remarks, Assistant Secretary Carson, on what
diplomatic efforts show signs of positive progress with the
Nigerian Government to effectively address Boko Haram's
strength and position. And I would appreciate greater clarity
about designating Boko Haram as a foreign terrorist
organization.
Is there the potential for Boko Haram to be further
emboldened and given greater legitimacy with an official
designation? And most important, how do we address the root
causes of Boko Haram's grievances without ostracizing other
groups and communities in regions where the social and economic
and political realities are equally challenging?
On another note, and changing subjects a bit, I do want to
acknowledge that Nigeria is a major recipient of U.S. foreign
assistance with aid topping $625 million in Fiscal Year 2012.
Nigeria is also a participant in the State Department's Trans-
Sahara Counterterrorism Partnership, a successful program that
has increased border protection and regional counterterrorism
capabilities and coordination.
Additionally, while 90 percent of exports from Nigeria are
AGOA-eligible, I hope that as we look to the future of AGOA,
with which many of my colleagues in both the House and Senate
have been involved, we will see a broader diversification of
other goods and services that can also take advantage of AGOA
opportunities.
Lastly, as we continue to deal with the vast array of
complex social, political, economic and security challenges, we
must remember the serious environmental issues faced by those
in the Niger Delta. Environmental degradation and health
hazards have depressed a once vibrant area. I specifically want
to point out the problem with Nigeria's oil fields lacking the
infrastructure to capture and transport natural gas, and the
government unsuccessfully stopping the flaring gas at oil
wells.
My question to you is, what happens at wells operated by
U.S. companies? Have they addressed this problem? If not, why
not, and if so, are they able to assist the Nigerian Government
in addressing this issue? I raise this as a question for this
hearing because we are all aware that the social and economic
conditions are the root causes of the topic that we are
discussing today.
Thank you, and I look forward to today's witnesses
testimonies.
Mr. Smith. Thank you very much, Ms. Bass.
Mr. Turner?
Mr. Turner. Thank you. I would just have one series of
questions for the witness, Mr. Carson. The nondesignation of
Boko Haram as an FTO, it has been pressed, this designation has
been pressed by the FBI, the Department of Justice, Homeland
Security. There is a bill in the Senate with Senator Brown.
There is a bill in the House. This group has attacked the U.N.
There have been over 1,000 deaths attributed to it. Their
attacks have been very pointed on religious grounds, on
Christmas, on Easter, attacking Christian churches.
And as I have researched this, the only recommendations
seem to be that this would make life a lot easier here if it
was designated, Boko Haram, as a foreign terrorist
organization. And in view of the proactive interdepartmental
efforts against terrorism since 9/11, it would seem this would
be the logical thing to do, yet it is not. So I would like to
get a better understanding of the rationale. It has been
blocked by the State Department and the State Department only.
So that would be my single question. Thank you.
Mr. Smith. Thank you very much, Mr. Turner.
The chair recognizes the vice chairman of the subcommittee,
Mr. Fortenberry.
Mr. Fortenberry. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, for convening
this hearing today to focus on the U.S. policy toward Nigeria,
which as our distinguished witness, Assistant Secretary Carson,
has described as probably the most important country in sub-
Saharan Africa. As Africa's second largest economy and one of
the largest recipients of U.S. foreign aid on the African
continent, Nigeria has made a notable transition to democracy
after decades of military rule since the nation's independence
in 1960. In its recent 2011 Presidential elections, however
imperfect, they were widely viewed as credible and seen as
foundational for further development of Nigeria's nascent civil
society institutions.
However, serious problems demand our attention. A
collection of photographs recently published in the Washington
Post under the headline, Forgotten Conflicts, highlighted
Nigeria's Niger Delta region which has yet to emerge from a
vicious cycle of environmental degradation and militancy and
remains largely unaccessible to outside observers. Also, a
long-standing rivalry between the North and South punctuated by
ethnic and sectarian tensions has resulted in the loss of more
than 13,000 lives since 1999. Brutal attacks on minority
Christian communities in Nigeria illustrate why the U.S.
Commission on International Religious Freedom recommended that
Nigeria be classified as ``a country of particular concern''
and then considered the potential for regional destabilization
as radical elements within Nigeria potentially linked with
global terrorist organizations.
Even as reform efforts have developed under President
Jonathan, which offer encouragement, Nigeria's future
trajectory will depend upon how effectively the root sources of
instability within that society are managed.
Unfortunately we are being called away from a vote, so
Secretary Carson, I am going to state one question now and if I
am not in attendance, if you could potentially try to address
it when we return. How do you see the future of reconciliation
and evaluate the national government's efforts to address the
grievances of communities in the Nigerian Delta, such as the
Ogoni community? Thank you.
Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Mr. Smith. Thank you very much, Mr. Fortenberry.
Ambassador Johnnie Carson has been a frequent witness for
this subcommittee. He currently serves as Assistant Secretary
of State in the Bureau of African Affairs, a position he has
held since May of '09. Ambassador Carson has a long and
distinguished career in public service including 37 years in
the Foreign Service including time as our Ambassador to Kenya,
Uganda and Zimbabwe.
Ambassador Carson has also served as the staff director of
this subcommittee and as a Peace Corps volunteer in Tanzania.
Ambassador Carson is also the recipient of numerous awards for
his service in the State Department.
Earl Gast--welcome back--is making his second appearance
before our subcommittee, and it is nice to see him again. He is
USAID's Assistant Administrator for Africa and has a 21-year
career working at USAID in leading development programming,
especially in post-conflict and transitioning societies.
Prior to this position, Mr. Gast served in Afghanistan,
Colombia, Eastern Europe and Rome. Mr. Gast was also one of the
first USAID employees stationed in Iraq. He played an equally
important role in developing the post crisis strategy for
Kosovo, overseeing all mission operations. Most prominently, he
received the agency's award for heroism and the Distinguished
Unit Award.
Ambassador Carson?
Under advice from my good friends and colleagues, we will
take a very brief recess. We have three votes, a 15, which is
now, we have about 8 minutes left, and then two fives. And we
will be back. Sorry for the delay.
[Recess.]
Mr. Smith. We will resume this hearing. And I apologize
again for the interruption. But Ambassador Carson, the floor is
yours.
STATEMENT OF THE HONORABLE JOHNNIE CARSON, ASSISTANT SECRETARY
OF STATE, BUREAU OF AFRICAN AFFAIRS, U.S. DEPARTMENT OF STATE
Ambassador Carson. Thank you very much.
Chairman Smith, Ranking Member Bass, members of the
committee, thank you for this opportunity to speak with you
this afternoon about Nigeria. Since my service in Nigeria as a
young Foreign Service Officer at the beginning of my career, I
have followed closely the country's political and economic
developments. Nigeria is a country of significance and is one
of our most important strategic partners in sub-Sarahan Africa.
Let me mention just a few facts that illustrate this point.
At 160 million people, Nigeria is Africa's most populous
nation. It is home to one of every five sub-Sarahan Africans.
It has the sixth largest Muslim population in the world, and
over the next decade will surpass Egypt as Africa's largest
Muslim state. On the global stage, Nigeria is the largest
African contributor to international peacekeeping operations
and the fifth largest in the world. Nigeria is also serving a
2-year term as a non-permanent member of the United Nations
Security Council.
Nigeria is also a dominant economic force in Africa and our
largest trading partner on the continent. It is the second
largest recipient of American direct private sector investment.
It is the fifth largest supplier of crude oil to the United
States and our largest export market for American wheat.
Underscoring its economic influence, Nigeria has the largest
economy in West Africa, contributing over 50 percent of West
Africa's GDP. A stable, prosperous Nigeria is in the interest
of the United States, in the interest of West Africa and
Africa, and in the interest of the global community. A stable
and prosperous Nigeria can also be a powerful force for
promoting peace, prosperity and stability across Africa.
Nigeria, however, is not without its challenges. Decades of
poor governance has seriously degraded the country's health,
education and transportation infrastructure. Despite hundreds
of billions of dollars in oil revenue, Nigeria has virtually no
functioning rail system and only half of the population has any
access to electricity. Nearly 100 million Nigerians live on
less than $1 a day and nearly 1 million children in that
country die each year before their fifth birthday. Public
opinion polls and news reports suggests that there is a strong
sentiment throughout Nigeria that Nigeria's poverty is a result
of government neglect, government corruption and government
abuse.
This brings us to the subject of today's hearing about
``West Africa's Troubled Titan.'' The inability of the
government to address the needs of the people, to grow the
economy and to generate jobs has generated a sense of
hopelessness among many. It also helps feed a popular narrative
among some that the government simply does not care.
Boko Haram capitalizes on popular frustrations with the
nation's leaders, its poor government, its ineffective service
delivery and the dismal living conditions of many northerners.
Over the past year, Boko Haram has created widespread
insecurity across northern Nigeria, inflamed tensions between
various communities, disrupted development activities and
frightened off investors. Boko Haram is responsible for most of
the instability and violence that is occurring across northern
Nigeria.
Although our understanding of Boko Haram is limited, we
believe it is composed of at least two organizations. A larger
organization focused primarily on discrediting the Nigerian
Government, and a smaller, more dangerous group that is
increasingly sophisticated and lethal in its objectives and
tactics. The smaller group has developed links with AQIM and
has a broader anti-Western agenda. This group has claimed
responsibility for the kidnapping of Westerners and for the
attacks on the United Nations building in Abuja. They also bomb
churches to aggravate ethnic and religious tensions in an
attempt to sow chaos and increase their public profile.
To help expose and isolate the most dangerous elements, the
most dangerous leaders of Boko Haram, the United States
Government recently designated three individuals as specially
designated global terrorists. Those individuals are Abubakar
Shekau, Khalid al-Barnawi, and Abubakar Adam Kambar. Shekau is
the most visible leader of Boko Haram, while Barnawi and Kambar
have ties to Boko Haram and also have close ties and links with
AQIM, al-Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb. These designations
demonstrate our resolve to diminish the capacity of Boko Haram
to execute violent attacks. Boko Haram has grown stronger and
increasingly more sophisticated over the past 3 years, and
defeating Boko Haram will require a sophisticated and
comprehensive domestic response that has both a security
strategy and a social-economic strategy and component for
addressing the social-economic conditions of northern Nigeria.
Security efforts aimed at containing Boko Haram's violence
must avoid excessive violence and human rights abuses and make
better use of police and intelligence services to identify, to
arrest and to prosecute those responsible for Boko Haram's
violent acts. Boko Haram thrives because of social and economic
problems in the north that the government must find a way of
addressing. A coordinated government effort to provide
responsible, accountable governance to all Nigerians while
creating opportunities for economic growth will diminish the
political space in which Boko Haram operates. We must also
remember ongoing dangers in other parts of the country as well,
particularly the Niger Delta which is witnessing alarming rates
of oil bunkering, costing the government almost 20 percent in
potential government revenue, and also an area of the country
where environmental damage because of oil spills and oil
leakages have caused enormous economic hardship.
U.S. engagement with the Nigerian Government is based on
mutual respect, mutual responsibility and partnership, and it
is consistent with the new U.S. strategy toward sub-Saharan
Africa. The forum for our engagement with Nigeria is the U.S.-
Nigeria Binational Commission. The various working groups of
the BNC, which have met over ten times since its launch in
April 2010, have provided us with a very valuable mechanism to
conduct frank exchanges with senior Nigerian officials on
issues of governance, energy, agriculture, regional security
cooperation and the Niger Delta. On June 4 and 5 of last month,
Deputy Secretary Bill Burns led the United States' delegation
at the highest level meeting of the BNC since the Commission's
inauguration in 2010. The Nigerian delegation was led by
Foreign Minister Ashiru and included representatives at all
levels of the Nigerian Government including governors,
legislators, military officers, security officials and Federal
Government authorities. We believe the Binational Commission is
an effective way of strengthening our partnership with Nigeria,
including our efforts to assist Nigeria in the security arena.
Mr. Chairman and members of the committee, Nigeria faces
significant challenges, but it is not going to collapse,
implode or go away. I believe that the forces holding Nigeria
together are much stronger than those that might seek to pull
it apart. Nigeria and Nigerians are up to the task, and the
opportunities for economic growth in that country are
boundless.
We should remember that Nigeria has a large and very
talented professional class, an abundance of natural resources
and a strategic location along the West African coast. Nigeria
is committed to democratic rule and there are committed
reformers in the economic sector and solid leaders in the
judiciary, in the EFCC and in the Electoral Commission of the
country. They are committed to leading their country forward
and to fighting corruption and extending opportunity for all.
Nigeria's future is in the hands of its leaders, but we
here in Washington are committed to working with them in
partnership to advance their goals of democracy, development,
respect for human rights, stability, peace and greater
opportunity for all of that country's citizens.
Thank you, Mr. Chairman, again, for this opportunity to
speak with you this afternoon. I welcome any questions that you
have. I have provided a longer statement for the record. Thank
you very much.
[The prepared statement of Ambassador Carson follows:]
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Mr. Smith. And without objection, Ambassador Carson, your
full statement will be made a part of the record.
And Mr. Gast, please proceed.
STATEMENT OF THE HONORABLE EARL GAST, ASSISTANT ADMINISTRATOR,
BUREAU FOR AFRICA, U.S. AGENCY FOR INTERNATIONAL DEVELOPMENT
Mr. Gast. Good afternoon, Chairman Smith, Ranking Member
Bass and Congressman Turner. Thank you for inviting me to speak
with you today. It is an honor for me to appear before you
again to discuss an important topic.
Since 2003, Nigeria has been carrying out an ambitious
agenda of reforms in public finance, agriculture, banking, oil
and gas, and other sectors. Promising developments such as the
2011 Freedom of Information bill, and the public distribution
of government budgets are increasing transparency and providing
better opportunities for a citizen engagement.
However, Nigeria's uneven development has created
conditions that threaten internal and regional security. Over
the next 25 years, the country's population will bloom from 160
million to more than an estimated 300 million persons further
straining the country's ability to meet future needs. Conflict,
whether it is triggered by political rivalries, competition for
resources or communal ethnic or religious tension poses a
challenge to consolidating gains and strengthening democratic
institutions. Unless Nigerians use their resources to address
these challenges, the destabilizing influence of violent
extremist groups such as Boko Haram as well as conflicts in the
Middle Belt and Niger Delta will continue to undermine
Nigeria's aspirations toward development and its desire to play
a greater role on the world stage.
Consistent with the U.S. Presidential strategy toward sub-
Saharan Africa, USAID's development activities in Nigeria
target the root causes of frustration that stoke instability
including the lack of economic opportunity and lack of basic
services as well as lack of participation. With 64 percent of
the population living below the poverty line and more than 20
percent of the population unemployed, economic growth is a
major area of concern. Government of Nigeria reform efforts
supported with revenue from high oil production and high oil
prices, have contributed significantly to reduce inflation and
strong GDP growth which remained steady in 2011 at 7.2 percent.
While significant, this growth needs to be both increased and
more widely distributed before it can raise Nigerians out of
poverty.
Oil accounts for 95 percent of Nigeria's export earnings
and 85 percent of government revenue, yet it directly benefits
only a small segment of the population. Agriculture, on the
other hand, employs seven out of ten Nigerians and holds great
potential for broad-based economic growth. We are intensifying
our efforts in the agriculture sector by strengthening value
chains for select commodities, those that have a ready market
and can generate employment. Such value chains include rice,
sorghum, and cassava. We have introduced better technologies
for production and post harvest management. We have also linked
farmers to markets and unlocked access to credit as well as
improved access to fertilizer through a voucher initiative. To
date, our flagship agricultural program has worked with 1.2
million clients, created 160,000 jobs, leveraged $57 million in
financing, and helped Nigerian farmers generate $260 million in
revenue.
Agricultural production is necessary but not sufficient for
accelerated economic growth. Adequate infrastructure, regional
trade and the development of other sectors are also needed. We
are leveraging funds from the Government of Nigeria, the World
Bank and other donors to improve roads, ports and energy
sources. We also work closely with the government to promote
trade by modernizing and reforming the customs system.
In addition to addressing economic opportunities, USAID
focuses on basic needs that affect average Nigerians. Things
such as obtaining life saving care for infants, accessing
treatment for malaria, confronting the challenges of living
with HIV/AIDS, and obtaining quality education for the next
generation. In particular, I would like to point out our active
engagement with the Government of Nigeria in saving childrens'
lives. Nigeria has made a commitment to its people, a
commitment to its children to reduce substantially the under-
five mortality rate. While this rate has decreased steadily
over the past decade, Nigeria will need to rapidly accelerate
reductions in child mortality from the current modest 4.8
percent per year to 13 percent in order to meet its own targets
in 2015.
At the recent global Child Survival Call to Action we
joined host country governments, other donors and development
partners to realign strategies and activities toward shared
goals. This partnership among donors and governments is already
saving tens of thousands of lives in Nigeria. Our work in
primary health care has deeply engaged state and local
governments in Bauchi and Sokoto where the program covers all
local government areas, though we also have programs that cover
all 36 states throughout the country.
However, peace and stability is needed for such long-term
development efforts to last. Since 2000, USAID has worked with
the government to reduce violence through efforts that prevent
and mitigate conflict arising from sectarian and ethnic
tensions. We are also making a new effort to strengthen the
ability of Nigerian stakeholders, including government, to
better understand and address causes and consequences of
violence and conflict. To this end, we also promote interfaith
dialogue and stronger collaboration between government and
civil society to reduce sources of tension.
Our efforts to encourage broad based economic growth open
an accountable governance and effective delivery of quality
services are critical to Nigeria's stability. In light of the
tremendous and complex needs of the country, we are increasing
our presence in Nigeria. We are hopeful that the new generation
of Nigerians will engage with their leadership so that the
country will not stagnate or backslide, but rather work to
shape a promising future.
Thank you again for inviting me to speak before you today,
and I welcome any questions you might have.
[The prepared statement of Mr. Gast follows:]
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----------
Mr. Smith. Thank you very much for your testimony and your
service.
I would like to begin with Ambassador Carson if I could.
You mentioned that the administration has designated three
members of Boko Haram as terrorists, and I am wondering if you
could speak to why the organization has not itself been
classified as a foreign terrorist organization.
Are those three acting in way that is contrary or out of
bounds with the organization itself? What would a declaration
of that organization as a foreign terrorist organization
provide the U.S. Government in terms of tools, and why would we
not designate an organization that seemingly is responsible and
claiming responsibility for horrific acts of violence? It
appears to have at its core a radical Islamic position; I mean
I would beg to differ with you, that somehow this is, I
believe, at its core an attempt to impose Sharia law and to
promote a radicalized version of Islam.
I have spoken to many people from Nigeria and other
countries where there has been a significant upsurge of radical
Islamic belief. And the moderate Muslims as well as the
Christians are equally contemptuous and fearful of our seeming
misperception of what the real game plan is here. I think we
have done it in places like Egypt. When people were waxing
eloquent about the Arab Spring, I held a series of hearings on
the impact on Coptic Christians and what that portends if the
Muslim Brotherhood or other Islamist groups were to rise in
power, and now the situation has gone from bad to worse for
those believers who happen to be Christian or moderate Muslims.
So why isn't the group designated, and those other
questions as well.
Ambassador Carson. Mr. Chairman, thank you very much for
that question. Is it an important question. It is a question
that we think about all the time. We have indeed designated
three individuals who we think are in top leadership positions
inside of Boko Haram to that list. But we have not designated
the entire organization because we do not believe that Boko
Haram is a homogeneous, homogenous organization. We believe
that it is an organization of several parts. We believe that
the individuals that we have designated represent a core group
who lead a part of Boko Haram which is desirous of attacking
not only Nigerian targets and interests but also Western and
international targets and interests. We believe that the larger
element of Boko Haram is not interested in doing anything but
attempting to discredit, disgrace the Nigerian Government.
Discredit, disgrace, and embarrass by carrying out attacks
against Nigerian Government security and government civil
institutions, attacking politicians, attacking government
officials and judges. But the bulk of the organization we
believe to be mainly aimed at going after Nigerians.
Equally, and as you will see in my longer testimony, almost
everything of a criminal nature that happens in northern
Nigeria today is attributed to Boko Haram. And again, a lot of
things that go on there such as bank robberies and assaults on
homes and individuals are frequently labeled as attacks by Boko
Haram and they are, in fact, only criminal activities that are
labeled as such. We believe that designation of these
individuals will be useful. When these individuals are
designated it means that they are not allowed to travel into
the United States. They would not be allowed to be given visas.
All of their assets, if they have any in the United States,
would be frozen and confiscated, and it prohibits any American
national from engaging in any kind of commercial activity or
economic or financial activity with these individuals. It also
opens up other opportunities for discovery under Federal
statutes which govern the work of the FBI. I might point out
that none of the individuals here are believed to be in
possession of U.S. visas or are likely to travel here or have
any assets in the United States, but by designating these
individuals as such, it certainly signals that we think they
are in leadership positions, that they have linkages and
relationships with AQIM, and that they are individuals of
considerable police investigation interest to the United
States, and it signals to others in the region and in the
international community that this is so.
Mr. Smith. How large is Boko Haram? Where do they get their
money? Where do they get their weapons? When people assert that
it was Boko Haram that did it, whether it did it, whatever
``did it'' might be, blowing up a house, blowing up a church,
is it that the group claimed credit for it or it becomes just a
statement that is made by someone who has been victimized?
And finally, how often do we actually designate individual
members of a group especially when they are in a leadership
capacity, and by implication are we now saying they are acting
out of sorts from the rest of the organization by designating
only those three and not everyone else? I mean the organization
is really what its leadership is. Is the top leadership, other
members not terrorists? And how often do we do that for other
foreign terrorist organizations, just name individuals but not
the group itself?
Ambassador Carson. Again I would have to take the last
question and get back to you. I am not a specialist on the
designation of international terrorist organizations. I keep a
fairly, regrettably, narrow focus on the 49 countries in Africa
that I am focused on and not on the broader. But we will come
back to you on that issue.
I think that when an activity is carried out in northern
Nigeria, any number of individuals have been known to say that
this is an activity of Boko Haram. They do have someone who is
known to be a spokesperson for the organization, but there are
frequently claims that are made in the name of Boko Haram from
individuals that we don't know anything about.
Mr. Smith. Could you provide information on that for the
record? That would be very helpful.
Ambassador Carson. Sure, absolutely. Absolutely.
Mr. Smith. How often it is asserted and what degree of
confidence do we have that it is not Boko Haram that is
actually doing it or is it just out there? I mean I remember
with other groups like the IRA, they would claim credit and we
took them at their word, if they blew up some soldiers or
members of the Catholic community.
Ambassador Carson. Sure, we can look into this.
Mr. Smith. I appreciate that. It was stated by Ann Buwalda
from the Jubilee Campaign, and I quote her, ``The issue is
impunity as there seems to be no consequences to the
violence.'' She is the executive director of the Jubilee
Campaign, and she said, ``After thousands have been killed, the
Federal Government in Nigeria is not doing enough to bring the
perpetrators to justice.''
And Archbishop Kaigama as I said in my opening comments who
has really preached aggressively for reaching across the divide
to build bridges with the Muslim community, he pointed out that
other countries are not doing enough to stop the violence and
that a peaceful resolution cannot be left to just one country,
urging a collective effort.
Could you speak to that issue? Are we doing enough? Are the
others in the world, U.N., everyone else doing enough?
Ambassador Carson. We have through our Binational
Commission, through our bilateral discussions and engagements
with Nigerian officials in Abuja, and also here in Washington
on any number of occasions, offered both advice and assistance
to the Nigerian Government on trying to tackle the problem that
Boko Haram presents.
Mr. Smith. What kind of assistance did you offer?
Ambassador Carson. We have provided investigative courses,
post blast courses, IED prevention courses and other related
police courses that would help the Nigerian authorities, and we
have provided forensics training and forensics experts to look
at post blast situations and we have given them advice on how
to prevent IEDs and other things from being used against
facilities. We have also encouraged the government to establish
an intelligence fusion cell which would help them to better
integrate the intelligence that they receive from their various
police and military and security services, and to be able to
effectively operationalize the kinds of information that they
acquire.
We have to also encourage the Nigerians to do several other
things that are critically important, and that is not to allow
their security services and their military to carry out human
rights abuses as they go after individuals in the community.
And there have been many complaints that when the military has
come into the community looking for one or two suspects in an
individual dwelling, they leave many of the citizens and homes
in that community in disarray. So it is important that human
rights abuses not occur during investigations of activities.
But let me also bring you back, Mr. Chairman, to concerns
that I raised about Nigeria needing a comprehensive policy to
address the problems of Boko Haram. There is a need for a good
security policy, but there is also an equally strong
demonstrable need for social economic recovery policy for the
North. I know that the level of income in Nigeria is relatively
low given its vast oil reserves, but any figures, and we
certainly can provide you with many of them, demonstrate that
the economic conditions in northern Nigeria are some of the
very worst, not just in Nigeria but across Africa.
The infant mortality rates are among the lowest in the
world. Mothers who die during childbirth among the highest in
the world. Access to clean water among the lowest in the world.
Illiteracy, especially among women, some of the highest in the
world. Infrastructure among the weakest, and unemployment and
underemployment well over 50 percent across the North and
particularly in the North and the northeast in the area of
Borno. I know that people will make comparisons to other parts
of Nigeria which are also deserving of attention, but the
problems in the North are some of the most egregious.
I would remind people that the phenomena of Boko Haram is
one of discrediting the Central Government in power for its
failure to deliver services to people. The current President, a
Southerner, a Christian, has been in office for less than 1\1/
2\ years and before that was effectively only Acting President
for approximately 6 months. His predecessor was indeed a
Northerner, the late Yar'Adua. Boko Haram's emergence as a
terrorist organization in Nigeria predates the current
government, and irrespective of whether there is a Christian
leader or a Muslim leader in the country, as long as the social
economic problems exist in the North to the extent that they
do, there will be a reaction which may, in fact, as this one
does, take on political consequences.
Mr. Smith. If I could, if you could answer, how big is Boko
Haram? Where are they getting their weapons? Are the IEDs
coming from Iran, for example? You just called it a terrorist
organization. Why isn't it designated a terrorist organization
with the implications that would follow from that?
And I think it is all too convenient to suggest that
somehow just because there are deprivations, somehow people
then automatically know Osama bin Laden was rich. Idealogy that
is highly, highly radicalized may exploit poverty at times, but
poor people don't necessarily become terrorists and killers.
That is an insult, frankly, to poor people. I think we made the
same mistake, with all due respect, with South Sudan.
I remember raising that myself throughout that entire
conflict that the imposition of Sharia law on Catholics and
Animists was largely underplayed. The U.N. did very similar
things vis-a-vis the former Yugoslavia when it attributed guilt
almost on an equal basis with what Slobodan Milosevic was
doing. And I say for the record, no one did more to try to help
the Muslims in the former Yugoslavia than I did. Working around
the clock particularly in places like Srebrenica when 8,000
Muslim men were mustered, I sat at a hearing with a translator
that was with the Dutch peacekeepers when Milosevic and the
Dutch peacekeeper separated the men from the women and took
them to a slaughter that lasted for approximately 7 or 8 days.
I was there for one of the internments, worked very closely
with the Grand Mufti from Sarajevo, Reis Ceric. But even the
modern Muslims will recognize and say you folks, us, Americans,
the West, so underappreciate radical Islamic fervor to kill and
maim and terrorize. And I get the same, and we all have gotten
the same reports from Christians who have now exited enmasse or
be killed, from Iraq, suggesting that it was much better Saddam
Hussein than it is under the current-day situation.
So how big is Boko Haram; where is it getting its money?
And if there are things that need to be conveyed to the
subcommittee secretly we would welcome that to get a better
handle as to why it has not been designated a terrorist
organization. What is the reason? Please.
Ambassador Carson. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, for your
comments. I can't tell you exactly how many members there are
in Boko Haram. We know that the----
Mr. Smith. Do you have an estimate though?
Ambassador Carson. I will ask our colleagues in the
intelligence community to see what they have in terms of an
estimate. Certainly the core group probably numbers in the
hundreds so there is probably an estimate. But the precise
number I can't tell you.
Where do they get their money and their arms? They probably
get a lot of their money from engaging in criminal activities,
robbery and extortion. And so you can look at that as a source.
Arms are fairly easy to acquire when you have money, and that
money can buy lots of arms across Africa. They are probably
buying the kinds of things that they need to make IEDs locally
for the most part. What they do get from the linkages that they
have with AQIM is the sophisticated training that gives them a
knowledge of how to put together these kinds of devices.
Mr. Smith. Do we have any evidence that it is coming from
Iran? I mean those IEDs, I remember on trips to Iraq myself, as
it became increasingly known that those very sophisticated IEDs
were killing Americans, wounding Americans and our allied
coalition.
Ambassador Carson. I am not aware of any weapons coming
into northern Nigeria from Iran.
Mr. Smith. Any money from Saudi Arabia that we----
Ambassador Carson. But again I am not aware of it. As I say
the elements that comprise most of the vehicle-borne explosives
and bombs as well as IEDs are things that can be acquired
locally. It is the sophistication and the ability to put these
things together that is acquired as the result of the linkages
that are had with other organizations that have carried these
things out in other parts of Africa.
Mr. Smith. Thank you.
Mr. Gast, if I could ask you a few questions and then I
will yield to my friend and colleague, Ms. Bass.
Earlier today I spoke at the Interagency Autism
Coordinating Committee or IACC. It is an organization I wrote
the legislation for back in 2000, and I am also the prime
author of the Combating Autism Reauthorization Act of 2011,
putting money into our all-out effort to combat autism
domestically. And I pointed out to the members, including the
NIMH director, Dr. Insel, that we had a hearing last year
focusing exclusively on the global phenomenon, a very dangerous
one, of autism. The estimates are, and it is a guesstimate,
that there are as many as 67 million autistic children
throughout the world. In Africa, WHO suggests the number is in
the ``tens of millions.'' They don't have a better more finely
honed number than that but it is huge.
We had a woman from Cote d'Ivoire testify, who actually
became an American, who talked about the absolute dearth of
services for autistic children.
And on one particular trip that I made on behalf of the
human trafficking issue, because I wrote that law too, when I
was in Lagos, I spoke to a large group of people on the
sanctity of life in the unborn, newly born, all vulnerable
people, on human trafficking, I had a man come up who said,
what are you doing for autism in Nigeria? I have been working
with him and others throughout Africa ever since and they are
still--I even have a pending bill we are trying to get to
enhance, something you could do administratively, to help
combat autism worldwide. We are planning another hearing
shortly that will focus on where we go from here.
And I asked the IACC if they would do more in sharing not
with you and others but also with our African friends who are
so desperate for technical and financial assistance to mitigate
the impacts of autism which is devastating the continent and it
is a silent killer. It is just like AIDS in terms of
prevalence, not quite as much, but right in the ballpark. And I
saw it in Lagos, I saw it elsewhere when I visited NGOs. So if
you could maybe speak to that as number one.
Secondly, on trafficking, and again I wrote that law, the
Trafficking Victims Protection Act, and we were very, very
encouraged when Nigeria achieved Tier I status. But this year
it slipped back to Tier II largely because of a lack of law
enforcement, according to the just recently released TIP
Report, which is regression when it comes to modern-day
slavery. Red flags should be going up everywhere, and I am
wondering what you all are doing to try to help turn that
around particularly with the President and others.
Third, if I could, yesterday I chaired a heartbreaking
hearing on Chinese barbaric anti-woman, anti-child course of
population control program. For over 30 years the UNFPA, the
U.N. Population Fund has significantly enabled and supported
China's one-child-per-couple policy which has slaughtered
countless babies, made brothers and sisters illegal, and has
devastated the lives of women. Approximately 500 women per day,
not per week or per month, but per day commit suicide in China.
And I have met, and we had one woman testify yesterday who is
broken, years later, after having her baby ripped out of her
womb and killed by the state. Throughout the entirety of the
33-year program, UNFPA has emphatically said that the program
is voluntary and must be replicated in other nations. One
leader of UNFPA after another including the current, a
Nigerian, executive director of the UNFPA has said, ``Export
it.''
A couple of years ago several health ministers from Africa
were all invited to Beijing where the so-called State Family
Planning Council of China and the U.N. Population Fund feted
this Potemkin village effort to say if you want economic growth
you need child limitation policies.
And let me just say parenthetically, Mr. Gast, I have read
Margaret Sanger's books. She even had one called, ``Child
Limitation.'' She wrote a book called, ``The Pivot of
Civilization.'' She was a known eugenicist and a known racist.
She is the founder of Planned Parenthood. And I have read her
books, not every one of them but I have read several of them,
and she wrote a chapter, chapter five, of ``The Pivot of
Civilization'' that was entitled, ``The Cruelty of Charity.''
And she said, we do not want dysfunctional people, useless
eaters and certainly African Americans, Africans in general,
Latinos, Irish, Catholics. There was a whole group of people
that she construed to be subhuman that were not eligible for
being part of--she founded Planned Parenthood. Well, that
agenda in my opinion is now in full stride but heavily
stealthed and heavily concealed for what it is all about.
I was very concerned last year when AFP reported that U.S.
population control enthusiast, Jeffrey Sachs, urged Nigeria to
adopt a three-child-per-couple limitation on children, and all
the same arguments were made for China back in the 1970s that
led to the '79 one-child policy into effect. And now I know Mr.
Jonathan has talked openly about embracing the three-child
policy just like Paul Kagame in Rwanda.
So I just have a very specific question which you could
answer now or take back, but in the interest of our oversight
capacity I would love to know very precisely the answers to
these questions. Has the administration suggested or pushed in
any way child limitation policies anywhere in Africa including
in Nigeria? Exactly what role, if any, from both a funding
point of view and policy initiatives has the United States
played either directly or indirectly through NGOs,
organizations like the U.N. or UNFPA or any other group like
that or groups, lending organizations like IMF or World Bank or
like-minded organizations, to support child limitations
policies in Africa as well as in Nigeria? And are any U.S.
foreign aid dollars in any way conditioned on whether or not
child limitation policies are being promoted domestically?
I have lost track, and I say this with deep respect, of how
many diplomats have told me at the United Nations, have told me
when I have been in-country how they have been bullied. They
have been told that if you want foreign aid you need to get
with the program of child limitation policies. Very often they
are loathe to say publicly out of fear of retaliation. I was at
the Cairo Population Conference and I had several, not only
Africans, but also Latin American diplomats who told me that, a
few have been on the record, and they have told me that they
were retaliated against or at least they were threatened. So to
me this is extremely important. I asked Secretary Clinton this
question. I am still waiting for an answer on foreign aid in
general. She did get back and say that IMF, World Bank has no
conditionality vis-a-vis child limitation and abortion
policies, and I do hope that is the true policy.
But if you can get back to or answer that directly I would
deeply, deeply appreciate it. And I do have a few other
questions but I guess that is a good start if you could, Mr.
Gast.
Mr. Gast. Mr. Chairman, I'll start with your third question
on child limitation. As you defined it, child limitation
meaning the state dictating the number of children that a
family can have, I can assure you that USAID policy is not
supportive of that.
Mr. Smith. And that would be encouraging as well, not just
dictating?
Mr. Gast. No. No, not encouraging as well. And we have not
spent resources or conditioned resources on that. I would be
more than glad to share with you with regard to Nigeria----
Mr. Smith. Please.
Mr. Gast [continuing]. Our health policy agenda that we
have with the Nigerian Government, but I assure you that it
does not include child limitation.
Your other two issues really are on human rights, autism
and trafficking. And let me just mention that we absolutely
support human rights directly through our work with civil
society organizations, advocacy with the government. And one of
the main issues that we have worked on over the last 4 years,
the bill is sitting right before the President, and that is the
rights for disabled persons. There are an estimated 20 million
disabled persons in Nigeria, many of whom are discriminated
against and many of whom do not have the services that they
need to function. I can give you plenty of stories and I know
that you have many stories as well, Congressman.
So within that is also support for children who suffer from
autism. We are not directly supporting any of the work of very
good groups, NGOs as well as faith based groups, but we do
coordinate with them. And they have been very active in the
advocacy area in supporting the passage of this policy.
Mr. Smith. I appreciate that. And on the trafficking?
Mr. Gast. On the trafficking issue you are absolutely
right. The report concludes that it has been the lack of
enforcement which dropped it into Tier II status.
Mr. Smith. Thank you.
Ms. Bass?
Ms. Bass. Thank you. Actually I want to follow up on what
you were just saying. You said that there was a bill before the
President about the disabled, and I am assuming you are talking
about President Jonathan.
Mr. Gast. Yes.
Ms. Bass. And what is the bill? I mean what does it say?
Mr. Gast. What it does is it mandates, much like what we
have here in the United States that public institutions and
public buildings provide access and teaching for people with
special needs.
Ms. Bass. Great, I appreciate that. So I want to ask a
series of questions basically in three categories. One is about
Boko Haram, the other is about corruption and then finally
about USAID. And in general what I want to ask about USAID are
some specific examples, if you could elaborate more, on
programs. But when it comes to Boko Haram I think it has even
been clear, Ambassador Carson has said several times that one
of the primary goals is to discredit the current government.
And I wanted to know toward what end. You know what I mean? In
other words, oftentimes if you are going to create disruption
or chaos you do have an end in mind. So what is the end? Are
they trying to take over? It is only a couple hundred people so
what is their objective?
Ambassador Carson. I think it is an attempt to both
discredit and to bring attention to the concerns, grievances,
legitimate or illegitimate, of the people who are carrying out
the activities. And there is indeed, by pointing out the
enormous economic deprivation that exists in northern Nigeria
is not to suggest that poor people are terrorists, but it is to
suggest that that kind of environment helps to generate and
feed upon the notion that the government is not providing
adequate service delivery in all segments to the people of the
country. And I think it is largely an effort to embarrass,
discredit, bring attention to a set of grievances.
But I think the core elements of Boko Haram are also
ideological in their orientation. I do not think they represent
the views of the larger Muslim population that exists across
Nigeria, but it is the notion that they have a set of
grievances. But one of the things that has happened is that
Boko Haram's leaders do not, in fact, put down on a piece of
paper what they are actually striving for. And one of the
things that the government has frequently said is, come forth
and tell us what it is that you want or want us to do. And they
don't do that.
Ms. Bass. And I appreciate you pointing out that
individuals who are identified as terrorists as opposed to the
overall organization, and is the reason for that, I mean do you
feel that if the organization was labeled that, that it would
embolden them? In other words, it would increase their status
if they were designated that way?
Ambassador Carson. I think, Congresswoman Bass, it would
serve to enhance their status, probably give them greater
international notoriety amongst radicial Islamic groups,
probably lead to more recruiting and probably more assistance.
So that is one of the concerns that we elevate them to a higher
level and a higher status than they deserve. But these three
individuals and particular individuals who have shown desire
not just to go after the Nigerian Government and Nigerian
interests, but to go after larger Western, including American
interests, and there is, in fact, a big distinction there, they
are prepared to go after larger interests beyond those that are
Nigeria and discrediting and embarrassing the Nigerian
Government.
Ms. Bass. And how would you assess the Jonathan
administration's strategy toward countering terrorism? I wanted
to know that in general, but also to what extent are Nigerian
intelligence and security forces cooperating with those of
neighboring countries where AQIM is believed to operate, and
where some members of Boko Haram have reportedly been trained?
Ambassador Carson. Let me say that the government could be
doing better both in trying to combat the Boko Haram threat and
they certainly could be doing better in trying to increase
service delivery across the north. I know that the government
in neighboring states particularly Niger and Cameroon, to a
certain extent, Chad, are all concerned about the Boko Haram
threat because many of the people who live in southern Niger,
southern Chad and in the northwestern part of Cameroon as well
as going over across Benin and the upper parts of parts of
Benin and Togo, are all ethnically linked to the same
linguistic in the communities. So there is this concern about
the spread of this kind of violence into their own countries.
Ms. Bass. One topic that we haven't talked about so far
today is the drug issue, the drug trafficking. And I wanted to
know if you could comment about that. Especially if there is a
relationship, what is the Jonathan administration doing to
address drug trafficking? Is there a relationship between Boko
Haram and the drug industry?
Ambassador Carson. I am not aware of any major links or
connectivity between drug trafficking and the financing of Boko
Haram. We do know that drug trafficking is a major problem all
along the West African coast. It continues to be a serious
problem in Nigeria because of the use of human traffickers
moving drugs and because of the use of Lagos port and the
airport for movement of narcotics into West Africa and into
western Europe. So it is an issue.
I must say that a decade, a decade and a half ago we were
in engaged very intensely with the Nigerians on trying to bring
issues of drug trafficking under some control. We had developed
a number of programs. They have certainly been far, far more
responsive and attentive to these issues in the last decade
than they were a decade ago. But drug trafficking is a problem
and this is largely a result of coming out of Central America
across the Atlantic all along the West African coast.
Ms. Bass. And what actually are we doing to improve
Nigeria's ability to control and patrol its waters?
Ambassador Carson. Well, we, through the Department of
Defense and AFRICOM, have maritime security programs in which
we work with the Nigerian Navy and Coast Guard as well as with
the navies of a number of West African states. We provide
training. We, once a year, send an American frigate along the
coast of West Africa where we invite coast-country sailors and
naval officers to come aboard to look at how we monitor illegal
traffic, how we improve port security, and these programs have
been very effective in helping to train and improve the skills
of Nigerian naval officers as well as naval officers along the
West African coast; it is called the Africa Partnership Station
and it is a very effective program. But we send naval trainers
to the region to help in improving port security, management of
shipping, patrolling of territorial waters for both illegal
fishing as well as illegal navigation. So these things are very
important.
Ms. Bass. Excellent. And moving on to corruption, I wanted
to know your opinions about what steps President Jonathan is
taking to counter corruption. What is your assessment of the
Economic and Financial Crimes Commission, and what assistance,
if any, is the United States or other donors providing to the
EFCC to increase its capacity?
Ambassador Carson. One of the things that we can say that
is very positive about the administration of President Goodluck
Jonathan is that he has put in place a very, very strong
economic team. And I could go into that a great deal, but
suffice it to say that the former Vice President of the World
Bank, Dr. Ngozi, is the economic czar there, but equally
important they have a very good Minister of Industry who was a
former Finance Secretary. They have an excellent Minister of
Agriculture and they have a very good Energy Minister.
Equally, on the financial issues of corruption one of the
great concerns that we had during the era of President Yar'Adua
and the transition when President Goodluck Jonathan was Acting
President, was the ineffectiveness of the then Economic and
Financial Crimes Commission Chairperson. We thought that person
was doing certainly a less effective job than her predecessor
and certainly not moving forward with the kinds of
investigations and prosecutions that we thought should be done.
We have engaged and we have talked to the Nigerian authorities
about this. Two of the better appointments on the corruption
side mirroring what has been done largely on the economic side,
are the two principal people responsible for the battle against
corruption in Nigeria. There is, in fact, a new Economic
Financial Crimes commissioner. It is Ibrahim Lamorde, a person
well known to us. Someone who has been to the United States.
Someone who has shown a great deal of commitment to moving the
process forward against individuals. We see his appointment as
a very positive sign. He was here in early June at the last
Binational Commission.
Equally important is the reappointment of Mr. Nuhu Ribadu
to take over a new commission that is supposed to audit the
finances of the national oil company and manage and look at
where the revenues from the oil industry are going.
Ms. Bass. Is that in part to----
Ambassador Carson. Mr. Nuhu Ribadu, he is excellent. He had
at one point been head of the EFCC, and because he, in fact,
brought effective prosecutions against senior government
officials was fired during the last days of the government of
President Obasanjo. But Nuhu Ribadu, a committed reformer, a
committed fighter against corruption along with Ibrahim Lamorde
are indications that there is a seriousness of purpose by the
government to fight corruption. Lots needs to be done. It has
been a systemic problem in Nigeria for decades, but there are
two people there matched up with the economic team who show
commitment that they are prepared to take this task on.
Ms. Bass. Excellent. Thank you. And then finally moving to
USAID and wanting you to give me a couple of examples. Is it
accurate to say that northern Nigeria states of Bauchi--excuse
me if I am mispronouncing it--or Sokoto, are the ones that are
designated for so-called flagship programs that you were
describing in Nigeria? And I wanted to know if you could give
some more specific examples about what the programs entail and
how would you assess the capacity and political will of these
states' governments to address development challenges?
Mr. Gast. Thank you, Congresswoman Bass. Let me just start
off by one thing. If you look at our programs you will see that
approximately 90 percent of the funding, significant funding,
over $600 million a year is directed in the health area, and
that is largely because of need. If you look at under-five
mortality, Nigeria ranks in the bottom five. And if you
disaggregate that within country and look at the northern
states, the rates are far worse than the average for the
country. It has the second largest population living with HIV/
AIDS in the world. There is the wild polio virus, maternal
mortality is at the bottom and vaccination rates are low. And
that is why we have a particular focus on health. However, it
doesn't mean that we focus on health at the exclusion of other
areas, and so we also have a robust agriculture program, also
an energy program because the lack of power is recognized as a
major constraint to further economic growth.
One of the things that we can best do in working with the
Nigerian Government is help it better spend its own resources.
It has significant resources. Ambassador Carson mentioned the
Minister of Finance, Ngozi. One of the things that she has done
very early on in her tenure is publish the expenditures of the
government. Nigeria is extremely decentralized. Some have said
it is even more decentralized than the U.S. So the
implementation of programs really rests with the individual
states and with the local government authorities within the
states, and along the way there are leakages.
Now we chose several years ago, Bauchi and Sokoto, based on
their own willingness to work with us as partners but also
based on performance criteria. And that means spending budgets,
their own budgets, to support the basic needs of their
population as well as transparency, and also looking at factors
like corruption. So it means that we have an intensified effort
with those two states. We would like to do more in the north
but it is extremely difficult to work in the north because of
the insecurity. So we have partnerships with both states and it
is helping the government deliver the services directly to the
people, and that means building their capacities. Building
their capacities on the procurement side. Building their
capacities on the service delivery. And where the government
can't deliver services to the people, then we, in parallel, are
working with the government to put a government face on
delivering services.
Ms. Bass. Thank you. Thank you very much. I did ask one
question in my opening about the petroleum and the U.S.
companies' involvement in the flaring gas, and I wanted to know
if someone could address that. Does that happen in our
companies or are there----
Ambassador Carson. Yes. Let me respond to that if I could
very briefly. All the U.S. companies comply with Nigerian law
and regulation. And American companies operating in Nigeria
recognize that flaring of gas is an inefficient use of a
valuable natural resource. They also recognize the
environmental issues that come with flaring of gas, and many of
them have on more than one occasion argued that there should be
infrastructure and regulation and law put into place that would
effectively use this gas for generation of electricity and
other valuable commodities. But that infrastructure, that
regulation does not exist for the most part, and they along
with many other companies operating there do, in fact, flare
gas as the----
Ms. Bass. Why don't they build the infrastructure?
Ambassador Carson. I think it would take an enormous amount
of money to do so and I think it would have to be done
collectively and with some kind of regulation which does not
exist.
Mr. Gast. If I may add, as Ambassador Carson pointed out,
the government loses significant revenues. We estimate about
$2.5 billion a year in gas flaring. And as the Assistant
Secretary pointed out, the problem is really the lack of
regulatory reforms that would allow the commercialization of
the energy sector. Because once you have tariffs that are based
on market prices, then it makes it economically viable to use
the gas that is now flared as a fuel for natural gas power
plants. So we are working with the NERC, the regulatory
commission, and the government to begin a process of increasing
the tariffs for power.
Ms. Bass. Okay. I guess I am just a little confused at our
companies, because it sounded like you said that until there is
a way to market it they can't help build the infrastructure?
Mr. Gast. So it is not economically viable now. Because if
they were to use it as a fuel, as a source of fuel for power
plants, they would not be able to collect the revenue necessary
to offset the investment cost.
Ms. Bass. Okay, thank you.
Mr. Turner [presiding]. Thank you. Representative Jackson
Lee?
Ms. Jackson Lee. Chairman and Ranking Member, thank you
very much for your courtesies extended. I think I am going to
focus on just one global question, Ambassador Carson. And to
Mr. Gast, and you might contribute maybe from the perspective
that you would know.
We all have our challenges, America has hers, and my
colleagues who are here in the Foreign Affairs Committee, why I
enjoy the opportunity to participate so much, because we are
all seeking a common ground in this committee. But we know that
the floor of the House now debating the repeal of the health
care bill shows that we in America have disagreement, and I
accept that premise.
But as a student of Nigeria, having had the opportunity to
study, to live in Nigeria and to have found ourselves viewing
Nigeria as one of our strongest allies for decades both in
terms of friendship, terms of student exchange, terms of
population growth. First in Atlanta and then in Houston has the
largest population of Nigerians in the United States outside of
the legacy of Brazil which has the tracking of Nigerians to
Brazil.
So this dilemma that focuses on my city, since I am known
to have come from the oil capital of the world, and we have
many, many dealings with Nigeria, and my friend from California
was asking about why the corporations can't do more, and
frankly, I think some progress has been made but certainly the
investment of oil profits has always been an issue, not only by
the corporation, the U.S. corporation, but by the country
itself. So the Boko Haram actions outrages me. And I would be
equally outraged if I was a Christian driving into a mosque and
attempting to disrupt the faith, people who are practicing
their faith. I have gone to church in Nigeria. I worshiped in
Nigeria.
And we also know that Nigeria, no matter who the President
is, and we, as a sovereign nation, Ambassador Carson, respect
the leadership of nations. We will not only reach out but we do
do more than that when there are severe human rights
violations. While I am not saying we affirm all sovereign
states, but we have tried to work with the heads of state of
Nigeria.
So here is my question. Why have we come to this? Why have
we come to this? I ask this to the globalness of Nigeria. I ask
this to the disparate views in Nigeria. I ask this to the
tribal legacies of Nigeria, which I am very well aware of, and
some people adhere to it and some don't. But you have a nation
that has had 50 years plus, maybe not the best, of involvement
with Western companies, and I certainly don't support that
legacy as being perfect.
But are we at a point of organizations like the Boko Haram,
near like al-Qaeda, why this divide between north and south?
When I traveled in Nigeria as a student and went to school I
did not have that understanding. I have the understanding much
more now that Abuja being the capital and being in the North,
but I did not have that understanding. Why are Nigerians facing
Nigerians in conflict? That is not something that I can
understand. And I see some frowned faces here, but you have
northerners going into Christian churches, what are you doing
that for? But more importantly, let me just pose the question.
Why are we at this point of conflict?
And you can just finish the answer with us being more
vigorous, meaning the U.S., in our intervention and assistance
in what may potentially be a very dangerous condition in that
country being so large. It is the only question I have.
Thank you, Mr. Chairman. Thank you to the ranking member.
Ambassador Carson. Congresswoman Jackson Lee, first of all,
thank you for the question. Secondly, I am not going to be able
in a----
Ms. Jackson Lee. Time frame.
Ambassador Carson [continuing]. Short period of time to----
Ms. Jackson Lee. I understand.
Ambassador Carson [continuing]. Do justice with the kind of
comprehensive response that you seek and deserve. Let me just
make several quick global points.
First of all, we here in Washington recognize Nigeria to be
one of the two most important countries in sub-Saharan Africa.
We look at it as Africa's largest democracy, our largest
trading partner, our fifth largest supplier of crude oil, and a
country that we seek to strengthen, deepen and broaden our
relationship with. So Nigeria is legitimately of great
significance to us, and we don't want to ignore it.
Secondly, Nigeria faces the kinds of dilemmas that many
African states have because of the large number of different
ethnic and linguistic and religious groups that exist there.
But the country, the people, have decided over time that the
best way to manage the country, the governance, the society is
through democratic means and democratic ways. I think we are
seeing the kind of problems in northern Nigeria with respect to
Boko Haram which does not represent the vast majority of the
people in the North, which does not represent the views of the
overwhelming number of Muslims, and who are a small group of
individuals. But they are indeed trying to play on the effort
to discredit, embarrass and to undermine the credibility of the
central government.
And it is not just a central government led currently by a
Christian leader. I want to point out again that Boko Haram was
active under President Yar'Adua, the now deceased President as
well. But the sense of hopelessness that build upon a lack of
service delivery, a lack of opportunity, a lack of hope helps
to contribute to this.
Mr. Turner. I thank you, Mr. Ambassador, Mr. Gast. We have
another panel actually, and we have kind of overstayed. But I
want to thank you for your comments and I will continue to try
and get an answer on the FTO for, as we go forward. I heard you
were good. I had no idea.
Ambassador Carson. I would be glad to share with you. We
will certainly make my comments on the record known to you and
I would be glad, Congressman Turner, to come up and talk in
greater detail about it as well.
Mr. Turner. Thank you, Mr. Ambassador and Mr. Gast.
So that panel is dismissed, and if the second panel----
Ambassador Carson. We will follow up.
Mr. Turner. You ready?
Thank you. We will come to order. Allow me to introduce the
panel. Pastor Ays Oritsejafor. How did I do, not too good?
Mr. Oritsejafor. Not bad.
Mr. Turner. Didn't seem right.
Of the Christian Association of Nigeria, Pastor Oritsejafor
is a minister from Delta State in Nigeria. He has taken his
ministry to various local and international conferences in over
50 countries. The pastor has a television program and is a
prolific author. As president of the Christian Association of
Nigeria, he is on the front lines of the Muslim-Christian
conflict in Nigeria and will speak to the ways in which
Christians are increasingly coming under attack.
We have Dr. Darren Kew, University of Massachusetts,
Boston. Darren Kew is an associate professor of conflict
resolution and the executive director of the Center for Peace,
Democracy and Development at the University of Massachusetts,
Boston. He studies the relationships between conflict
resolution methods particularly interface and interethnic
peacebuilding, and democratic development in Africa. Much of
his work focuses on the world of civil society groups in this
development. He has also been a consultant on democracy and
peace initiative to various governments and nongovernment
organizations. He monitored the last four Nigerian elections
and is author of numerous works on Nigerian politics and
conflict resolution. Dr. Kew.
And we have Mr. Anslem Dornubari John-Miller, The Movement
for the Survival of the Ogoni People. Mr. Anslem Dornubari
John-Miller served as the chairman of the national Caretaker
Committee of the National Union of Ogoni Students as well the
Movement for the Survival of the Ogoni People, the parent body
under which the Ogoni nonviolent struggle in environment and
social justice is being carried out.
While in a refugee camp in Benin, he founded the National
Union of Ogoni Students where he educated the public on the
situation in the land as well drew attention to the plight of
the refugees who were predominantly students and youths. Once
settled in the United States in 1996, he continued to work for
Ogoni people where his efforts resulted in the resettlement of
over 1,000 families in the U.S.
I welcome you and if you would, keep your statements,
please, to 5 minutes and we will then go into questioning,
okay?
Pastor?
STATEMENT OF PASTOR AYO ORITSEJAFOR, PRESIDENT, CHRISTIAN
ASSOCIATION OF NIGERIA
Mr. Oritsejafor. Thank you very much. The chairman and
members of the subcommittee, I want to thank you for the
opportunity to address this committee and for your interest in
the situation in the Federal Republic of Nigeria, and
especially the increase in terrorist attacks targeting
Christians and Christian institutions. Just this last weekend,
58 people were killed in Christian villages in Jos including a
Federal senator and state lawmaker. Boko Haram already claimed
responsibility for these coordinated attacks against the
Christian community in Jos, and they also reaffirmed their
earlier position saying that for Christians in Nigeria to know
peace they must accept Islam as the only only true religion.
Boko Haram is not a northern problem, but a Nigerian
problem with global implications. Nigeria is not a country
divided by north and south, but a country divided between those
who support freedom and equality in the eyes of the law, and
those who promote persecution and violence as a means to an
end. To an outside observer it may appear as though Boko Haram
is not a monolithic group, that it is fragmented and
disorganized. I am here today to give you the Nigerian
perspective.
Since its creation, the Boko Haram network has never hidden
its agenda or intentions. Boko Haram has openly stated that
they reject the Nigerian State and its Constitution and seek to
impose Sharia law. To this end, Boko Haram has waged a
systematic campaign of terror and violence. They seek an end to
Western influence and the removal of the Christian presence in
Nigeria. This is outright terrorism. It is not legitimate
political activity or the airing of grievances.
By refusing to designate Boko Haram as a foreign terrorist
organization, the United States is sending a very clear
message, not just to the Federal Government of Nigeria, but to
the world that the murder of innocent Christians, and Muslims
who reject Islamism, and I make a clear distinction here
between Islam and Islamism, are acceptable losses. It is
hypocritical for the United States and the international
community to say that they believe in freedom and equality when
their actions do not support those who are being persecuted. A
nondesignation for the group only serves to hamper the cause of
justice and has emboldened Boko Haram to continue to strike out
at those who are denied equal protection under the law.
The frequency, lethality and sophistication of Boko Haram's
attacks raise disturbing questions regarding training,
logistical support they have received from other like-minded
international terrorist networks. In January 2012, the United
Nations Security Council published a report stating that Boko
Haram members from Nigeria received training in AQIM camps
located in Mali and Chad during the summer of 2011. That same
summer, Boko Haram carried out a bold terrorist attack against
the United Nations building in Abuja. Boko Haram did not
hesitate in claiming responsibility for the attack nor has it
ever hesitated in claiming responsibility for its ongoing
attacks against police, military, local businesses and
increasingly churches and Christian institutions.
In Nigeria, my people are dying every single day. And it is
only a matter of time before the international terrorist links
and anti-democratic Islamist agenda of Boko Haram turns its
attention to the United States. In fact, this may already be a
reality, because in April 2012 the NYPD learned that a U.S.
citizen or resident living on the East Coast had sent
surveillance including maps and photographs of lower Manhattan
and the Holland and Lincoln tunnels to an alleged member of
Boko Haram based in Nigeria.
The State Department designated Boko Haram's current
leader, Abubakar Shakau, and two others as special designated
terrorists, but fell short of designating the organization.
This would be the equivalent of designating bin Laden as a
terrorist but failing to designate al-Qaeda as a terrorist
organization.
Although I am aware that the designation of Boko Haram as
foreign terrorist organization is not the final solution to all
of Nigeria's problems, yet it is an important first step toward
restoring the confidence of those who support freedom and
equality in the eyes of the law. We to want to have freedom,
freedom of religion, freedom to worship as we choose without
fear. We want to have justice based on equality and not driven
by discriminatory religious practices.
Let me remind us that this is not about economics at all,
but about an ideology based on religious intolerance that has a
history of sponsoring genocide across the globe. As Boko Haram
increasingly turns toward genocide through the systematic
targeting of Christians and Christian institutions in pursuit
of its goals, history will not forget the actions or inactions
of your great nation.
I thank you for this opportunity and I look forward to
continuing our strong partnership with the country of America.
I thank you again, Mr. Chairman. Thank you very much.
[The prepared statement of Mr. Oritsejafor follows:]
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Mr. Turner. And thank you, Pastor.
Dr. Kew?
STATEMENT OF DARREN KEW, PH.D, ASSOCIATE PROFESSOR, MCCORMACK
GRADUATE SCHOOL, UNIVERSITY OF MASSACHUSETTS BOSTON
Mr. Kew. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, and my thanks to the
entire committee for inviting me to speak. I was asked to speak
on Muslim-Christian relations in Nigeria, and I have submitted
written testimony. I am going to just read some of the
highlights for you here now.
I think the key theme that I would like to start with is
that there is not a grand conflict yet between Islam and
Christianity in Nigeria, rather there is a collection of
smaller conflicts that engage religion in different ways. And
now we have this new challenge from Boko Haram that is trying
to frame Nigerian politics in a religious light. And there are
other actors that are trying to do so and to stitch these
different conflicts together, which is why I think U.S. policy
has to be very careful so as not to be perceived as taking one
side or the other. I think that this would make things worse
and would play into the hands of Boko Haram and others, and I
will explain what I mean by that in a minute.
I do think that United States policies should take actions
to isolate the extremists in these movements from the moderates
and to reinforce Nigeria's own capacity to manage its own
conflicts. Let me just aggregate these different conflicts a
little bit so I can explain what I am saying.
There are multiple trends across, aggravating the
Christian-Muslim divide in Nigeria and, I think, are
responsible for the overall recent escalation. I think one of
the overarching trends we need to begin with is very important,
we don't hear as much about is the dramatic demographic that
has happened in Nigeria over the last 20 years which is the
rapid rise in the number of Christians across the Middle Belt
and the northeast. This entire region, and in parts of the
north as well, has seen the number of Christians nearly double
every decade since at least the late 1970s. So this entire area
is currently undergoing the sorts of growing pains that you
would expect from any sort of society undergoing such rapid
demographic transitions. And naturally there are some pockets
in Muslim communities that resent this or feel threatened by
Christian proselytizing across the region, and the rapid rise
in the number of churches and just the impacts on daily life.
So I think that this contextual element needs to be kept in
view.
A second piece of this demographic shift has been ethnic
minorities across this region who were alone and dominated by
majorities in their states because of their switch to
Christianity in recent decades are now part of a larger
community. And this is very important political implications
that has given them leverage in terms of trying to change the
balance of power within their own states over access to
government offices, access to resources and access to land, all
of which are important pieces of the puzzle that we need to
remember.
A second important trend to think about in what is
explaining the current escalation phase we are in is the April
2011 elections which has left an enduring anger in the North.
As you recall, it pitted President Jonathan, a Christian
southerner, against General Buhari, a northern Muslim, and this
gave the election a religious cast, a religious light. And
during this period as well, President Jonathan's supporters,
particularly in the Middle Belt and the northeast, were
appealing to Christian minorities as part of this Christian
awakening politically in the region as part of his campaign
strategy. So consequently, when President Jonathan won by such
a wide margin in the elections in April 2011 amid so many
accusations of rigging, there were a lot of perceptions in the
North that the election had been stolen from General Buhari.
And this led to outbreaks of violence as we know shortly after
the elections, and that there is continuing anger in the north
against the Jonathan administration since that time, which
initially was fed by the fact that all of the service chiefs in
the Nigerian military were southerners feeding this perception
of a southern dominated government. And I think this perception
is a very important piece that we need to remember as we are
thinking about U.S. policy. And these angers in pockets of the
north will rise again as it faces the prospect of President
Jonathan running again in 2015.
I think, third, another important contextual factor here
that we have talked about already is the massive poverty as
well as the massive corruption in government. I think that has
been covered already by other speakers so I don't need to
expand on this. I think one part of this though is to note that
the south has been growing much faster than the north and that
unemployment and poverty in the north is a key piece of what is
happening here.
Fourth is the growing militarization across the Middle
Belt. We have seen an explosion in the number of Christian and
Muslim militias across the region who are increasingly well
armed with occasional informal relationships with both the
police and military units in the area. There have been numerous
atrocities committed by both sides with increasing impunity.
Very few have been brought to book for what has been done. Jos
and Plateau State in particular are the main flashpoint in this
regard, and I hope we can talk a little bit about the specifics
of that conflict in a few moments. We also have pastoral farmer
conflicts across the region, desertification across northern
Nigeria is pushing farmers into traditional pasturelands of
Muslim Fulani herders, and with many of the farmers being
Christians in some areas this has gone forward.
So lastly, let me just talk about Boko Haram for a moment.
I think Boko Haram has risen in this very difficult context.
For most of its early existence it had little to do with
Christians and its primary anger was focused at the state and
the security forces, particularly in Borno. But as you know, in
the last 2 years there has been a tactical shift to target
Christians for several purposes, and if I can just quickly go
through those.
I think the purposes of the current uptick of Boko Haram
violence has been to silence the moderates within Boko Haram,
many of whom have repeatedly tried to engage the government in
dialogue. Second, I think is to consolidate the control of the
hardliners and the recent gains. Third, to reach out to
disaffected youth in the north. Fourth, to capture this anger
that I mentioned over the 2011 election. And fifth, to situate
itself as the vanguard of Islam and northern interests. So Boko
Haram is asserting itself in these smaller conflicts in the Jos
area and Kaduna and is actively trying to provoke Christian
mobilization in order to forward its ends in a very limited
way, but is also trying to portray the Jonathan government as a
Christian bulwark.
So I think that lastly to end up that U.S. policy has to be
very careful to not reinforce this particular view. There is a
new national security advisor who is a northerner and who has
made overtures to talk to both Boko Haram and the Christian----
Mr. Turner. All right, we will save the rest for the Q&A,
okay?
Mr. Kew. Okay, thank you.
[The prepared statement of Mr. Kew follows:]
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----------
Mr. Turner. Thank you, Doctor.
Mr. John-Miller, please. Try to keep the comments to about
5 minutes.
Mr. John-Miller. I will try as much as I can.
STATEMENT OF MR. ANSLEM JOHN-MILLER, U.S. REPRESENTATIVE,
MOVEMENT FOR THE SURVIVAL OF THE OGONI PEOPLE (MOSOP)
Mr. John-Miller. Mr. Chairman and all respected members of
this committee, I thank you for giving me the opportunity to
address you. I will be discussing some of the troubles with
Nigeria and its Niger Delta region, particularly Ogoni-land and
the people. My name once again is Anslem DornuBari John-Miller,
and I represent here the Movement for the Survival of Ogoni
People and also one of its unit known as the Council of Ogoni
Professionals.
It is an open secret that the culture of corruption is
prevalent in every sphere of government without due regard for
the rule of law, rather successive political regimes preoccupy
themselves with ethnic and personal interests. The effects are
a regressive pace of development, high youth unemployment,
brain-drain due to emigration, massive poverty and a
dangerously trending insecurity situation in the country.
The root causes of the problems in Nigeria is not far-
fetched. It is mismanagement and corruption by those at the
helm of affairs. As long as these problems are not adequately
addressed, any expectation of development and stability in
Nigeria will remain elusive. The solution is not a handout of
food supplies, medical supplies or material needs. The solution
is the United States' and international community's resolute
demand on the leadership of Nigeria to implement a clear road
map to drastically clean up its government of corrupt practices
and looting of public resources, within a specific time frame.
The problem is not that of lack of resources, it is a problem
of mismanagement of resources.
Let me now address the issue of the Niger Delta. The issue
of the Niger Delta became public and prominent as a result of
the crisis in Ogoni that led to the death of Ken Saro-Wiwa in
1995. Since then the situation remains very politic. The steps
so far taken by the Federal Government of Nigeria in an attempt
to address the Ogoni crisis were to create the Niger Delta
Development Commission, NDDC, and the Niger Delta Ministry. The
establishment of these two entities run contrary to the core
demands of the Ogoni people, namely devolution of power from
the center. In effect, the establishment of these two agencies
further concentrate power at the Federal level of government.
I would like to add that the NDDC and the Niger Delta
Ministry is a colossal failure. All that has happened is the
establishment of a bureacracy that is rooted in patronage. If
that is not the case then the Niger Delta problem shouldn't
have persisted and we should be having this hearing to talk
about the issue of the Niger Delta.
On August 4, 2011, the United Nations released a
comprehensive report on Ogoni, highlighting the precarious
environmental, social and economic problems that has resulted
as a result of 40 years of oil exploration in the area. That
report calls for immediate implementation and recommended
several steps to be taken by the government. Such include
health reasons. They give instances where the health of the
Ogoni people are at stake. Up until this moment that urgent
report has been shelved somewhere else. The President of
Nigeria who promised to implement it within 2 weeks and set up
a presidential committee has not implemented it to this minute.
On the August 4, 2012, it will have been 1 year that that
report was received. At the moment, all we received was a
notification from the Minister of Environment stating that even
before the committee, the presidential committee submitted its
report, the Environment Minister stated publicly here in the
United States that such funds for implementation of the report
is not in the Nigerian budget. So any possibility of
implementation in 2012 clearly is not available. The funds are
not there. It is on record that Shell is entrusted in
implementing the report and has stated that they have the funds
to implement the report. But all that has happened is the
President doesn't have the political will and is playing ethnic
politics. That is why that report is shelved somewhere else and
hasn't been implemented up until this moment.
The amnesty program could be credited for the reduced level
of violence in the restive Niger Delta especially in the Ijaw
areas. However, it is important to note that that peace is one
of the graveyard. It is temporary. The clear demarcation
between the activities and protestation of the Ogoni people is
that on one hand we adopted a nonviolent approach while the
Ijaws adopted a violent approach. In fact, there was no cogent
agitation in the Ijaw area of Nigeria. All that happened were
criminals who were looting and also stealing oil, siphoning
oil. Because of that, the constraint on the legitimate demands
of the people and propagated as if they were the new leaders of
the people.
Where is the response of the government? Call this bunch of
people, give them money, pay them bribes, give them also of the
best things of life, and at the end of the day, outside of
these funds, they cannot survive it. What they have done is to
give a wrong signal, making the Ogoni people feel that it is
only when you engage in violence that the Nigerian State can
listen to you. I think that this committee has a lot to do in
addressing the problems in Nigeria, and here are my specific
recommendations. They will be very short.
One, this committee and the Congress should adopt the
concurrent resolution, H.CON.RES.121 sponsored by
Representative Bobby Rush and Fortenberry on April 27, 2012,
calling for development of the Niger Delta. The second issue is
that of political autonomy for the Ogoni people. A practical
way of addressing the self-determination yearnings of the Ogoni
people is the creation of a Bori State that guarantees
political autonomy. The Ogoni State or the proposed Bori State
and its neighboring minorities will have adequate
representation at the federal.
I am also recommending that on the issue of corruption the
U.S. Government should be proactive. They should take a second
look at individuals in government who are engaged in corruption
and sanction them. Restrict them from coming to the United
States and as well as stopping the issuing of visas and all
that. I also suggest that the refugees of Ogonis who are left
behind in the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugee
camps in Benin Republic be resettled. And lastly, the U.S.
Goverment through this committee should stop the ongoing
killings happening in Sogho over a proposed banana plantation
in Ogoniland.
Thank you.
[The prepared statement of Mr. John-Miller follows:]
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Mr. Turner. All right. Thank you. Because of time
constraints we will submit questions, and answers will be part
of the record. But I thank the panel for your reasoned
testimony. Meeting is now adjourned.
[Whereupon, at 4:46 p.m., the subcommittee was adjourned.]
A P P E N D I X
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Material Submitted for the Hearing Record
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