[House Hearing, 112 Congress]
[From the U.S. Government Printing Office]
U.S. POLICY TOWARD POST-ELECTION DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC OF THE CONGO
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HEARING
BEFORE THE
SUBCOMMITTEE ON AFRICA, GLOBAL HEALTH,
AND HUMAN RIGHTS
OF THE
COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN AFFAIRS
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
ONE HUNDRED TWELFTH CONGRESS
SECOND SESSION
__________
FEBRUARY 2, 2012
__________
Serial No. 112-130
__________
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COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN AFFAIRS
ILEANA ROS-LEHTINEN, Florida, Chairman
CHRISTOPHER H. SMITH, New Jersey HOWARD L. BERMAN, California
DAN BURTON, Indiana GARY L. ACKERMAN, New York
ELTON GALLEGLY, California ENI F.H. FALEOMAVAEGA, American
DANA ROHRABACHER, California Samoa
DONALD A. MANZULLO, Illinois DONALD M. PAYNE, New Jersey
EDWARD R. ROYCE, California BRAD SHERMAN, California
STEVE CHABOT, Ohio ELIOT L. ENGEL, New York
RON PAUL, Texas GREGORY W. MEEKS, New York
MIKE PENCE, Indiana RUSS CARNAHAN, Missouri
JOE WILSON, South Carolina ALBIO SIRES, New Jersey
CONNIE MACK, Florida GERALD E. CONNOLLY, Virginia
JEFF FORTENBERRY, Nebraska THEODORE E. DEUTCH, Florida
MICHAEL T. McCAUL, Texas DENNIS CARDOZA, California
TED POE, Texas BEN CHANDLER, Kentucky
GUS M. BILIRAKIS, Florida BRIAN HIGGINS, New York
JEAN SCHMIDT, Ohio ALLYSON SCHWARTZ, Pennsylvania
BILL JOHNSON, Ohio CHRISTOPHER S. MURPHY, Connecticut
DAVID RIVERA, Florida FREDERICA WILSON, Florida
MIKE KELLY, Pennsylvania KAREN BASS, California
TIM GRIFFIN, Arkansas WILLIAM KEATING, Massachusetts
TOM MARINO, Pennsylvania DAVID CICILLINE, Rhode Island
JEFF DUNCAN, South Carolina
ANN MARIE BUERKLE, New York
RENEE ELLMERS, North Carolina
ROBERT TURNER, New York
Yleem D.S. Poblete, Staff Director
Richard J. Kessler, Democratic Staff Director
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Subcommittee on Africa, Global Health, and Human Rights
CHRISTOPHER H. SMITH, New Jersey, Chairman
JEFF FORTENBERRY, Nebraska DONALD M. PAYNE, New Jersey
TOM MARINO, Pennsylvania KAREN BASS, California
ANN MARIE BUERKLE, New York RUSS CARNAHAN, Missouri
ROBERT TURNER, New York
C O N T E N T S
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Page
WITNESSES
Mr. Donald Y. Yamamoto, Principal Deputy Assistant Secretary,
Bureau of African Affairs, U.S. Department of State............ 7
Daniel B. Baer, Ph.D., Deputy Assistant Secretary, Bureau of
Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor, U.S. Department of State... 19
Sarah E. Mendelson, Ph.D., Deputy Assistant Administrator, Bureau
for Democracy, Conflict, and Humanitarian Assistance, U.S.
Agency for International Development........................... 25
LETTERS, STATEMENTS, ETC., SUBMITTED FOR THE HEARING
Mr. Donald Y. Yamamoto: Prepared statement....................... 9
Daniel B. Baer, Ph.D.: Prepared statement........................ 21
Sarah E. Mendelson, Ph.D.: Prepared statement.................... 27
APPENDIX
Hearing notice................................................... 54
Hearing minutes.................................................. 55
The Honorable Christopher H. Smith, a Representative in Congress
from the State of New Jersey, and chairman, Subcommittee on
Africa, Global Health, and Human Rights: Prepared statement.... 56
Question submitted for the record by the Honorable Russ Carnahan,
a Representative in Congress from the State of Missouri, with
written response from the U.S. Department of State and USAID... 59
Material submitted for the record by the Honorable Donald M.
Payne, a Representative in Congress from the State of New
Jersey......................................................... 61
Material submitted for the record by the Honorable Christopher H.
Smith.......................................................... 63
U.S. POLICY TOWARD POST-ELECTION DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC OF THE CONGO
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THURSDAY, FEBRUARY 2, 2012
House of Representatives,
Subcommittee on Africa, Global Health,
and Human Rights
Committee on Foreign Affairs,
Washington, DC.
The subcommittee met, pursuant to notice, at 2:17 p.m., in
room 2172, Rayburn House Office Building, Hon. Tom Marino
(member of the subcommittee) presiding.
Mr. Marino. Good afternoon, ladies and gentlemen. And to
our guests, thank you for being here, and to our constituents
and friends out in the audience, thank you for being here as
well.
Our hearing today will examine U.S. policy options for
dealing with the ongoing crisis in the Democratic Republic of
the Congo, one of the priority countries in the United States'
Africa policy as identified by the administration and as
confirmed by congressional legislation and oversight over the
past several years.
This country is two-thirds the size of Western Europe and
borders nine African countries. Its problems extend well beyond
its borders--and I should insert, Chairman Smith is unavoidably
detained, and he asked me to fill in for him, so this is the
chairman's statement that I am reading.
The subcommittee last examined the situation in the DRC in
a hearing in March of last year when the storm clouds were
gathering in advance of the November elections. The DRC is now
struggling with the aftermath of those elections. Opposition
political parties and civil society, especially the Catholic
Church, appear unwilling to accept the results of the
Presidential and legislative elections. Opposition leader
Etienne Tshisekedi received 32 percent of the votes, but he
believes he was cheated out of the votes that would have made
him the winner in the elections. He has staged a Presidential
swearing-in ceremony and announced that he will form a
government. He also has called on supporters to march with him
to government headquarters. However, government armed forces
have surrounded his home since the Presidential results were
announced on December 9th, and even his aides have been
prevented from meeting with him.
Suspicion persists that this election was manipulated in
favor of incumbent President Joseph Kabila. The Carter Center,
who observed the vote, as well as the United Nations
Organization Stabilization Mission in the DRC and most of DRC's
civil society, all cast serious doubt on the announced outcome
of the election. According to the Carter Center, ballots were
missing in some areas while results for Kabila in other areas
were deemed unrealistic. Calls for new elections not only
continue but appear to be growing in intensity.
Perhaps government intimidation has minimized any uprising
by a discontented population, or perhaps the Congolese have
accepted that Kabila will do whatever it takes to ensure his
victory. It could be that poverty and a lack of information
among the population has restrained the widespread resort to
protest. Still, there is significant instability throughout the
country. This calls into question the long-term stability of a
country that is critical to U.S. interests, which includes the
continued flow of strategic minerals.
Congolese have reason to be skeptical that they will ever
have a stable government that functions on their behalf. There
has been one crisis after another since independence in 1960,
caused by the selfish actions of predatory leadership. An
estimated 4 million Congolese lost their lives in two wars from
which they are still recovering. Most Congolese remain poor,
hungry, and in danger of violence. Their government cannot
provide the most basic necessities for their families. Public
administration is virtually nonexistent, with civilian servants
demanding payment for even the most routine services.
MONUSCO is handling security, and the World Health
Organization is dealing with the country's public health
issues. The challenge for the international community is to
help build the capacity and the political will of the Congolese
officials to assume the responsibility for caring for and
protecting their citizens.
Since November, violence attributed to the Congolese
military, the Rwandan rebel group, the Democratic Force for the
Liberation of Rwanda, and local militia, have caused more than
100,000 Congolese to become internally displaced persons or
refugees. Local vigilante groups have clashed with the Rwandan
rebels in North Kivu Province and displaced about 75,000 people
from 30 villages in North Kivu Province. Similar clashes in
Ituri and northern Katanga have had a serious impact in those
areas as well.
This raises serious concerns for a potential humanitarian
crisis. Women continue to be targeted for abuse in the DRC. A
study that recently appeared in the American Journal of Public
Health concluded that an average of 48 women and girls are
raped every hour in this country. So before our hearing today
has ended, more than 100 females in the DRC will have been
raped.
However, there remains hope for the DRC despite the current
crisis. Even during the worst stages of the global financial
crisis, the World Bank was predicting that the DRC's economy
would grow by 7 percent annually over the next several years,
making it one of the world's fastest growing economies. At the
local level, Congolese reportedly have developed coping methods
for an absent government. Women have developed rotating credit
systems to compensate for an inaccessible banking system, and
farmers have banded together to rent trucks to jointly take
their product to market.
Since the early days of Congolese independence, the United
States has been involved in the DRC and continues to play a
significant role there. In Fiscal Year 2011, economic support
funds were targeted to support the Government of Congo
stabilization and recovery program through support to
community, recovery, reconciliation, conflict mitigation
resolution, and the extension of authority. International
military education and training funds focus on training
Congolese officers on military justice, human rights, and joint
operations.
The United States also provides significant humanitarian
assistance to the DRC. The United States provided bilateral aid
to the DRC of more than $205 million in Fiscal Year 2008, $296
million in Fiscal Year 2009, $282 million in Fiscal Year 2010,
and $215 million in Fiscal Year 2011. The Obama administration
requested more than $262 million for Fiscal Year 2012.
Our hearing today will allow the administration agencies
primarily responsible for the United States' relation with the
DRC to report on what our Government can and will do to help
the world's 12th largest country weather this crisis.
Before I introduce our witnesses this afternoon, all full
statements by members and our panelists as well as other
related statements or materials will be inserted into the
record.
I defer now to my colleague, Ranking Member Congressman
Payne.
Mr. Payne. Thank you very much, Chairman Marino, and let me
commend you for pinch-hitting for Chairman Smith, who is, as
you know, a very strong advocate of human rights. And during
all of my hearings over the last 20-some years he has been at
just about every hearing. So let me just say that this is a
very timely hearing, and we are certainly convening this at the
right time.
Since the November elections in the Democratic Republic of
Congo, bipartisan members of both the House and the Senate have
called for increased U.S. involvement to stave off violence,
death, and the loss of the democratic gains achieved since
2006, the last election that was held. Some of us have been
calling for increased involvement for much longer. As a matter
of fact, it was last year on International Women's Day that we
began our subcommittee business for the 112th Congress with a
hearing on the DRC. Witnesses on the private panel warned that
there will be continued crisis and that the election would be a
difficult task to cover. The warning was clear and precise. To
quote Mr. Affleck, ``If the situation continues in the same
direction as it is now, Congo will have deeply flawed elections
in November that will not meet minimum international standards
and will be neither free nor fair.''
Mr. Chairman, in the wake of that hearing, you and I, Mr.
Smith, along with Mr. Carnahan, Mr. Fortenberry, Ms. Bass, Mr.
Wolf, Mr. McDermott, Mr. Crowley, and Mr. McGovern sent letters
to the White House asking that the President appoint a special
envoy--to reappoint a special envoy. Last month the
administration announced the appointment of Ambassador Barrie
Walkley as Special Advisor for the Great Lakes and the DRC.
While this is a great step in the right direction, the
appointment came weeks after the flawed election, and in the
midst of a political crisis that could have potentially been
avoided.
As an adviser instead of an envoy, it is not clear that
Ambassador Walkley will have the same political support and
resources necessary to succeed in his very challenging mission.
Only the second election since emerging out of the brutal
civil war, the November elections were supposed to represent a
significant milestone along with the DRC's path toward
stabilization. Instead, the elections highlight the severe
political crisis that is the undercurrent of all other ailments
that plague the Congolese people. It is a crisis that did not
start last November or even over the last few decades. The
crisis in the Congo stems from its colonial history.
As we all know, the Congo was the personal province of the
King of Belgium, solely his, and he took resources and had a
brutal rule where amputations were started, which we saw in the
recent wars in the east of Africa. But that started under King
Leopold, and we still see remnants of it today. So many of the
things that began many years ago have impacts today, and the
Congo went through many crises. When it became independent,
there was only one college-trained person in the entire country
when Belgium just left. So the country started way behind.
Then regional conflicts, when Mr. Kabila came after
Mobutu's terrible reign, so the country never really has had an
opportunity to develop. Then we had the Rwandan and Ugandan
help of Kabila to get into office. Then, after that, the first
African world war where Angola and Namibia and Zimbabwe fought
with the Congo against Uganda and Rwanda. So I think it is
amazing that even though things are very bleak, this country
still continues to move forward. And I think that we have to
look at the determination of the Congolese people, in spite of
all of the terrible legacies that have been laid upon them,
that they continue to move forward.
So now in the wake of the elections, the Congo is at a
critical junction in the history, as they move toward peace and
stability.
The legitimacy of the Kabila regime has been questioned and
the future of democracy hangs in the balance. Joseph Kabila was
sworn into office December the 20th. Only one head of state
attended, Robert Mugabe of Zimbabwe. Ambassadors from foreign
nations, including the United States, were present at the
swearing in. Rejecting the results, opposition leader
Tshisekedi held his own swearing in under virtual house arrest
in his garden.
In December, Chairman Smith and I called on the
administration to work with our partners in the international
community and an inclusive group of Congolese stakeholders to
conduct an independent review of reported electoral
irregularities, to help mediate the crisis to avoid further
political unrest.
With additional protests planned, we hope that a dialogue
is underway, and we must remember that as the political
standoff continues to unfold, the people of the Congo continue
to suffer. They suffer at the hands of armed groups that rape
and pilferage to instill fear and to keep resistance away. They
suffer from the neglect of a government that lacks the capacity
to provide for their basic needs. They suffer from the resource
grab that has for hundreds of years, as I mentioned before,
left them unconscionably in poverty while companies and
governments, militiamen from their own country, but countries
from around the world profit from the misery of the people of
the Congo. Today for the sake of the Congolese people, we are
here to examine the lessons learned and figure out a way
forward.
Lastly, I must add that the American people stand in
solidarity with the people of the Congo. One of my
constituents, Reverend Phyllis Zoon of Newark, is a mission
advocate at the Monmouth Presbytery. She sent me a passionate
letter on behalf of herself and her parish and the Presbyterian
Church of the USA, asking me to urge the administration to
protect the human rights and democracy in the Congo. Ms. Zoon
expressed concern for the citizens killed at the hands of the
Congolese forces. Her letter just highlighted that she would
hope that we would move toward ensuring that the people of the
Congo are protected, and I would ask that the letter be
submitted to the record.
Mr. Marino. Without objection, sir.
Mr. Payne. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. I yield back the
balance of my time.
Mr. Marino. Thank you, Ranking Member Payne.
Now I turn to Congressman Turner who has a statement to
present.
Mr. Turner. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. I will be very brief.
I am here to learn. As Congressman Payne so eloquently pointed
out, the sad history of this nation began with the abrupt
departure of the Belgians, the most corrupt, brutal, and
unenlightened colonialists in all of Africa. The legacy, I
think, was compounded with United States policy in an attempt
to keep the Congo intact in the early 1960s.
Despite the religious, tribal, geographic, and other
elements that may have dictated a different take, and I am not
sure if that is something that this Government could look at
once again--is the size and scope of this manageable, and will
the representative democracy and the rule of law ever really be
possible with all these distractions? But with that said, I
yield back.
Mr. Marino. Thank you, Congressman Turner.
I now recognize our colleague, Congressman Carnahan.
Mr. Carnahan. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, and Ranking Member
Payne for holding this hearing. The long history, both pre- and
post-independence of violence and exploitation surrounding the
DRC's vast natural resources has severely impacted the ability
of this country to realize its enormous potential.
Eight years following the 2003 peace accords, the DRC
remains enmeshed in debilitating challenges, from ethnic
conflict to widespread corruption, extreme poverty, and
inconceivable human rights abuses.
Last year, this committee appropriately held a DRC hearing
on International Women's Day. The ongoing presence of armed
militias, in the eastern Congo in particular, has continued to
perpetuate civil strife and a crisis of sexual and gender-based
violence against women and children, with hundreds of thousands
of rapes committed.
As life becomes increasingly uncertain for the Congolese
people, the U.S. and the international community must do more
to advance the mediation process, meaningful security sector
reforms, and improve governance to elevate civil society, and
to combat the illicit mineral trade that props up militias,
enables cycles of violence, and deprives the Congolese of
critical natural resources.
In closing, I want to thank the panelists for being here
today and sharing their expertise with this committee. I
appreciate your time, and I yield back, Mr. Chairman.
Mr. Marino. Thank you, Congressman.
I wanted to bring to your attention that Ranking Member
Payne has brought to my attention that he cannot remember the
last time that Chairman Smith was not here. I have been
informed that he has a very serious infection in his leg and
cannot be with us, and I think I can vouch for all of us saying
if he could walk here, crawl here, or be drugged here, he would
be here. So we hope that he gets better very soon.
I have a little bit of a tradition that, since I have been
occasionally doing these, is I wait to ask my questions last.
So I am going to ask the ranking member and former chairman,
Congressman Payne, my colleague, to start off the questioning
after we hear your testimony.
I am going to introduce the witnesses first. Ambassador
Donald Yamamoto, United States Department of State. Ambassador
Yamamoto is no stranger to this subcommittee, having testified
before us last March at a hearing about the DRC, and on two
other occasions last year. He has served since 2009 as the
Principal Deputy Assistant Secretary for the Bureau of African
Affairs in the U.S. Department of State. His prior assignments
include serving as U.S. Ambassador to Ethiopia from November
2006 to July 2009 and as Deputy Assistant Secretary of State in
the Bureau of African Affairs from 2003 to 2006.
Dr. Daniel Baer, United States Department of State. Dr.
Baer has served as Deputy Assistant Secretary for the Bureau of
Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor since November 2009. He has
served in many different offices in the State Department prior
to his work in DRL, including the Bureau of East Asian and
Pacific Affairs, the Bureau of African Affairs, the Office of
Multilateral and Global Affairs, and the Internet Freedom
Office. Prior to working for the State Department he taught at
Georgetown's business school and had a fellowship at Harvard.
Welcome.
Dr. Sarah Mendelson, USAID. Dr. Mendelson has served as
Deputy Assistant Administrator in USAID's Bureau for Democracy,
Conflict, and Humanitarian Assistance since May 2010. She has
brought nearly two decades of experience working on issues
related to human rights and democracy to this position. She was
the director of the Human Rights and Security Initiative at the
Center for Strategic International Studies and worked as a
program officer in Moscow with the National Democratic
Institute in 1994 and 1995. She has authored numerous peer-
reviewed articles and advised Human Rights Watch and the
Council on Foreign Relations. Thank you for being here.
Welcome.
I see that my good friend and colleague Congresswoman Bass
is with us. Did you care to make a statement?
Ms. Bass. No, I will wait for questions.
Mr. Marino. Thank you. I turn the floor over to Ranking
Member Payne.
We will start with the Honorable Yamamoto. Please limit
your statement to 5 minutes, but your entire written statement
will be entered into the record.
STATEMENT OF MR. DONALD Y. YAMAMOTO, PRINCIPAL DEPUTY ASSISTANT
SECRETARY, BUREAU OF AFRICAN AFFAIRS, U.S. DEPARTMENT OF STATE
Ambassador Yamamoto. Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman, and
again it is a great honor to appear before this subcommittee
with you, Mr. Chairman Marino and, of course, Ranking Member
Payne and Madam Bass and Turner and Carnahan are here, and our
prayers are with Congressman Smith.
Mr. Marino. Thank you.
Ambassador Yamamoto. I also ask forgiveness that our
Assistant Secretary, Johnnie Carson, could not be here today.
The DRC, with its immense mineral and water wealth and
strategic location, is important to the region, to
international investors, and countries seeking resources. For
the United States, the DRC has a special humanitarian
commitment for this country and for its people. The DRC's
turbulent history from outside interference to internal
development challenges have never allowed it to really fully
live up to its economic promise and the stability that the
people of the Congo richly deserve.
The Congo lacks a functioning state authority throughout
much of the country, lacks the capacity to provide basic
services such as health care, education, and infrastructure,
and lacks a fully functioning justice system and bureaucracy.
The security forces are frequently undisciplined, ill-equipped,
poorly trained, and irregularly paid.
It is in this context that the DRC held its second
democratic election since the end of the Mobutu era, and the
first election was wholly organized and directed by the
Congolese--this is really the first election directed by the
Congolese themselves since independence. Unlike 2006, the
elections were largely managed by the United Nations and other
international donors. The USG found the management and
technical execution of these elections to be seriously flawed,
lacking transparency, and not on par with the positive gains in
the democratic process that we have seen in other recent
elections in the region and elsewhere.
Secretary of State Clinton noted that, ``We were deeply
disappointed that the Electoral Commission's provisional
results were affirmed without a full investigation of alleged
irregularities, despite opportunities to do so.''
Mr. Tshisekedi and his supporters went so far as to hold
their own swearing-in ceremony and to declare themselves the
rightful winner of this election. Mr. Tshisekedi is virtually
under--in home-arrest, surrounded by the police.
We have called on due process and judicial procedures to be
followed in this case. We also deployed many observers from the
U.S. mission and from other areas to attend provinces
throughout the Congo.
To coordinate our efforts in the DRC on December 9th,
Secretary Clinton announced the appointment of Ambassador
Barrie Walkley as our new Special Advisor for the Great Lakes
and the DRC. We are also concerned about the savage reign of
terror by the LRA and the illicit trading of the DRC's natural
resources which denies its people access to its own assets.
We currently have approximately $11 million in 2010 funds
specifically aimed at increasing the transparency and
regulations of the trade in key minerals in eastern DRC. We
also recently notified Congress of an additional $4.7 million
in 2011 for Complex Crisis Fund resources that we will apply to
promoting traceability and monitoring in the regional minerals
trade.
The DRC and the United States have a solid and positive
relationship, and our Governments continue to engage at the
highest level on a range of issues that are aimed toward
democracy, a peaceful and stable Congo. Mr. Chairman and the
honorable members of this subcommittee, I look forward to
answering your questions today. Thank you.
Mr. Marino. Thank you, sir.
[The prepared statement of Mr. Yamamoto follows:]
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Mr. Marino. Dr. Baer, please.
STATEMENT OF DANIEL B. BAER, PH.D., DEPUTY ASSISTANT SECRETARY,
BUREAU OF DEMOCRACY, HUMAN RIGHTS, AND LABOR, U.S. DEPARTMENT
OF STATE
Mr. Baer. Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman, Ranking Member
Payne, and the other members of the subcommittee. Thank you for
the opportunity to testify today in light of what Secretary
Clinton has described as seriously flawed Presidential and
parliamentary elections held on November 28th. I know the
committee has demonstrated sustained interest in the DRC, and I
appreciate that, and I appreciate also your continued focus on
the human rights climate in the DRC.
As Ambassador Yamamoto has just outlined, the
administration is monitoring events closely and shares
Congress' concerns. We are taking action as events unfold. For
example, in recent days the Department spokeswoman publicly
expressed our concern about reports that Radio France
International had been shut down. We urged relevant Congolese
authorities to reinstate RFI's frequencies immediately, which
they did, and we will continue to advocate to all Congolese
political leaders and their supporters, the need to act
responsibly and renounce violence.
I would also like at the outset to reiterate our serious
concerns about gender-based violence in the DRC, which I know
has also been an interest of this committee. Every hour of the
day, dozens of women are raped in the DRC, dozens of women
every hour. This is why the United States continues to champion
improved protection of civilians, especially an end to the
epidemic of rape and gender-based violence. The United States
has worked successfully to secure new Security Council
resolutions--sanctions against individuals who lead armed
groups operating in the DRC or are linked to crimes involving
sexual- and gender-based violence and illegal child-soldier
recruiting.
Additionally, the United States led the adoption of a U.N.
Security Council resolution that supported, for the first time,
due diligence guidelines for individuals and companies
operating in the mineral trade in eastern Congo.
In general, and in part as a result of the training
provided by the United States to the Congolese national police,
the police in the DRC have exercised restraint when dealing
with demonstrators and protestors. However, in some notable
instances during the run-up to the elections and in their
immediate aftermath, the Government of the Democratic Republic
of the Congo resorted to excessive force to break up protests.
Citizens were shot and beaten, detained without charge,
sometimes in the middle of the night, and sometimes
disappeared.
The government has also placed restrictions on the freedoms
of speech, press, and assembly in breach of democratic norms.
We expect the DRC Government will be tempted to resort to such
behavior in the future. For this reason, the USG has repeatedly
and will continue to forcefully make clear that such violations
of civil and human rights are unacceptable and must cease
immediately, and that the perpetrators of human rights
violations must be brought to justice.
Now, the court system in the DRC is dysfunctional at best,
and in many parts of the country nonfunctional. The electoral
law, for example, calls for the establishment of a
constitutional court, among whose functions would be the review
of electoral challenges, but to date the new court has not been
established. The existing court system will be severely
challenged to judge impartially and credibly the thousands of
challenges expected to be filed by disappointed parliamentary
candidates. When provincial elections take place later this
year, there will be more challenges. This surely will
exacerbate the already troubling situation. Moreover, the
Congolese Supreme Court is widely considered to be biased
toward President Kabila, and its decision validating his
electoral victory was extensively criticized as premature,
unfair, and poorly executed.
The U.S., the international community, foreign governments,
international organizations, and NGOs have contributed billions
of dollars and sent thousands of advisers into the DRC over the
years. To date, unfortunately, the Government of the Democratic
Republic of the Congo has not shown the same commitment to
reform, and we need to be clear: Without a strong and sustained
commitment by the government to democracy and human rights,
little can be done that will be sustainable.
We all know that the DRC is one of the least developed
countries in the world. Even were the government completely
committed to improving democracy and human rights, its
abilities are limited, and developing the capacity of the
Congolese Government, enacting laws, and transferring tools and
know-how is but a small part of the solution. Helping them
foster and inculcate a respect for human rights and the rule of
law, and embedded into institutions as a way of doing things,
is the central task and the larger part of a sustainable
solution.
I have already addressed the issues surrounding the courts.
In addition, a robust and free media sector must be established
and allowed to function. A vibrant civil society must be
supported and recognized as a vital partner in building a
stronger DRC. Corruption must be tackled so that
entrepreneurship and economic growth can win the day. Children
must be educated and all people need to know their rights and
be given a chance to understand through experience how those
rights undergird democratic societies.
All these things are hard, long-term tasks. They all
require leadership and commitment from the top of the
government, and none can be accomplished until the government
is able to provide for the physical security of its people.
Democracy and human rights are both contributors to and
dependent on peace and security.
In conclusion, I want to assure the subcommittee that the
administration is unwavering in its commitment to move Congo to
internationally accepted human rights standards and norms.
Thank you, Mr. Chairman, and members of the subcommittee. I
welcome your questions.
[The prepared statement of Mr. Baer follows:]
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Mr. Marino. Dr. Mendelson.
STATEMENT OF SARAH E. MENDELSON, PH.D., DEPUTY ASSISTANT
ADMINISTRATOR, BUREAU FOR DEMOCRACY, CONFLICT, AND HUMANITARIAN
ASSISTANCE, U.S. AGENCY FOR INTERNATIONAL DEVELOPMENT
Ms. Mendelson. Good afternoon, Chairman Marino, Ranking
Member Payne, members of the subcommittee. Thank you for
inviting me to speak with you today about the Democratic
Republic of the Congo. I am pleased to have the opportunity to
discuss the work of USAID with you, such great supporters of
Africa, and with my colleagues from the State Department with
whom we work so closely. For me personally, it is a great
pleasure to be back testifying before you, and I am very sorry
Chairman Smith is ill, and our best wishes are with him.
How each country reconciles, or not, with violent episodes
from its past is an important driver of political development.
In the DRC, democratic institutions and processes play a vital
role through which the country can overcome political
divisions, reinforced by years of conflict. During the past
several years some real progress has been made toward
strengthening democratic institutions and processes in the DRC,
including adoption of a revised Constitution and successful
elections in 2006.
Through our assistance programs, the United States
Government has sought to help support a stable and democratic
state, one that is at peace with its neighbors and provides for
its citizens. We pursue our programs with a particular focus on
the costs of conflict borne by women and youth.
As you know, Presidential and legislative elections held in
the DRC on November 28th were widely anticipated as an
opportunity for the DRC to move beyond its past and advance
toward democracy and stability. The Independent National
Election Commission, the CENI, took primary responsibility for
managing the elections with some international support.
Established just 8 months before election day, the CENI was
able to register 32 million voters. Millions of Congolese
citizens went to the polls.
The CENI's accomplishments should not be underappreciated.
However, the CENI's management of the electoral process was
generally inadequate. Even allowing for the significant
logistical challenges inherent to the DRC, nearly every step of
the electoral process was delayed. International and domestic
observers, as well as Secretary Clinton, have noted
considerable flaws throughout the process in the pre-election
period, on election day, in the tabulation of votes, and in the
process for electoral dispute resolution. In my written
testimony I discuss these issues more fully and describe steps
that could be taken to improve the proficiency, transparency,
and credibility of future elections in the DRC.
USAID supported the 2011 election process through direct
funding for the International Foundation for Electoral Systems
and the Carter Center to support civic and voter education as
well as international election observation and capacity-
building of human rights organizations to observe the
elections. The IFES civic education program reached over 19
million people, providing citizens accurate information on
elections and enabling them to effectively participate. The
Carter Center deployed 10 two-person teams of international
long-term election observers to all provinces in the months
preceding the elections and on election day, working closely
with domestic observers from the Catholic Church, among others.
These efforts were instrumental in identifying key election-
related irregularities.
Moving forward, USAID has a range of ongoing programs that
support citizen involvement in democratic processes and
facilitate political reforms, including strengthening the rule
of law institutions, including the constitutional court once it
is established, civic education activities through robust
partnerships with a range of civil society organizations across
the DRC, good governance activities that seek to engage
productive civic participation and democratic processes,
including community-based organizations and civil society
groups, election monitoring and human rights work implemented
by the Carter Center, which will be essential for assessing any
human rights violations or conflict during upcoming elections,
and of course media sector development through Internews
Network that builds the capacity of Congolese media
institutions, particularly community radio stations.
At the same time USAID has been providing assistance to the
DRC to support the electoral process, we have also undertaken a
number of activities and actions to mitigate the potential for
violence, such as establishing early warning mechanisms,
monitoring incidents of violence, and supporting conflict and
atrocity prevention activities. Our reconciliation work
provides opportunities for conflict-affected groups to interact
and save spaces to address issues of mutual concern, reconcile
differences, and promote understanding and trust and work on
common goals.
USAID is also addressing the causes and consequences of
human rights abuses that are being fueled by conflict in the
DRC, including sexual- and gender-based violence and
trafficking in persons. And attention to these issues is
essential before the DRC can enter on a path to long-term
sustainable development.
The United States and our partners in the international
community remain dedicated to supporting efforts for stability
and prosperity in the DRC, although ultimately, of course,
advancing democracy, human rights, and good governance there
requires the engagement of the Congolese people and political
commitment by the Government of the DRC. We are hopeful such a
path will be taken. The written testimony I submitted to the
subcommittee expands on the themes I have presented. I welcome
any questions you have.
Mr. Marino. Thank you, Dr. Mendelson.
[The prepared statement of Ms. Mendelson follows:]
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Mr. Marino. Now I think the timing is right for me to ask
my colleague and Ranking Member Payne to lead off the
questioning. Thank you, sir.
Mr. Payne. Thank you very much. We should have an interlude
with an instrument. I finally got a chance to ask a question.
Let me thank all of the witnesses for your testimony, and
let me ask a question perhaps to all the panelists, and you may
want to answer it or not, but--and I will probably do that with
most of the questions unless it gets to specific USAID
questions, and I will certainly relate it to you.
In March of last year our subcommittee heard testimony from
witnesses who warned of the current electoral crisis. As noted
in today's testimony, these elections were marred by violence,
reports of fraud, and logistical gaps. Yet, even if the
electoral irregularities and other flaws had not emerged,
administering elections of this scale in this country with
little infrastructure was going to be challenging without these
other problems.
As it has been mentioned, more than 31 million registered
voters, estimated 19,000 candidates for 500 parliamentary
seats, 11 candidates for Presidency, a country about one-fourth
the size of the United States. To what extent, if at all, do
these elections represent a setback for democracy and moving
forward in the DRC, and do you believe that the problems
would--would the outcome be the same if these election frauds
were not committed? In other words, was it enough, in your
opinions, to change the outcome of the election? We do know,
and it is clear, that there were many problems. The question
basically is: Do you believe that the outcome would have been
different without these problems? Ambassador?
Ambassador Yamamoto. Thank you, Congressman Payne. From the
2006 elections where some of us were there as election
observers and to look at the process, it was almost entirely
managed and paid for by the international community, and the
feeling was that for the ownership and for the people of the
Congo, that they wanted to take ownership of this process. And
so the next election, this second election, had a much more
integrated dynamic, that the Congolese would be the authorities
on this electoral process.
So is it a setback? It is one step in the process of the
democratic process in the Congo. It is an issue that the people
in the Congo wanted, and it is something that we had supported.
We started the process of supporting this election earlier,
back in 2008 and 2009, with the IFES and later on with the
Carter Center. But were there sufficient funds? And of course
the answer is, there is not always sufficient funding to do
that, but this was a step that we took.
The other issue, too, is that if you look at the elections,
this election compared to the 2006 elections, you didn't have
the violence that was marred after those elections with the
problems of militias, by Bemba, Kabila, and other groups. Here,
the death toll was what was unacceptable, but not the level we
saw in 2006.
As far as the results of the election, we were very clear
from the outset, I think all of us were in the international
community, that these elections were not transparent, they
lacked transparency and did not measure up to the democratic
gains made in other African elections. However, whether these
irregularities would have been sufficient enough to have
changed the outcome of those elections is unclear.
But the issue is that the process has begun and that
through our commitment after the election by Secretary Clinton
and the State Department, we are committed to ensuring that the
electoral process will continue to progress and address the
needs and build the trust and confidence of the people of the
Congo.
Mr. Payne. The electoral body does not--committee does not
have the national--Congo Independent National Election
Commission does not have any civil society, I believe, on that
Commission. And I wonder if you believe that for civil society
to be a part of that CENI would improve--or CIMCO would
improve--well, CENI would improve the confidence that the
people of the Congo would have in that body?
Ambassador Yamamoto. I will defer to my colleagues, but
overall the CENI reflects the process established. And, of
course, how the CENI is established, et cetera, will be for the
Congolese to determine. But I defer to you.
Mr. Baer. Obviously the CENI is established under a
statutory authority, and so the way it is established is part
of the law. But I think in general our approach has been not
only in the Congo but elsewhere around the world to encourage
the participation of civil society and to encourage governments
to make civil society partners, particularly in electoral
processes where the credibility of processes can be enhanced to
the extent that civil society is participating.
I think that your question speaks to a more general
challenge that lies ahead in the Congo. And building off your
last question in terms of whether this was a setback, certainly
it wasn't a step forward. And in order to move forward, there
is not only the challenge of improving the execution of
elections but also mitigating the political tensions that have
arisen. And one of the ways that the political problems can be
solved is by making a more inclusive process across the board.
So engaging with civil society on the part of the CENI would be
one example of how that might be executed.
Mr. Payne. Dr. Mendelson, as you know, a team of
international election experts from the International
Foundation for Electoral Systems, IFES as we all know it, and
the National Democratic Institute, the NDI, were in the DRC
from January the 5th to the 13th assessing the feasibility of
conducting a review of the results of the November 28th
legislative elections. Please describe in detail the results of
IFES and NDI assessment, and how feasible are the proposed
recommendations that they made?
Ms. Mendelson. So in Secretary Clinton's statement on
December 20th, she said, ``We believe a review of the electoral
process by the Congolese authorities and outside experts may
shed additional light on the causes of irregularities, identify
ways to provide more credible results, and offer guidance for
the ongoing election results for future elections.''
So we funded a small team from IFES and NDI for a scoping
mission to ascertain if a more comprehensive assessment was
feasible. We were very clear that we would not play any role in
validating or certifying electoral results or processes.
The Government of the Democratic Republic of the Congo
allowed the team to meet with a range of stakeholders, and the
CENI, in particular, allotted significant time to spend with
this team; but unfortunately the types of activities that the
GDRC was hoping that the team would undertake were not in line
with the team's priorities. So by the end of the time in the
DRC, it was clear that a more comprehensive assessment would
not be feasible.
To your specific question, there has not been a detailed
assessment done, and they have not published specific
recommendations.
Mr. Payne. Let me ask this to Assistant Secretary Yamamoto.
According to the official results, as we know, upheld by the
Supreme Court on December 16th, Kabila would have gotten 49
percent of the vote while Tshisekedi received 32 percent.
Tshisekedi has refused to accept these results and has
inaugurated himself as President. Tshisekedi has also called
for the cancellation of all legislative results, and the
opposition is reportedly organizing mass protests for February
the 16th.
In your opinion, what can we do to ensure that Congo does
not descend into further conflict and instability as a result
of the flawed elections? How likely is it that a standoff
between President Kabila and opposition leader Tshisekedi will
escalate into mass violence in the coming weeks or months? What
is the current status of the mediation efforts between the
government and opposition, and what impact, if any, has this
electoral dispute had on regional stability? As we know, the
Great Lakes region is very fragile.
Ambassador Yamamoto. Thank you, Congressman. The issue for
us is that we have been in close discussions, private
discussions with Assistant Secretary Johnnie Carson, our
Ambassador James Entwistle, and his deputy Sam Laeuchli out in
Kinshasa with every part of the opposition, particularly
Tshisekedi as well as President Kabila and Mulunda from the
CENI.
In respect to your question, the issue is that on the short
term to avoid problems from escalating beyond where they are
now is that there has to be open political dialogue first and
also communication to ensure that there is transparency not
only in the process but also in the discussions. We also have
called and move forward in discussions privately on opening
more political space, ensuring that the opposition and all
people have the right to express their will but also
responsibly express those wills without violence, and also to
have a commitment from all parties that they will not commit
themselves or that they would avoid violence, et cetera. And so
in the short term is dialogue, communications, open political
space, and over the long term is much more technical assistance
and commitment to capacity building.
What does this portend for the regional stability in the
area--to your last question--is that all the countries are
clearly focused on what happens in the Congo but also what is
happening in neighboring countries, from Burundi to Congo,
Brazzaville, et cetera. Our special adviser, Barrie Walkley, is
currently in discussions with the regional leaders. And that is
important to work with our Ambassadors, to get their views, and
also to bring better communications and dialogue so that it
doesn't spiral out, and that there is a confidence building
among the participants of this region. Thank you.
Mr. Marino. Thank you, Ranking Member Payne. My good
friend, colleague, and neighbor, Representative Karen Bass.
Ms. Bass. Thank you, Mr. Chair, and also thanks to the
ranking member, but I appreciate the chair for moving forward
and holding this hearing, and I definitely want to express my
best wishes for Chairman Smith, that he gets better.
I wanted to ask a few questions, kind of following up on
what you were saying, Mr. Yamamoto. You described what is
needed, you know, in the future dialogue, communication,
political space, technical assistance, and capacity building.
And I have not had the opportunity to travel to the DRC, but
everything that, you know, I have read and in the hearings, it
sounds as though a situation of chaos is there. So how do you
have dialogue, communication, political space, TA, and capacity
building in the midst of chaos is one question.
And then I want to switch reels in a minute and talk about
the minerals, but I just want to understand what is the impact
or what has been the impact of our statements as the United
States regarding the elections and the situation in the DRC?
Ambassador Yamamoto. Let's go to the last part first. I
think the statements have been very important because it
underscores, I think, our position, and also the credibility of
what we have observed in the elections, electoral process. It
also calls to all the parties, not only the government but also
the opposition, that this is what we have seen, these are the
problems, these are the issues that we need to resolve, and
this is the way forward.
The other issue, too, is to work with the neighboring
states on what is happening in the Congo precisely so that no
one misinterprets or misunderstands what is happening or that
the commitment from the international community and the United
States still remains very important to that region and also to
the neighboring states.
But more important is the private dialogues that we have
made with Mr. Tshisekedi and Mr. Mulunda and, of course, the
President himself, on what we see and what we can do together
to ensure that this does not spiral out of control, and what
steps are necessary to restore confidence and trust in the
people in the Congo in the electoral process. And it is going
to take time.
As to your first question, how do you bring chaos--or how
do you bring order to what seemingly looks like chaos? It is
going to take time, it is going to be difficult, it is going to
be challenging, but I think the areas that we are focusing on
are the right areas that we need to focus on. It is going to be
in the short term is to build that confidence, to build the
communication, to build transparency; and over the long term,
to dedicate and commit toward capacity building, judicial
reforms, and political reforms. And I would like to defer also
to my colleagues who are really at the forefront of some of
these programs.
Ms. Bass. But, I mean we started off this hearing talking
about in the hour that we have this hearing, how many women are
going to be raped?
Ambassador Yamamoto. Yes.
Ms. Bass. I am having difficulty understanding the
difference that we make. Do we consider the Kabila government,
do we consider it legitimate? I mean, what leverage do we have?
Ambassador Yamamoto. The leverage is not just with the
President, with President Kabila and his government. The
leverage is with all the parties together.
Let me just give you an example. Between 2003 and 2006, you
know, with our tripartite group we made about 26 visits to the
region to understand better what we need to do, what the
problems were. But more important is by our mere presence in
these remote areas is to underscore that we are committed to
finding a solution. I think the groups that we deployed not
only from the Embassy but also from the Department of State,
also the support for the other organizations underscored that
we remain committed toward finding solutions and toward working
with the people of the Congo. Yes, it is going to be hard, as
you say. The problems are enormous, but we need to tackle them
one step at a time, issue by issue, and I think over the long
term there will be a tremendous amount of progress.
Ms. Bass. Secretary Baer? Mendelson?
Mr. Baer. Thank you, I agree with Ambassador Yamamoto. I
would just say that when we looked back 10 years ago, there
were thousands of people dying every day, and one of the
things, unfortunately, we have been working on is preserving
enough stability to make the incremental progress that he
described. And, unfortunately, when you have a territory as
large as the Congo is, with as little development as the Congo
has, and as poor of a justice sector and as poorly controlled
of a military, the challenges can seem insurmountable.
I think that Secretary Clinton's visit to Goma 2 years ago
underscored her personal commitment, particularly on the fight
against sexual- and gender-based violence. Under Secretary
Otero went last October. Assistant Secretary Carson has on
numerous times engaged with the government on this. So I think
our engagement is important. I think one of the things that are
important----
Ms. Bass. Is the communication such that like the
majority--I don't want to say ``majority,'' but who knows that
we go?
Mr. Baer. Oh, I was going to say one of the most important
effects of our engagement is that it gives credibility to the
people on the ground who are engaging. If you look at the
election context, one of the most loud voices in the domestic
context has been the Catholic Church. And to the extent that
the international community is calling out concerns and flaws,
it gives credibility to those domestic voices who are also
calling out their concerns.
And we all recognize that in order to solve the governance
challenges from which the violence flows, that there is going
to have to be a political solution at the domestic level. It
will be with our support, but it is not going to be of our
doing. It is going to be of the doing of the Congolese people.
And to the extent that we can give credibility to those voices
that will be part of that political solution, our voices add
value to theirs.
Ms. Mendelson. I have been working on a biography,
Suggested Political Transition, for over 20 years. And it is a
non-linear path. And I think that again when you look at this
election versus 2006, what is really striking about it is that
the international community did not shepherd it, it was
Congolese. And there are going to be setbacks and certain parts
that did go well. Election day itself was much more peaceful,
very large turnout.
The idea that there is tremendous chaos and that we can't
do any kind of assistance in that or development work in that
environment isn't borne out by the actual impact that some of
our investments have. I share your concern both in terms of the
gender-based violence and the human trafficking costs. I think
that the administration is very devoted both to the National
Action Plan where we are really focused in on postconflict and
conflict regions, and trying to come up with measurable
interventions that we can be held accountable for.
We are about to launch a new counter-trafficking policy at
USAID in the next couple of weeks. We are going to increase
modestly our investments income, adding trafficking in the DRC.
So we understand this is a larger piece than we alone can do,
but we are very focused on trying to find evidence-based
programming interventions that we know are going to work.
Ms. Bass. If you don't mind, Mr. Chair, may I ask a few
more questions?
Mr. Marino. Congresswoman, you can have all the time you
need.
Ms. Bass. Thank you. I wanted to switch reels for a minute,
and I believe that Dr. Baer had mentioned earlier about U.S.-
issued guidelines regarding the mineral trade, and I wanted to
know if you could talk a little bit about that. I am
specifically interested in who is involved in the mineral
trade. Are there a lot of U.S. companies involved or are they
European companies? Who is engaging in the mineral trade?
Mr. Baer. Historically, the mineral trade has included
every range of actors that you describe, from the small shop or
the one-person show that sells to a middle man that sells to a
middle man that sells to a middle man, to large multinationals.
I don't know which U.S. firms are operating there now, if any.
I know that many firms have, because of the violence, even made
initial planning missions, but have not chosen to develop
mining operations, et cetera, or have paused or withdrawn.
I believe Rio Tinto is still operating, but I believe
Freeport-McMoRan has ceased recently. I may be getting them
inverted. So there are a range of firms operating.
Ms. Bass. Are those firms here? I am not familiar with
those names.
Mr. Baer. Rio Tinto is Australian and Freeport-McMoRan may
be a U.S. firm, I am not sure. In any case, they operate with
Congolese partners in most cases as a joint venture.
The challenge for whoever the operator is, whether it is a
domestic Congolese operator or an international firm, the
challenge is making sure that the supply chains are secure,
being able to know the provenance of the minerals, because what
happens is the revenues get siphoned off at various side points
or get smuggled in--the minerals get smuggled into a clean
supply chain, allowing rebel groups to fund their activities.
And so the reason why the international community is focused on
that is to try to starve the rebel groups of this source of
funding. And, of course, the rebel groups have been the primary
perpetrators of the sexual- and gender-based violence.
I think it is a good thing that the OECD has developed
guidelines on due diligence for supply chains. And we expect
that as companies learn to better implement those guidelines
that that will help solve parts of the problem. But to be
completely straight with you, it is a monumental practical
challenge, given all of the challenges that we have already
described, the vast distance, the lack of police, et cetera. It
is a huge challenge and will be one going forward, but it is
one that responsible companies are going to figure out a way to
solve. They figure out a way to solve problems with supply
chains of all sorts all over the world, and they will figure
out how to solve it and we continue to look to them to make
progress on that.
Ambassador Yamamoto. And just to add to Dan's comments, we
still await the Securities and Exchange Commission issuance of
the new regulations under section 1502, because this will
increase the confidence of U.S. firms of what the regulations
and guidelines are in operating in the Congo so that they can
make the adjustments. Right now, not knowing what the
regulations are, it creates a lot of insecurity and questions
about how they can manage the conflict minerals. And also it
has repercussions on the people of the Congo in that area as
far as unemployment and other issues. But I think after the
regulations are issued that will help.
In the meantime, the ICGLO, which are the regional groups,
are making plans, are moving forward. We continue to talk to
American businesses about trade in the Congo because we need to
be there.
Ms. Bass. And can I get that information somewhere, like
who is involved? Because I am just wondering when we are
talking about civil society and all that, I am just wondering
if there is a way that they can be engaged. Some of the major
companies, whether U.S. or otherwise.
Ambassador Yamamoto. Sure. We can provide you that
information and we will come and brief you privately.
Ms. Bass. I would appreciate that.
Mr. Baer. One of the initiatives that we have engaged with
U.S. firms on, as well as other multinational firms, is called
the Voluntary Principles on Security and Human Rights, which
has to do specifically with the private security contractors
and public security forces that multinational firms use to
protect their assets, and making sure that they are trained and
ensuring their respect for human rights. And so that is
something we have discussed both with the Congolese Government
and with multinational firms.
When I was in Kinshasa last June I had a small meeting with
a number of firms that are represented there. So we are working
with firms on that. And to your question about civil society,
there is a very against-all-odds and extremely vibrant civil
society in eastern Congo that works on issues like this every
day. And many of the firms that are operating there are in
contact with them, and that partnership will certainly be part
of the long-term solution.
Ms. Bass. Okay, great. I love those firms, too, the
security firms.
Ms. Mendelson. May I add that USAID has a very interesting
responsible minerals trade program that began in Fiscal Year
2010. It has three basic components. It is about infrastructure
and regulatory reform, the protection of communities and child-
free certification, and technical assistance to develop a pilot
program for this conflict-free mineral supply chain to get
sector users involved.
And we have an extracted industry advisor currently out in
the East with a group of users to explore how to work together.
We can get you additional details if you want.
Ms. Bass. Okay. Thank you very much, Mr. Chair.
Mr. Marino. Thank you, Congresswoman Bass. I now turn to my
colleague, Congressman Turner.
Mr. Turner. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. A question for you,
Mr. Ambassador. We have recently deployed about 100 military
advisors that could cross between Uganda, Rwanda, and the Congo
to advise--maybe they could get involved in other things as
well. But can you tell us about the progress, how we measured
the progress, is there a timetable on this, will it expand?
Ambassador Yamamoto. Thank you very much, Congressman, for
your question. In our last testimony of course we had with
Assistant Secretary Vershbow, Department of Defense, explained
the process of assigning up to 100 Special Forces members in
the role of training, not so much in a combat role, but in
training and support for the troops of the CAR and Uganda and
Congo in order to help them have the capacity and capability to
go after Joseph Kony, Odhiambo, and the others in the LRA
process.
We are approaching, as you know, the 150-day mark for a
review of the process, and at that time I think we will have
more information for you. As far as training, I think the
training process is going through extremely well. But the
question comes in: When are they going to get Kony? When is
this going to come to an end? I think we have to look at it as
a very long-term process, but that our role in this is really a
very small part in the sense that it is training; because
ultimately it is going to be the Congolese, the Ugandans and
the CAR themselves who are going to bring this to a conclusion.
Our role is to support.
We did file a War Powers Act request, and we thank you very
much for your support on this process.
Mr. Turner. The mission is defined more than simply taking
out Mr. Kony; is that true?
Ambassador Yamamoto. That is correct. The main function is
to build a capacity, the training and the support to give them
the capabilities, and it has capabilities to carry this out.
But again it is a comprehensive approach. Not only is it
militarily, but also it is to bring in other programs such as
USAID has a cell phone program which provides cell phones and
communications to local communities which, through the cell
towers constructed by USAID communities, can communicate with
each other to say where potential attacks are taking place by
the LRA. As you know it is very, very difficult to go after the
LRA. You are talking 150 to 200 troops operating in a size less
than the size of Colorado. It is a very huge, immense area.
Mr. Turner. I yield back, thank you.
Mr. Marino. Thank you, Congressman Turner. I believe that
Ranking Member Payne had some follow-up questions.
Mr. Payne. Thank you very much. I was in eastern Congo this
past summer of 2011 and we visited an IDP camp in Goma where
the IDPs were from villages that were attacked by Joseph Kony.
At the present time--let me just make it very clear that I
support the U.S. effort of sending U.S. troops to train the
Ugandans and the Congolese. I think Kony has been around for 20
years. It is a disgrace, the terror that he has inflicted on
people. He should have been taken out 20 years ago. It is 20
years too late. But I hope that we will be able to train the
troops so that we can finally eliminate this scourge that has
been around.
Do we have any assessment of where he is now? He was in the
Congo at that time? Maybe, Ambassador, do you know if he is in
the CAR or is out of Uganda?
Ambassador Yamamoto. I think, Congressman, there is
obviously information and et cetera that we work with. I think
we probably should give you a separate briefing on some of the
details, but suffice it to say that the commitment and the
enhancement that our troops are able to bring to bear in this
endeavor has been extremely positive, but also it has to be in
the context of a very comprehensive approach. And one of the
positive results we are seeing is the number of people who are
leaving the LRA. You are talking core fighters, along with some
of the 800 or so people accompanying the LRA groups, so that is
a very positive sign.
And then the continuation of reconciliation and
reintegration, not only of Uganda, of the Acholi community, but
also in other areas, has been very positive and is helping to
bring these people out.
Mr. Payne. Let me ask you, how are the current relations
between DRC and Rwanda and are they still having joint
exercises together on the eastern border?
Ambassador Yamamoto. They did have a joint operation. Right
now we continue to promote open dialogue between the two
governments and that is one of the main roads that Ambassador
Barrie Walkley is going to do in his discussion. As you know,
he went to the ICGLR meeting in Uganda in December and will
continue that process and bring all the parties together in an
open dialogue. And so it continues as positive and it continues
to progress.
Mr. Payne. In regards to MONUSCO, they have a different
mandate now. It is supposedly more robust. And secondly, I
understand that there is a need in their operation for attack
helicopters. Do you know where that stands and whether that can
be provided to the U.N.?
Ambassador Yamamoto. I know for the United Nations--we are
talking about MONUSCO now. The core mandate for MONUSCO is
stabilization which is opposite of MONUC which is much more
peacekeeping. But from MONUSCO one of the main challenges has
been air assets. We have spoken of this in great detail with
the head of MONUSCO, Roger Meece. And you are absolutely
correct; this is an issue that we continue to grapple with. We
have gone to other countries to help support, and this
continues to be a challenge.
Mr. Payne. I know in the previous election, all six
elections, the South African armed forces assisted in the
delivery of ballots and so forth. Were they involved in this
election also?
Ambassador Yamamoto. Yes. And also the Angolans as well.
Mr. Payne. Very good. Just a final question. Could you tell
me in your opinion the difference between a special adviser
that has been appointed by the President rather than the
special envoy that has served previously and that we asked to
be reappointed?
Ambassador Yamamoto. I think a lot of the differences are
probably more nuances. But as far as the Special Advisor is
concerned, Ambassador Barrie Walkley was--as any envoy or
advisor--was selected among a group of candidates, and he
proved to be the best, given his linguistic abilities, also his
ties to the region not only with the DRC but in other areas.
And more important is because he has the trust and confidence
not only of the Secretary of State, Secretary Clinton, but also
of the Assistant Secretary, Johnnie Carson, and also of the
Ambassadors in the region, who Ambassador Barrie Walkley knows
personally and worked together with, as well as Roger Meese,
the head of MONUSCO. So it has been a very productive and
cooperative relationship.
Mr. Payne. So there is no difference in the titles?
Ambassador Yamamoto. There are nuances.
Mr. Payne. I beg your pardon?
Ambassador Yamamoto. There are nuances.
Mr. Payne. Seems like that is a sensitive question around
the Department of State. No one wants to speak out on it.
Ambassador Yamamoto. But I don't think you will see any
less commitment or any less dedication to this endeavor.
Mr. Payne. Thank you. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Mr. Marino. Thank you, Congressman Payne.
I have a couple of questions based on my colleagues'
questions and I am just going to get right to the point here. I
was a prosecutor for 18 years, so that is how I get right to
the point.
First of all, I was just in Africa 2 weeks ago, on the
continent. I was in Ghana and Liberia. It was an extraordinary,
eye-opening, heart-wrenching experience, particularly in
Liberia. After 13 years or 14 years of war--civil war, albeit--
the first female President, Ellen Johnson Sirleaf, has taken
control of the situation and seems to be doing an excellent
job, for which she has her work cut out for her, particularly
the abuse of women and children. This seems to be a thread
running through the entire--at least from my experience, the
southern part of the Continent of Africa. But be that as it
may, I get the impression that the administration is accepting
the status quo, almost a hands-off approach.
And please correct me if I am wrong, but if I am wrong,
please give me, Ambassador Yamamoto, and anyone else who wants
to chime in on this, please give me specific examples of this
not happening.
Ambassador Yamamoto. Congressman, you raise a very
fundamental issue in the role of development. I defer to Sarah
as well. But as Ambassador in both Ethiopia and Djibouti--and
of course I served as Charge in Guinea-Conakry--one of the
issues that we are committed to, and Secretary Clinton really
raised this during her trips to Africa, and that is the status
of women. By raising the status of women and fighting the
issues of sexually-based violence, we can not only enhance the
integrity, the honor, and the status of women, but also
development, and also create stability in those communities.
And that is something fundamental right now that has really
changed dramatically. Certainly in this administration, it has
come out very prominently.
All the programs that we are doing throughout the
continent--and I think that Secretary Clinton received a call
from Ellen Johnson Sirleaf, and I think immediately she went
off for the inauguration to lend support to the efforts and the
issues that she takes very personal and she supports very
strongly. That is something that our Secretary has done as well
throughout her trips, and she will be making another trip to
Africa.
The program, I will give you one example. What we did in
East Africa right now through USAID and the programs is, we
have these community-based development projects where we do
community schools. And for the moms we do micro-enterprise
loans. For the dads we are doing agricultural progress, because
80 percent are agricultural based. We are doing land
certification programs and other issues. But what we are
finding out is that for daughters, their moms are their heroes.
This is an issue that we are expanding, and a project and
program that USAID and the State Department and our Embassies
are really taking a hands-on approach and supporting. And as we
talk to our Ambassadors, this is one of the things we are
looking at and hearing stories throughout the Continent.
Sarah, do you want to----
Mr. Marino. I will get back to you in just one moment. But,
please, Dr. Mendelson.
Ms. Mendelson. I had the pleasure over the last several
months working very closely on the National Action Plan with my
colleagues from USAID and State and the White House. And really
under the leadership at USAID of Administrator Shah and Deputy
Administrator Steinberg who has decades of commitment to the
issue of women, war, and peace. We are really trying to advance
a paradigm shift where issues of the safety and security of
women and children are woven through our entire understanding
of what stability and development is.
If the National Action Plan is actually fully implemented
we would have, through the Department of Defense, Department of
State, and USAID, a very different conception of how we engage
in stability. It would be both stand-alone programs but really
fully woven through every health, education, fully integrated.
And I think as somebody who is a private citizen, worked on
this for a long time, it is potentially extremely exciting. And
of course the President of Liberia herself was one of the
authors of U.N. Resolution 1325, very involved in the whole
concept of women, war, and peace. So it has taken 10 years. We
have come late to the game in many ways, but we are fully
committed to implementing this over the next many months.
Mr. Marino. Dr. Baer, you had a comment?
Mr. Baer. Sure. First of all, thank you for the question.
You are doing a good job of channeling the chairman because it
is the kind of question I have grown used to getting from him,
and of course I share others.
Mr. Marino. There will be more following.
Mr. Baer. No person of good conscience could possibly look
at the Continent of Africa and accept the status quo. And
nobody that I work with in the administration does. And so
first of all, let me say that I think there are a range of ways
that we are engaging, and oftentimes the most important ones
are in small ways. One of things, for example, that we are
doing is working on helping train women journalists, because
one of things we found is in order to get the problems of women
and children solved, you have to get the stories of women and
children out. And so training women journalists across Africa
is one of the things we are focusing on.
More specifically, we have taken concrete action in the
multilateral sphere to focus attention on crises in Africa that
have a particular impact on women and children, like the
conflict in Cote d'Ivoire last year which we raised with the
Human Rights Council and have supported follow-up action since.
I was out in western Cote d'Ivoire in October, that continues
to be an issue of concern.
There are ways that we Ambassadors across the continent
under Secretary Clinton's direction and under the support of
Ambassador Verveer, are focusing their attention on women
community leaders, particularly because, as Sarah says, we
learned the lesson over the last 20 years that peace and
security arrangements that don't include women and women's
views do not work. And so it is absolutely the case that this
administration is focused on improving not only the condition
of women but also their participation in solving the problems
that face the continent.
Mr. Marino. I completely understand your compassion and
position in this; believe me, I do. And Ambassador Yamamoto, I
equate it to, as you come in here, you are walking on a
tightrope with one end in our hand and we are not quite sure
where the other end is connected. So you have a fine line to
walk.
But let me pose this scenario, and I credit Secretary
Clinton for being there for the inauguration of the President.
I missed it by a couple days. I wish we could have been there,
we weren't able to, but we did meet with her and have a lengthy
conversation.
But all the programs that you have implemented and you hope
to implement concerning raising the level of the female, to
women's proper role, I mean let's face it, it always seems no
matter where in the world that the wives, the mothers, the
grandmothers are keeping the rest of us focused and narrow. I
know that is the way in my home. That is just the way it is.
When I was raised, my grandmother and my mother, and now my
wife, just took over. And instead of having two kids, she calls
me the third kid.
Be that as it may, as devoted as our intentions are, what
do we do with Kabila who just says, I am not going to
cooperate, and still has the control that he exercises? What do
we do about an individual like that, regardless of the programs
that are implemented? And, Ambassador, please, would you please
start off?
Ambassador Yamamoto. As you know, we provide about $7
billion in assistance programs, most of it is earmarked, but
the issues that we distribute and implement, most of them, over
80 percent, are through NGO groups, with the social civil
societies and communities in the communities locally, not
through the government. And that is how we get through and
around leaders or people opposed to it.
Mr. Marino. How do you get Tshisekedi's attention,
seriously get the attention?
Ambassador Yamamoto. Tshisekedi, that is a very--it is
difficult. Speaking with him, he has a very strong-minded mind,
but the question comes in talking to not only him but also to
his people. And that goes back to I think the DRC on the type
of government that is going to be formed after his election.
And we called for an inclusive government. That means inclusion
of all parties and all groups, including Tshisekedi's people,
not himself, but--so that helps to influence that wing of the
opposition party.
Mr. Marino. I understand your diplomatic responsibility and
approach, believe me, and I would not trade positions with you
for all the money in the world. But I seem to--it just--it is
just not connecting.
Ambassador Yamamoto. One thing is that--I am getting more
notes here.
Mr. Marino. Sorry. Please take your time, and I understand.
Ambassador Yamamoto. I think it is very telling that Mr.
Tshisekedi called for a general strike and very few people came
to the party to participate. But more important is, going back
to the heart of your question, is how do we really bring a
societal change? How do we bring fundamental changes? And at
every level we have thought, with USAID, with our colleagues,
and I will give you some examples. Some things that we have
done over the last decade, we have trained 140,000 peacekeeping
troops throughout Africa. AFRICOM has helped in training the
391 battalion in the DRC. It is part of that process not only
for peacekeeping but also for civilian control.
The other issue is security sector reform, which is a
fundamental basic, through all the countries and all the
development, because SSR is really critical if you want to see
rapid development.
The other issue, too, I will give you an example, is the
formation of the Africans themselves forming groups like the
AMISOM in Somalia. They are doing it themselves because that is
an integral threat to them. And so our job is to help support
those efforts. And I think by giving the societal changes and
dramatic changes at the basic or life thing, that is going to
speak volumes and help over the long term.
Mr. Marino. I think we need to bring more attention on an
international basis, significant attention, and expose what is
taking place there for what it is worth or not worth.
Let me pose this, if you don't mind. I see the women in
Liberia, and certainly in Ghana, taking a very aggressive and
important role. But are we setting up perhaps an environment
for the equation of an Arab Spring?
Mr. Baer. In Liberia and Ghana?
Mr. Marino. Yes. No, excuse me, no. What we are talking
about right here in the DRC, when you say you are implementing
these programs. I am sorry for not being clear on that.
Mr. Baer. Obviously, Ghana remains a bright spot in the
continent. And actually speaking to your comments earlier, I
lived in Ghana for a time, and one of my favorite sayings there
was when an old woman dies, it is like a library has burned.
And certainly the appreciation of women's leadership is
something we hope to see elsewhere.
I don't think we predict--obviously there are conditions
unique to every context, including in the Middle East where we
have seen political transitions this year. And while there are
some similarities, there have have been different causes and
events that have led to them. I don't think we predict any
kind--that type of political transition in the near term in the
DRC.
I think what we do predict is that the tensions that are
there now, the political tensions between Kabila and the
opposition, are tensions that need to be dealt with and they
need to be dealt with in a meaningful way in order for people
to be satisfied. And the good news is there are a range of
things that the President can do and that others in the
government can do to bring civil society in, to bring the
opposition into conversation and dialogue, and to move the
country forward. One of the things that they can do is commit
to better election processes going forward, and that is
something that they will have the support of the international
community to do.
Mr. Marino. Okay. Dr. Mendelson.
Ms. Mendelson. Our programs did not cause the Arab Spring,
for better or worse.
Mr. Marino. If that is what you think I inferred, I did
not.
Ms. Mendelson. The dignity and respect agenda that we saw
on display in both Tunisia and Egypt are obviously very
powerful for people around the world, but they are
fundamentally the responsibility and revolution of Tunisians
and Egyptians. And I think a lot of us are very humbled in
watching them.
But the programs that we conduct and the support we gave to
Congolese civil society and the population are just as Dan
said. I think that the ability to have independent critical
media, better election architecture, civil society
organizations that are robust and listening and responding to
the needs of the population, are important. They are a part of
our values, and they are in response to demand on the ground.
Mr. Marino. And we have to also be addressing issues,
keeping our eye on a month, 6 months, a year down the road;
because we don't want to be caught in a position where we are
caught off guard again, and the disasters that could happen
because we are looking at this particular moment in time
instead of trying to calculate and predict what the future may
bring. You agree with me there.
Ms. Mendelson. Totally agree. We are not--at least we at
USAID aren't particularly good at predicting the future. Maybe
our colleagues at the State Department are better at it. But I
will say that we as an administration have been very focused on
what is called the Presidential Study Directive 10. In August
the President launched a process where we are looking at
atrocity prevention. We are trying to figure out what tools we
can bring to bear, where the gaps are, early warning systems,
response. Obviously this is about political leadership.
In the context like the DRC, we are really actively working
to try and figure out what are--are there technological fixes;
should we be using certain kinds of--we mentioned the cell
phones and cell towers. Are there ways in which we can better
organize ourselves to be responsive? Do we see patterns of
violence?
Mr. Marino. None of us will be able to predict the future
with accuracy, but my position has always been before we make a
radical change into something, we have to sit down and
seriously--you folks have to sit down and seriously ask
yourselves and consult with us, if you want our input or any
assistance, what happens if?
Ms. Mendelson. We are also actually in the process of a 5-
year strategic planning process. We see this as an enormous
opportunity to put everything on the table and say how do we
get to where we want to be? Should we be doing more investments
in the democracy sector? Should we be doing less in others?
What does the recent past tell us about what we should be doing
differently?
Mr. Marino. Chairman Payne.
Mr. Payne. Just on the question of Etienne Tshisekedi. You
know, I see a number of Congolese here, so there could be some
Tshisekedi supporters and Kabila supporters, whatever. However,
the future of the Congo is going to be with new, young,
emerging leadership. I met with Tshisekedi back in the nineties
when he was complaining about Mobutu, halfway with him,
sometimes not with him. He had a parade back in, I don't know,
1991 or 1992 that he was going to be President. I think that he
had a lot of ability and talent, but his time unfortunately was
when Mobutu had control over the country and would not allow
free and fair elections. Of course U.S policy supporting
Mobutu, which was wrong, but it was a Cold War policy. And so
whether the election, as we know was flawed, the future of the
Congo is not with Tshisekedi. Like I said, his time has come
and passed.
[Disturbance in the hearing room.]
Mr. Payne. It must be Tshisekedi's brother or something.
The question is there needs to be a development of new
leadership. There are many Congolese in the United States who
are young, they want to go back, they have talent, they know
the resources of the country, they know that it is probably the
wealthiest country in the world, but the people suffer from
poverty. And so I think we can spend a lot of time on whether
it was fair or free.
I think what we need to do is to try to move forward, try
to have democratic institutions strengthen so that we can then
move forward. I am not pro-Tshisekedi or pro-Kabila, I am
simply pro-Congo. And the future is not back in the nineties,
but it is going to be in the future.
And so I just want to say that we can--still does not
change the fact that the elections were flawed and they--I do
have to commend the Congolese Government for trying to pull it
off by itself which, without much resource, I believe the
United States put about in the 2006 elections. Ambassador, do
you think it was $80 million or $90 million?
This time we gave them $12 million, but the country pulled
off the elections with that. That shows a growth, at least in
the fact that they are moving forward to some degree. So I just
thought I would say that. I knew I would get someone upset, but
I think the future is in the hands of the new, younger
visionary Congolese that want to see the country grow with its
resources, rather than a few people who still want to keep the
old system going.
Mr. Marino. Congresswoman Bass has another question,
please.
Ms. Bass. Yes, I wanted to follow up, Ambassador, with
something you were telling me before about the relationship
that we have with some of the neighboring countries. And I
wanted to know if you could be a little more specific which
countries; what is the relationship; how is it helpful?
Ambassador Yamamoto. I think the relationship between the
Congo and the neighboring countries is such that we want to
avoid the problems we had in the past. We had countries going
into the Congo to exploit the wealth, and so what we are trying
to do is have a protection and respect for the sovereignty of
states. That is number 1.
Number 2 is to improve the relationships between these
countries. One of the processes or fundamental objections we
participated in the tripartite long ago, but continues today
is, how do you open and maintain a dialogue between all these
countries with each other? Obviously, they all have their own
respect of strategic interests, but how do you support and
coordinate, for instance, Rwanda, on the concerns of the FDLR,
or Uganda with the problems with the LRA and other issues, with
the CAR, and the Congo, Burundi?
Ms. Bass. Maybe I misunderstood you earlier. I thought you
were referring to the U.S. relationships with some of the other
African countries in trying to help with the situation.
Ambassador Yamamoto. I think, well, in that context, the
United States plays a role, because we are kind of like the
neutral observer, the neutral arbiter. And we have been able to
give information, bring parties together, but, more important,
to be a neutral person, to hear the issues on all sides. I
think that is a very critical and important role that we play.
Ms. Bass. Okay.
Mr. Marino. I do have a specific question that Chairman
Smith would have asked had he been here, and I am going read
it.
There has been discussion in the DRC of the formation of a
government of national unity as the best remaining means of
resolving what has become a post-election crisis. Similar
responses to flawed elections in Zimbabwe and Kenya have not
been successful. You have stated that the administration is not
promoting a coalition government. What then would be your
response to efforts to form a government of national unity in
the DRC?
Ambassador?
Ambassador Yamamoto. I alluded to it a little bit earlier,
but it is not so much the coalition, it is an inclusive
government. I think that will help support the aspirations of
the people of the Congo and make--really what I think you,
Congressman, have raised with the idea of the Arab Spring, is
what President Obama said in Ghana 3 years ago, and the
fundamental pillar of our relationship is to ensure that there
are democratic values; in other words, governments that are
accountable to the people. And through an inclusive government,
to have the Congolese Government accountable to all factions,
whether they are supporters of Tshisekedi, supporters of
Kamerhe, supporters of Kabila. That is really the fundamental
issue that we are looking at.
I am sorry the other person left because everyone, it
doesn't matter the ages or whatever, the aspirations I think
are there to bring about a better tomorrow for the people as
you, Congressman Payne, have always done throughout your time
in Africa. And that is what we are trying to achieve here as
well.
Mr. Marino. In getting to closing here, what bang are we
getting for our buck in the United States? And what other
countries, and to what extent, are they contributing to these
efforts?
Mr. Baer. I should really let the bucks talk, but let me
just say 20 seconds worth of framing. I think it is important
to underscore the importance of the value of our investment in
preserving stability in the places where stability is, and
allowing the incremental progress and law enforcement and
justice, and to remove investments would cause back sliding.
And so I think it is often difficult to value, and no one
wants to overvalue keeping the ball where it is on the field,
but losing yardage is really expensive, and we are always
trying to push it down the field. So I just want to underscore
the importance of the investments we are making on things like
building the judicial sector, helping train them to investigate
SGBV, help reform the way they manage prisons. All those things
are having an impact, even if the progress is still very
incremental.
Ms. Mendelson. It is absolutely critical that we not
penalize the Congolese people because of the way in which
elements of a government did or did not execute this election.
So as we think about--compared to other parts of the continent,
we have actually invested or are investing relatively little.
And remarkably we have, as I think others have alluded to,
small investments have yielded some very interesting results
where, for example, working with citizens in local governments,
having citizens hold accountable local governments to make sure
their tax receipts are going to support what the authorities
say they are supporting.
I totally agree with the idea that going forward an
emphasis on new--a new cohort and leadership is really
critical, and I think that is true across the continent, I
think it is true in this country.
That is sort of--those two pillars of leadership in open
government are ways in which we are doing what is usually
called good governance work in a kind of 21st century way,
layering on the use of technology and making sure citizens have
voices. But it is really critical that we not--and of course
you asked the question of bang for the buck, and the answer
comes out that we are going to cut. We need to be thinking
about how we support Congolese people going forward.
Mr. Marino. Please keep a very, very stern eye on our tax
dollars as if that money were coming out of your individual
pockets, please.
In my last question, in looking for a remark from you, what
do we do about the Central African Republic coming over into
the borders and kidnapping people; and even on the east, other
countries coming in, the LRA? Be more specific, thank you--
going into the DRC and actually doing mining?
Ambassador Yamamoto. That is again the hope that our
Special Forces unit will bring as far as training and capacity
building enhancement. More important is talking to our
Ambassador Barrie Walhley in the area. He has been able to talk
to the President and the people and work very closely with
them.
You know, as far as the number of attacks are way down in
the area, the number of groups that are leaving the LRA to go
to reconciliation has been up, and so I think that part has
been a progress. You want to add to that?
Mr. Baer. My only addition would be it continues to be a
driving concern. The assistance we are giving in order to go
after the LRA, the assistance in training is important and
particularly important for the DRC, because even though the
attacks are down, as the Ambassador said, down to 278 in 2011
from 306 the year before, 86 percent of those attacks are
happening in the DRC.
Mr. Marino. Do any of my other colleagues have a comment or
statement, please?
Mr. Payne. I would just like to clarify what I was saying,
that we need to have new, young, vision and ideas. I don't
necessarily mean young in chronological age. I mean people who
have a vision. What we need is a vision for the leadership of
the Congo.
I just want to say one final thing; that we are losing a
very talented person who has been a very close associate of
mine for the entire time I have been in the Congress, Ted
Dagne. Ted is leaving the CRS to be a special envoy to the
U.N., to the President of South Sudan and we--Ted and I have
traveled maybe three dozen times to Africa. He knew every
leader, he knew every rebel, he knew more rebels than leaders.
And he would drag me into the rebel dens and we would be
talking and discussing.
We went to Congo, and we met with Kabila while Mobutu was
still President. Of course, the State Department didn't like
that. Do you remember that, Ambassador? He remembers.
Ms. Bass. He shook his head.
Mr. Payne. We have gone to the battlefields of South Sudan
when Dr. Garang was leading his forces. We have been in Burundi
meeting with the Hutus in villages. And in Rwanda, he has done
more to stabilize Rwanda, South Sudan. I know of no other
person who has dedicated himself and has really made a big
difference to the lives of millions of people in Africa. And so
we will certainly miss him, I will miss my traveling partner,
but I want to say he was a tremendous asset to our country.
Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Mr. Marino. You are welcome. I want to thank Chairman Payne
and Congresswoman Bass for sticking this out with me. I want to
thank our distinguished panel. It was very informative.
Please see that you do get the documents and information to
my colleagues for which they asked. I appreciate that very
much. I thank the people sitting in here listening to this
hearing, and it is again--after my trip, it is extraordinarily
important that we know all these issues and make solid,
concrete decisions. Thank you very much, and the hearing is
adjourned.
[Whereupon, at 4:05 p.m., the subcommittee was adjourned.]
A P P E N D I X
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Material Submitted for the Hearing RecordNotice deg.
[GRAPHIC(S)] [NOT AVAILABLE IN TIFF FORMAT]
Question submitted for the record by the Honorable Russ Carnahan, a
Representative in Congress from the State of Missouri, with written
response from the U.S. Department of State and USAID
Question:
All Panelists: Last year, this Subcommittee fittingly held a DRC
hearing on International Women's Day. As you know, the Administration
recently announced the U.S. National Action Plan (NAP) on Women, Peace,
and Security--the goal of which I wholeheartedly commend: ``to empower
half of the world's population as equal partners in preventing conflict
and building peace in countries threatened and affected by war,
violence, and insecurity.''
This marks an important step to realizing the goals of UN Security
Council Resolution 1325 and subsequent resolutions, including 1888,
1889 and 1960, which prioritize combating sexual and gender-based
violence. The rampant and really unimaginable level of sexual violence
in the DRC acutely shows why this initiative is so urgent. I'm hoping
you will be able to put the NAP into the DRC's context.
Please discuss the Administration's overarching
gender strategy in the DRC--from education and prevention, to
security sector and rule of law reforms to survivor treatment
and supporting women in civil society. Particularly, how are we
addressing the growing socialization of violence against women,
what are we doing to engage men and boys in this effort, and
how are we supporting the inclusion of Congolese women in
mediation and demobilization processes, and promoting their
overall advancement in society?
Answer:
The United States government is dedicated to working toward greater
empowerment of women in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) in
all sectors of society--including in political, social, and economic
realms--as a key to promoting peace and prosperity. To that end, we
take gender into consideration when designing and implementing programs
in all sectors in the DRC. Currently, the State Department and USAID
are in the process of developing Agency-specific Women, Peace, and
Security implementation plans as directed by the President's Executive
Order 13595. These plans will incorporate time-bound, measurable, and
resourced actions designed to meet the objectives established in the
National Action Plan (NAP), including the engagement of women in peace
building and political processes and the protection of women and girls
from conflict-related violence and abuse. The State Department and
USAID are working to ensure that agency implementation plans include
effective, coordinated action at the country level in the DRC. These
efforts are in support of the DRC's own National Action Plan on Women,
Peace, and Security, which has outlined the government's commitment to
promoting the crucial role of women in restoring and maintaining peace
and security.
The NAP is based upon five key pillars: institutionalizing a
gender-sensitive approach to diplomatic, development, and defense-
related work in conflict-affected environments; encouraging the
participation of women in peace processes and decision-making;
strengthening the protection of women from violence; supporting the
prevention of conflict; and increasing the emphasis on the needs of
displaced women and girls in relief and recovery operations.
Participation in Peace Processes and Decision-making--The United
States has supported the DRC's efforts to emerge from conflict and
realize a just and lasting peace based on democratic principles,
governed by the rule of law, and respectful of human rights, including
those of women and girls. In order for the DRC to progress, it is
critical that Congolese women are empowered to be equal partners in all
sectors. Our programs in the DRC support women's participation in
democracy and governance programs, security sector training, and in
education and economic initiatives.
For example, the Department of State hosted a conference in October
2011 to reinforce women's participation and engagement in the political
process in the DRC, bringing together women in Congolese civil society,
political party leaders, and influential actors in the women's rights
field from across the provinces and Kinshasa, to share experiences and
reinforce networks.
Protection from Violence--The United States government is
particularly concerned about the continuing high rates of sexual and
gender-based violence (SGBV) throughout the DRC, including the use of
mass rape as a weapon of war, the growing socialization of violence
against women, and the need to engage men and boys in this effort.
Ultimately, the responsibility for protecting civilians and holding
perpetrators accountable belongs to the government of the DRC. We are
working with government and non-government partners in the security,
judicial, health, and education sectors to prevent and respond to SGBV.
The U.S. government funds SGBV projects that provide critical care
and treatment services (medical, psychosocial, legal, and economic) to
survivors of SGBV and their families. A range of community mobilization
and outreach activities are striving to transform the underlying
attitudes and behaviors that perpetuate SGBV and increase awareness
about its costs and consequences, including its relationship to HIV
risk. These activities will also strengthen the capacity of social
institutions, civil society organizations, and communities to respond
to and ultimately end such violence.
A key to SGBV prevention is holding perpetrators accountable and
fighting impunity for these crimes. Establishing reliable judicial
mechanisms is an essential first step. This includes ensuring
witnesses, victims, and judicial officers are protected, which is
critical to successful investigations and prosecutions. U.S.-funded
judicial sector programs work to increase access to justice for
vulnerable populations--including SGBV survivors--by providing legal
aid through human rights organizations and by organizing mobile courts
to improve access to more remote areas. We provide training to police,
attorneys, health care workers, military justice personnel, and
military commanders--just one of the ways we are engaging men in the
effort to prevent SGBV. Our partners at the Department of Defense are
helping to improve the security sector by providing support for
infrastructure upgrades to facilities used by other service providers
and by developing training modules for use by the Congolese military.
Furthermore, the United States strongly supports the United Nations
Organization Stabilization Mission in the DRC (MONUSCO) and its efforts
to help the Congolese government bring peace and stability to the DRC.
We encourage MONUSCO's efforts to effectively implement its mandate,
including its innovative initiatives to protect civilians through Joint
Protection Teams, Community Liaison Assistants, and Community Alert
Networks, and we have provided resources for the MONUSCO-facilitated
Prosecution Support Cells to investigate and bring to justice
perpetrators of the most egregious crimes in eastern DRC, including
SGBV.
Conflict Prevention--The Department of State and USAID are
promoting women's roles in conflict prevention, integrating gender
perspectives into conflict early-warning and response systems, and
investing in women and girls' health, education, and economic
opportunity to create conditions for stable societies and lasting
peace.
The Department of State is strengthening early warning mechanisms
by incorporating communications technology--including a reporting
hotline, digital mapping, and video-conferencing--into current
programming to increase civilian protection in eastern DRC.
A new conflict management and mitigation program managed by USAID
works with minorities and marginalized women to mitigate conflict, to
address human rights issues (such as trafficking in persons and SGBV),
and to support conflict prevention, early warning, and response
activities. This initiative will also provide opportunities to advance
women's economic empowerment through increased access to credit,
livelihood training, and enterprise support activities.
Additionally, a new USAID education initiative will seek to empower
adolescent girls through education by providing access to a safe,
enabling learning environment conducive to leadership skills
development for positive participation in society.
Access to Relief and Recovery--The United States government is
responding to the distinct needs of women and children in conflict-
affected disasters and crises, including by providing safe, equitable
access to humanitarian assistance.
The U.S. supports partners, including a range of non-governmental
organizations (NGOs), the UN refugee agency (UNHCR), and the
International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC), in efforts to prevent
and respond to SGBV and to empower women affected by war in the DRC.
UNHCR's program includes skills training, rights awareness,
sensitization about laws and services, training of military personnel,
provision of emergency shelter, and provision of medical and
psychosocial support. NGO programs provide skills training, income-
generation assistance, and mental health services to survivors of SGBV
and other vulnerable women; and engage communities, specifically men,
to enhance protection and prevention of SGBV through community
education and discussion groups.
Material submitted for the record by the Honorable Donald M. Payne, a
Representative in Congress from the State of New Jersey
[GRAPHIC(S)] [NOT AVAILABLE IN TIFF FORMAT]
Material submitted for the record by the Honorable Christopher H.
Smith, a Representative in Congress from the State of New Jersey, and
chairman, Subcommittee on Africa, Global Health, and Human Rights
[GRAPHIC(S)] [NOT AVAILABLE IN TIFF FORMAT]
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