[Senate Hearing 112-205]
[From the U.S. Government Printing Office]
S. Hrg. 112-205
WOMEN AND THE ARAB SPRING
=======================================================================
JOINT HEARING
BEFORE THE
SUBCOMMITTEE ON INTERNATIONAL
OPERATIONS AND ORGANIZATIONS,
HUMAN RIGHTS, DEMOCRACY,
AND GLOBAL WOMEN'S ISSUES
AND THE
SUBCOMMITTEE ON NEAR EASTERN AND
SOUTH AND CENTRAL ASIAN AFFAIRS
OF THE
COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN RELATIONS
UNITED STATES SENATE
ONE HUNDRED TWELFTH CONGRESS
0FIRST SESSION
__________
NOVEMBER 2, 2011
__________
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COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN RELATIONS
JOHN F. KERRY, Massachusetts, Chairman
BARBARA BOXER, California RICHARD G. LUGAR, Indiana
ROBERT MENENDEZ, New Jersey BOB CORKER, Tennessee
BENJAMIN L. CARDIN, Maryland JAMES E. RISCH, Idaho
ROBERT P. CASEY, Jr., Pennsylvania MARCO RUBIO, Florida
JIM WEBB, Virginia JAMES M. INHOFE, Oklahoma
JEANNE SHAHEEN, New Hampshire JIM DeMINT, South Carolina
CHRISTOPHER A. COONS, Delaware JOHNNY ISAKSON, Georgia
RICHARD J. DURBIN, Illinois JOHN BARRASSO, Wyoming
TOM UDALL, New Mexico MIKE LEE, Utah
William C. Danvers, Staff Director
Kenneth A. Myers, Jr., Republican Staff Director
------------
SUBCOMMITTEE ON INTERNATIONAL OPERATIONS AND
ORGANIZATIONS, HUMAN RIGHTS, DEMOCRACY,
AND GLOBAL WOMEN'S ISSUES
BARBARA BOXER, California, Chairman
ROBERT MENENDEZ, New Jersey JIM DeMINT, South Carolina
ROBERT P. CASEY, Jr., Pennsylvania JAMES M. INHOFE, Oklahoma
JEANNE SHAHEEN, New Hampshire JOHNNY ISAKSON, Georgia
RICHARD J. DURBIN, Illinois JOHN BARRASSO, Wyoming
------------
SUBCOMMITTEE ON NEAR EASTERN AND
SOUTH AND CENTRAL ASIAN AFFAIRS
ROBERT P. CASEY, Jr., Pennsylvania, Chairman
BARBARA BOXER, California JAMES E. RISCH, Idaho
ROBERT MENENDEZ, New Jersey BOB CORKER, Tennessee
BENJAMIN L. CARDIN, Maryland MIKE LEE, Utah
CHRISTOPHER A. COONS, Delaware MARCO RUBIO, Florida
TOM UDALL, New Mexico JOHNNY ISAKSON, Georgia
(ii)
?
C O N T E N T S
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Page
Afkhami, Mahnaz, president, Women's Learning Partnership,
Bethesda, MD................................................... 33
Prepared statement........................................... 35
Boxer, Hon. Barbara, U.S. Senator from California, opening
statement...................................................... 1
Bunn-Livingstone, Esq., president and CEO, Freedom Cubed,
Washington, DC................................................. 37
Prepared statement........................................... 39
Attachments to prepared statement:
Factsheet on Women's Rights and the Arab Spring.......... 59
Appendices A, B, C, and D................................ 63
Casey, Hon. Robert P., Jr., U.S. Senator from Pennsylvania,
opening statement.............................................. 26
DeMint, Hon. Jim, U.S. Senator from South Carolina, opening
statement...................................................... 2
Omar, Manal, director of Iraq, Iran, and North Africa Programs,
U.S. Institute of Peace, Washington, DC........................ 28
Prepared statement........................................... 30
Verveer, Hon. Melanne, Ambassador at Large for Global Women's
Issues, U.S. Department of State, Washington, DC............... 4
Prepared statement........................................... 5
Wittes, Dr. Tamara, Deputy Assistant Secretary for Near Eastern
Affairs and Deputy Special Coordinator for Middle East
Transitions, U.S. Department of State, Washington, DC.......... 10
Prepared statement........................................... 12
Additional Material Submitted for the Record
Human Rights First, prepared statement........................... 51
The Leadership Conference on Civil and Human Rights on behalf of
37 organizations, prepared statement........................... 51
Amnesty International USA, prepared statement.................... 54
(iii)
WOMEN AND THE ARAB SPRING
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WEDNESDAY, NOVEMBER 2, 2011
U.S. Senate, Committee on Foreign Relations,
Subcommittee on International Operations and
Organizations, Human Rights, Democracy and
Global Women's Issues and the Subcommittee on
Near Eastern and South and Central Asian
Affairs,
Washington, DC.
The subcommittees met, pursuant to notice, at 2:33 p.m., in
room SD-419, Dirksen Senate Office Building, Hon. Barbara Boxer
and Hon. Robert P. Casey, Jr., presiding.
Present: Senators Boxer, Casey, Shaheen, Udall, and DeMint.
OPENING STATEMENT OF HON. BARBARA BOXER,
U.S. SENATOR FROM CALIFORNIA
Senator Boxer [presiding]. The hearing will come to order.
I want to say good afternoon to everyone, and I want to
welcome all the participants in today's hearing on women and
the Arab Spring.
This is a joint hearing of the Subcommittee on
International Operations and Organizations, Democracy, Human
Rights, and Global Women's Issues and the Subcommittee on Near
Eastern and South and Central Asian Affairs.
In particular, I wanted to thank Senator Casey, who I
understand will be joining us shortly, for agreeing to hold
this hearing with me and our ranking members, Senators DeMint
and Risch. All of these members have been very helpful in
getting this organized.
I want to express a warm welcome to all of our
distinguished witnesses and I will introduce our first panel:
Ambassador Melanne Verveer and Dr. Tamara Wittes. I will give
them their due of a good introduction in a moment.
But I want to talk a little bit about why we thought this
was a very timely and important hearing, and from the
attendance here, I think we were right.
In December 2010, the world turned its attention to Tunisia
after a young street vendor set himself on fire to protest the
government's unjust treatment of the Tunisian people. His
actions and his subsequent death sparked widespread protests,
and within weeks that government fell.
Since then, we have seen dictators toppled in Egypt and
Libya and antigovernment protests erupt from Syria to Yemen.
And in each of these countries, we have seen women fighting for
change, whether it was the young female students marching in
Tahrir Square or the women in Yemen who took to the streets to
burn their veils in a sign of defiance.
These women have much at risk. And their courage has
inspired women around the world. In a powerful statement of
international support, a young Yemeni woman and mother of three
was recently awarded the Nobel Peace Prize for her efforts to
advance democracy and human rights, including rights for women,
in her country.
In announcing the award, the Nobel Committee said, ``we
cannot achieve democracy and standing peace in the world unless
women obtain the same opportunities as men to influence
developments at all levels of society.'' I could not agree
more. And historians on the liberal and the conservative side
here in America agree with that as well.
As we watch the Arab Spring unfold, it is clear we are
witnessing profound change. But what is not yet clear is what
this change will mean for the women of the Middle East and
North Africa. Will women be afforded the opportunity to play
significant, meaningful roles in the futures of their
respective countries? Or will they be marginalized or silenced?
How can the United States provide meaningful support to
help ensure that women have a seat at the table? How can
international tools be used to encourage governments to afford
women full and equal rights?
Exploring these questions is the purpose of our hearing
today.
Our first witness is the United States Ambassador at Large
for Global Women's Issues, Melanne Verveer. As many of you know
Ambassador Verveer is a tireless champion for women around the
globe. For more than 17 years in both governmental and
nongovernmental roles, she has traveled to dozens of countries,
first as an assistant to President Bill Clinton and chief of
staff to First Lady Hillary Clinton, where she worked to make
women's issues an integral part of American foreign policy and
helped to create the President's Interagency Council on Women.
I know Ambassador Verveer cares very deeply about women in
the Middle East and North Africa, having traveled to the region
several times this year alone.
Our second witness is Dr. Tamara Wittes, the Deputy
Assistant Secretary of State for Near Eastern Affairs and the
Deputy Special Coordinator for Middle East Transitions. In her
current role, she is responsible for coordinating Middle East
human rights and democracy programming at the State Department,
as well as running the Middle East Partnership Initiative,
better known as MEPI.
So I want to thank you both for being here today.
And I am delighted to turn to my ranking member for any
comments he may have.
OPENING STATEMENT OF HON. JIM DeMINT,
U.S. SENATOR FROM SOUTH CAROLINA
Senator DeMint. Thank you, Madam Chairman, and I thank our
witnesses for being here today.
The Arab Spring has been rightly celebrated throughout the
world as a beginning of a new day throughout much of the Middle
East. Although these events hold great promise for more
equality, opportunity, and freedom for all, the United States
must carefully monitor ongoing developments and work with women
and minorities to ensure continued progress is made and not
lost.
Among the protesters who have taken to the streets were
thousands of women, minorities, and religious groups who have
faced centuries of oppression. They have been deprived of basic
freedoms such as equal protection under law, freedom of speech,
the right to participate in elections, to receive proper
educational and career opportunities, and freely and openly
practice their faith.
Despite the progress being made in some areas, I continue
to be concerned about religious minorities in this region.
Coptic Christians, who make up 10 percent of the Egyptian
population, are experiencing some of the worst religious
violence in decades following the departure of President
Mubarak. Their businesses and churches have been bombed and
burned. Coptic Christians have been slain at the hands of the
Egyptian Army and its supporters.
As Secretary of State Hillary Clinton once said, women's
rights are human rights. Certainly if women cannot freely
worship and are being threatened with murder, their human
rights are not being duly respected.
While the Arab Spring is certainly presenting positive
changes, there is much more to be done when it comes to
supporting women's rights throughout the world. Within the
region, women continue to face public and private
discrimination on a daily basis. To use Saudi Arabia as an
example, women are unable to obtain driver's licenses.
Restaurants are segregated by gender, and there is unequal
opportunity for education and employment. I applaud King
Abdullah's announcement this year that women will be granted
the right to participate in the 2015 local elections. However,
this reform is only one in a line of necessary changes that
Saudis can make to embrace equal rights for women.
I would also like to touch on events in Libya. On October
23, 2011, days after announcing the death of former dictator
Qaddafi, the leader of the National Transition Council in Libya
stated that as a Muslim country, we have adopted Islamic sharia
as the main source of law. Accordingly, any law that
contradicts Islamic principles with the Islamic sharia is
ineffective legally is what he said. Effects of this change
have been felt immediately as polygamy is now legal in Libya.
The adoption of such principles that discriminate against and
oppress women and non-Muslims should be of great concern to
NATO nations that provided military assistance to and
recognized this new government.
The Arab Spring presents many possibilities of peace-
loving, inclusive democracies, but the United States must
remain wary of elements that will seek to use this transition
to create even more radical governments that abuse and restrict
basic human rights, destroy longstanding international
partnerships, and stymie the growth of key democratic ideals.
As new governments are formed and reforms across the region
are enacted in the coming months, the United States must work
with the transitioning governments to ensure the protection of
all minorities. The early development of democratic
cornerstones, such as freedom of speech and religion, a free
and fair electoral process, and equal opportunity, are vital to
cementing the true spirit of the Arab Spring in these new
governments.
Today our subcommittee will be examining the role of one of
the minorities most affected, the role women have played in the
Arab Spring, what these countries can do to protect their
rights going forward, and what ways the U.S. involvement can be
useful.
I thank my colleague, Chairwoman Boxer, for her
longstanding leadership and commitment to these issues and
commend all of my colleagues on the passage of Senate
Resolution 216 calling for women's participation in the Saudi
elections.
I also thank our distinguished witnesses for their
participation and look forward to their testimony.
Senator Boxer. Thank you so much, Senator, for those words.
I think you have laid out some of the things we have to watch
for as developments proceed. Thank you for that.
So we are going to turn to the Honorable Melanne Verveer,
Ambassador at Large for Global Women's Issues. Please proceed,
Ambassador.
STATEMENT OF HON. MELANNE VERVEER, AMBASSADOR AT LARGE FOR
GLOBAL WOMEN'S ISSUES, U.S. DEPARTMENT OF STATE, WASHINGTON, DC
Ambassador Verveer. Thanks very much, Senator Boxer, and
thank you also to Senator DeMint for your comments, with which
we wholeheartedly agree.
I am pleased to be here today with my colleague, Dr. Tamara
Wittes, who holds important positions at the State Department
for the Middle East transitions and the MEPI program.
In the interest of time, I ask that my testimony be placed
in the record.
Senator Boxer. Without objection.
Ambassador Verveer. I also want to thank the Senators are
the outset for the support that you have provided for
Resolution 109, for a series of other related actions to
highlight the critical role of women in the Arab Spring
countries' transitions to democracy. When I was last in Egypt,
the women told me what it meant to have others like yourselves,
individuals with powerful voices, speak out on behalf of their
own full political participation in their country.
During the revolutions, women in Tunisia, Egypt, and Libya
were on the front lines for freedom, dignity, democracy, and
economic opportunity. They were on Tahrir Square. They were in
the streets of Tunisia and across Libya standing shoulder to
shoulder with the men as they struggled together to build a
better future for all.
Now they confront an equally difficult challenge as they
work both to move their countries forward and to ensure that
their own rights will not be jeopardized, challenges in some
instances made harder by elements in their societies who no
longer want to see them in the public square, certainly want to
keep them out of the political process, and away from the
decisionmaking tables.
In her dealings with the transitional leaders, Secretary
Clinton has consistently raised the essential role that women
must play in the political and economic lives of their
societies if the aspirations of the Arab Spring are to be
realized. That is why we have strategically focused our
resources, limited as they are, on democratic and economic
reforms and ensured women's full participation.
Moreover, we have met with members of the women's community
in the post-revolutionary countries and listened to them. They
are concerned and they want help in building their capacity to
make a difference. We have made it possible for them to come
together with other likeminded leaders in the region from the
predominantly Muslim societies to learn from each other, and we
have incorporated them into the community of democracies most
recently bringing women leaders to Lithuania to the high-level
special session during a ministerial that focused on women's
political participation.
We are also reaching out to other partners in academia, the
private sector, governments, multilateral organizations to join
in collaborations to protect women's human rights and to
promote political and economic progress.
We know from the experience of other societies in
transition that when women play an active and inclusive role
from participating in the drafting of new constitutions to
engaging in government decisions to growing businesses, the
whole country benefits. No country can get ahead if it leaves
half of its people behind. This is not a favor to women. It is
not simply a nice thing to do. Women's issues are everyone's
issues. Democracy without the participation of women is a
contradiction in terms, and economies without the inclusion of
women will not prosper.
Moreover, stability and the flowering of democracy in MENA
region will say a great deal about our own future security
interests.
As the Nobel Peace Laureate from Yemen, Karmon told me
recently because women are instrumental to a free country, it
is in the interests of dictators to keep women excluded from
politics.
Let me just add that each of Tunisia and Libya ratified or
acceded to the Convention to Eliminate Discrimination Against
Women. One can hope that in the days and months ahead, they
will make genuine progress on achieving its goals. The women
certainly will use it as a lever with their new governments,
and I believe that our voices would be that much stronger if we
too ratified this women's human rights treaty.
I look forward to discussing with you today some possible
ways that we can continue to work together to support the brave
women of the region, as well as the men who stand with them,
for rights and freedoms. For instance, I would also suggest
that when you travel to the region that you request that women
leaders and local civil society activists be included in your
discussions. Their perspectives will not only be invaluable but
you will send a strong message about the central role that they
can and must play.
In closing, let me thank you again for shining a spotlight
on the critical role that women are playing in the ongoing
transition to democracy.
[The prepared statement of Ambassador Verveer follows:]
Prepared Statement of Ambassador Melanne Verveer
Thank you. I am honored to be here this afternoon with my
colleague, Dr. Tamara Wittes, to discuss the status of women in the
Arab Spring and their participation in the political transitions in
Tunisia, Egypt, and Libya. We also will talk about U.S. Government
efforts to empower and enable the women to continue and enhance their
participation in the political, economic, and social lives of their
societies. The people of post-revolutionary Tunisia, Egypt, and Libya
have a real opportunity to consolidate their hard-fought democratic
gains, but this will not be possible if their women do not participate
fully in the political process leading to democracy.
I'd like to extend my thanks to Chairwoman Boxer and Chairman Casey
as well as Senators DeMint and Risch for convening today's important
hearing. I would also like to thank the Senate, particularly the women
Senators on both sides of the aisle, as well as several male Senators,
for your farsighted leadership on this issue. Senate Resolution 109
reaffirms the rights and roles of the women in the Middle East and
North Africa by declaring, ``The empowerment of women is inextricably
linked to the potential of nations to generate economic growth and
sustainable democracy.''
It is those inextricable links that I would like to discuss here
today. This year, the Nobel Peace Prize Committee highlighted these
connections by recognizing three women who worked to bring peace and
freedom to their countries. One of whom, Tawakkul Karman, is a leader
in Yemen's struggle for democracy and human rights. When I met with her
last week, she told me that Yemeni women, who used to be invisible in
the public square, are now significantly engaged in the protest
movement. She said that women are the solution for the myriad
problems--political, social, and economic--facing the Arab world, and
that the condition of a country is reflected in the condition of its
women. Because she believes that women are instrumental to freedom and
democracy, she stressed that ``it is in the interests of dictators to
keep women politically excluded from politics.''
I believe that many women woke up with the Arab Spring, and they
will not go back to sleep. In Tunisia, which held its first fully
democratic election on October 23, women won around 25 percent of the
seats in the new Constituent Assembly. Egypt has begun its election
season, and women are plunging into the political fray. New
constitutions will come from the assemblies constructed in these
elections, and it is vital that gender equality to be enshrined in the
constitutions at the very beginning. In Libya, after four decades of
brutal dictatorship and 8 months of struggle for liberation, in which
women played a vital role, the Libyan people can celebrate their
freedom and the beginning of a new era of promise.
Democracy is often messy. There are people who will advocate
positions and policies for their countries with which we will disagree.
All three North African countries are still works in progress. Most
recently, when proclaiming Libya's liberation, National Transitional
Council Chairman Mustafa Abdul-Jalil said that certain laws, such as
those restricting polygamy, would be voided on the basis of Sharia.
Libya's women reacted with outrage. As one noted, ``these declarations
created feelings of pain and bitterness among women who sacrificed so
many martyrs.'' After the chairman's comments, rightly, triggered
domestic and international uproar, the Transitional Council quickly
clarified that there was ``no chance'' that Libya would become a
theocracy. Across the region, these new governments are still learning
the requirements of human rights and democracy while, at the same time,
balancing the expressed desires of their progressive and conservative
citizens. This is not only a critical moment to engage these emerging
leaders in building sustainable new democracies but also the time to
support women's human rights and to advance women's progress. Each
country will evolve differently.
According to the Arab Development Report, ``forging bonds of equal
citizenship among all members of society, and establishing government
by rule of law in Arab countries are prerequisites for addressing
political, social, and personal insecurity.'' The report makes clear
that the lack of women's political and economic participation is one of
the key reasons for the region's underdevelopment. Different countries
have heeded the recommendations of this report to varying degrees. In
Tunisia, all the major political parties made pre- and post-election
promises endorsing full citizenship and according rights and duties for
all Tunisians. We will hold them to their word. In Egypt, the best-
organized parties seem unconcerned about the need to include women as
candidates, and party leaders have made almost no effort to champion
women's rights. And in Libya, the transition authorities have yet to
bring women into the political process in any significant way; however,
we continue to press for their full participation.
When women are discriminated against in the political arena, their
experiences, talents, and perspectives are shut out. This will affect
the new democracies not just in the political arena but also
economically and socially, diminishing the prospect for a free and
secure future. The transitions will be both political and economic, and
women in leadership positions can only help to overcome the disturbing
economic legacies left by decades of dictatorship by improving
productivity and increasing economic opportunities. Studies show that
women-run small and growing businesses are accelerants of economic
growth and women's increased participation in the workforce grows
economic prosperity.
Women in Tunisia, Egypt, and Libya played a frontline role in
bringing down entrenched dictatorships. They were in Tahrir Square, in
the streets of Tunisia, and across Libya standing shoulder to shoulder
with the men, struggling for a better future. However, there are actors
in these societies who clearly intend, and even often vocally express
their desire, to push women back. Some claim the West is trying to
impose its values on the Arab people by promoting women's rights, but
this is neither a Western issue, nor an Arab issue, nor a religious
issue. It is a matter of universal human rights. As Tawakkul reminded
me, women across the region are fighting not just for women's rights,
but for human rights and human dignity.
Shortly after the events unfolded in Egypt and Tunisia, I met there
with women who had been on the front lines yet who were now struggling
to take their rightful place in building their countries' futures. The
Egyptian women worried about how the post-revolution process was
unfolding and the Tunisian women had concerns about preserving their
rights. More recently, I spoke to Libyan activists who had run supplies
to the rebels and sold their homes for medical supplies. All these
women told me they fought for freedom and democracy. The people's
revolutions of Tunisia, Egypt, and Libya were and are struggles for the
universal values of equality, freedom, and opportunity for all.
As these new democracies evolve, the United States and the wider
international community must stand ready to help them build
representative governments from the ruins of tyranny. As the new
leaders emerge, we must clearly communicate that democracy without the
full participation of half its population is a contradiction in terms
and that an economy without the inclusion of women will not prosper.
Women on the front lines of these transitioning countries themselves
are sending this message, and they deserve our recognition and support
for what they have done and are doing to strengthen their nascent
democracies and to create more vibrant and equitable societies.
THE SITUATION OF WOMEN IN TUNISIA
Tunisians can be rightly proud of their recent elections. Women and
men, young and old, voted in large numbers across the country. Results
indicate that women won around 25 percent of the seats in the new
Constituent Assembly. Tunisia has a long and storied history of women's
rights. It was the first Arab state to abolish polygamy; the first to
grant women professional rights; and it was at the forefront in
establishing progressive family laws. Women took an active and visible
role in administering the October election; many of the polling station
workers were women, and some were station chiefs.
We do not know what direction Tunisia will take as the political
parties begin coalition negotiations to form the country's first
democratically elected government. All political parties who won
significant seats responded to Human Rights Watch's preelection survey
indicating their support for the principles of gender equality and
nondiscrimination. They all, including the moderate Islamist al-Nahda
party, favored maintaining the country's progressive personal status
codes which grant Tunisian women the same rights as Tunisian men. Since
its election into the Constituent Assembly, al-Nahda has also publicly
expressed its disinclination to impose a conservative dress code upon
Tunisian women. These are all promising signs. Tunisian civil society
is working to build the skills necessary to stay vigilant and to hold
their government accountable. Support for Tunisian civil society
coupled with diplomatic engagement will provide a concrete opportunity
to positively affect the new government and help Tunisia join the
community of democracies.
During the transition, Tunisia's Ministry for Women's Affairs,
though small, was active in promoting voter education for women for the
Constituent Assembly elections. This Ministry has also worked to assist
businesswomen in rural, oft-neglected parts of Tunisia to start up
enterprises through microcredit. Throughout Tunisia, several women's
civil society groups have been established since the January 14
revolution, providing a range of social services, including civic and
voter education. In this period of democratic transition, which has
provided all Tunisians greater freedom of expression, these civil
society groups are working tirelessly to maintain the strong role
Tunisian women traditionally played in their society.
THE SITUATION OF WOMEN IN EGYPT
As Egypt's transition unfolds, there are fears that the previous
gains made by Egyptian women will be reversed and that they will be
increasingly excluded from the process. Although women played a
significant role in the protests that brought down Hosni Mubarak, the
role of women in Egypt's governance during the transition has been very
limited. No women were included on the committee that drafted Egypt's
transitional constitutional declaration, and only one female minister
serves in the Cabinet. In the continuing protests after the fall of
Mubarak, there have been several disturbing incidents. On March 8,
hundreds of women were attacked when they gathered in Tahrir Square to
call for a greater voice in Egypt's transition. In May, when the
military cleared Tahrir Square, it arrested and detained dozens of
female demonstrators, subjecting them to degrading and dehumanizing
from Tahrir, it reportedly conducted ``virginity tests.'' The
transitional government promised it would not happen again, but it has
not apologized.
In late July, during a reshuffle of provincial governors, the
ruling Supreme Council of the Armed Forces did not appoint any female
governors. The Minister of Local Development even claimed that women
could not be appointed governors because they would not be able to go
out into the streets in the current security environment to address
social problems. The SCAF also removed the 64-seat parliamentary quota
and dismantled the Ministry of Women's Affairs.
There is now no evident champion for women's rights in the Egyptian
Government; compounding this challenge, some Egyptians are criticizing
previous gains, like the progressive laws on divorce, and against
female genital cutting and child marriage, as tainted because of Mrs.
Mubarak's work on the issue. They refuse to recognize them as the
decades-long work of Egyptian women leaders. Moreover, some
conservative political and social forces are taking advantage of
Egypt's more open political environment to call for a rollback in
women's rights.
In spite of these setbacks, Egyptian civil society organizations
have defended the role of women in the transition and are advocating
for reforms that protect women's rights. In June 2011, the United
States promoted a conference in Cairo, cosponsored by International
IDEA and U.N. Women, to raise the profile of women's rights in
democratic transitions. Egyptian participants at this conference
produced a charter asserting their right to play a role in shaping the
next Egyptian Constitution and to be treated equally by the government.
Following the conference, Egyptian women's rights groups have continued
to publicly raise their concerns about the exclusion of women from
power. Even with all these hurdles, women will take part in the
upcoming elections as voters, candidates, and political party members,
and the U.S. Government is supporting such efforts.
THE SITUATION OF WOMEN IN LIBYA
Women played a determinative role in the liberation of Libya. Since
the first days of the revolution, when Libyan women formed sewing
circles to create the ubiquitous independence flags, Libyan women have
been at the heart of the struggle. Women leaders founded some of the
most promising and effective nonprofit initiatives. They are now asking
for our help in developing the leadership skills they need to take a
strong role in the new Libya. They will be crucial as a new Libyan
state and society take shape.
I recently met with one of the women active in the revolution. At
the end of 2010, she had just left Libya to take a lucrative position
in Dubai when the revolution began on February 17, 2011. Within days,
she went from frantically trying to stay in touch with her family in
Libya, to setting up an antiregime media center in Dubai, to running a
logistical cell for the rebellion in Malta. She has now returned to
Tripoli to be a part of the new Libya. When I asked her if she had
encountered resistance from revolutionaries on the ground, she told me
that the liberation fighters not only wanted, but expected people like
her ``to rebuild our country as it should be.''
There are small, but very active, groups of women across the
country who expect to take their place in the leadership of the new
Libya. For example, a Benghazi-based professional women's committee is
supporting women's participation in the new democracy. Other women-
dominated groups are working to restart the health and education
sectors. Politically, the discourse regarding women's rights and the
role of women is at a nascent stage and here the international
community can help build the foundation for full and equal citizenship
for all Libyans.
When Secretary Clinton met with leaders of the Transitional
Council, she laid out clear expectations for the full and
representative participation of women in the transition, and it will be
the Libyan women themselves who will decide the roles they will play in
the new Libya.
WOMEN, PEACE, AND SECURITY
What we know from other societies in transition is that when women
play an active and inclusive role in societies--from participating in
the drafting of new constitutions to rebuilding economies--the whole
country benefits. As we saw in South Africa, Rwanda, and elsewhere,
women's full participation improves governance, reduces conflict, and
increases economic prosperity. Eleven years ago, the U.N. Security
Council unanimously adopted Resolution 1325, recognizing the importance
of women's representation at all levels of conflict resolution, post-
conflict peace-building, and governance. We have witnessed the capacity
of women as peacemakers in each of these revolutions. In Tunisia, women
have been vital in the push for fair representation and gender parity
in constitution-building and the electoral process. In Egypt, women
were essential in ensuring that acts of revolution and protest remained
peaceful. Now in Libya, where women played critical roles in
revolution, they stand ready to create a new and democratic society.
The act of participation has irreversibly changed the role of women in
these societies. It is imperative that the international community
actively support these women to get the skills they need to play a
representative role in the political transitions.
U.S. SUPPORT FOR WOMEN LEADERS
Just a few weeks ago, when Secretary Clinton was at the United
Nations for the opening of the General Assembly, she attended a special
meeting with female heads of state and Foreign Ministers on women's
political participation and the Arab Spring. The leaders signed a joint
resolution that stressed ``the critical importance of women's political
participation in all contexts, including in times of peace, conflict
and in all stages of political transition.'' Later that week in
addressing heads of state from around the world at the opening of the
General Assembly, President Obama noted that ``no country can realize
its potential if half its population cannot reach theirs'' and called
on all nations ``announce the steps we are taking to break down the
economic and political barriers that stand in the way of women and
girls'' within the next year.
While visiting Egypt and Tunisia, in forums large and small,
numerous women told me that leadership training programs enable them to
be effective candidates for national and local offices. Moreover,
because of the many obstacles to their obtaining political power, women
need strong and broad alliances to enable them to surmount the various
barriers.
Civil society activists require capacity-building support for the
range of needs that they confront. One of the key ways that women have
gained access to power is through their engagement with NGOs. Many have
developed the leadership skills and relevant experience to run for
office through their work with national and international NGOs. Another
area of need is capacity-building for governance; it is not enough to
be elected or to be appointed to government service without the ability
to exercise that responsibility effectively. To address this need, the
United States has invested in programs to strengthen the skills and
leadership abilities of female parliamentarians and other elected
officials.
Through our efforts to ensure that women are integral to all
aspects of U.S. foreign policy, we have indentified ways to increase
women's opportunities for political empowerment, participation, and
decisionmaking. Many U.S. trainings, exchanges, and small grants
programs are aimed at improving women's political participation and
leadership abilities.
We believe that a further step that would send a powerful and
unequivocal message of support to the women in the region is for the
United States to ratify the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms
of Discrimination Against Women. This treaty reflects the fundamental
principle that women's rights are human rights. U.S. ratification would
lend much-needed validation and support to advocates around the world,
including in the Middle East region, who seek to replicate in their own
countries the strong protections against discrimination that we have in
the United States. Some governments use the fact that the United States
has not ratified the treaty as a pretext for not living up to their own
obligations under it. We would eliminate this frequently heard excuse
by opponents of women's rights in many countries by ratifying this
important treaty. Tunisia and Egypt have signed and ratified the
Convention while Libya has acceded to it. Women in these countries will
continue to use their countries' ratification of the Convention as a
lever to move their new governments to protect women's human rights.
I believe we have a responsibility to do everything we can to
support these new democracies. In doing so, we contribute to their
viability, peace, and security. And I believe that stable and
prosperous democracies in the Arab world will directly contribute to
our own national security.
CONCLUSION
Women's participation in civil society and government
decisionmaking are key ingredients to building democracy. It is a
simple fact that no country can progress or prosper if half its
citizens are left behind. Progress for women and progress for democracy
go hand in hand. This is also true for the economy. One of the best
indicators for the overall economic health of any country is the
economic and educational attainment of women.
My distinguished colleague, Deputy Assistant Secretary Wittes, will
go into more depth about U.S. specific efforts in Tunisia, Egypt, and
Libya in her remarks. Let me reiterate the urgent need to support women
at this critical juncture in history. We must support them publically
and privately. We must empower them politically and economically.
Women everywhere continue to face challenges and barriers to
productive participation in political engagement and government. But
this is particularly acute as countries transition from decades under a
dictatorial order to a new world of democratic possibility. Tunisia was
a middle-income country with a long tradition of empowered women. Its
needs are specific and limited. Egypt, on the other hand, has a wider
range of more challenging obstacles; nonetheless, the potential for
progress is there. Lastly, Libya is a rich country, but it is emerging
from a brutal conflict that has traumatized thousands; so its future,
while hopeful, is uncertain.
The message of support communicated by this hearing, which builds
on the bipartisan actions taken by the Senate to support women's full
and equal participation in the new democracies of the Arab world, is of
great significance not only to the women and men of the region but to
the entire world. We should not underestimate the power of our unified
global voice for the rights and freedom of women and minorities.
The State Department and USAID are deeply committed to helping
these new democracies. This means full citizenship for all citizens,
regardless of gender, sect, or ethnicity. We embrace the opportunity to
continue to promote women's empowerment and participation at all levels
of society. We will work in partnership with our embassies overseas to
identify and support emerging women leaders and defenders of democracy.
This task requires collaboration and leadership at all levels of the
U.S. Government and with the international community. And it also
requires partnership with the Congress to ensure that women in the
region know that the full weight of the American people support their
pursuit of freedom. Through these efforts, more women will be able to
take part in the democratic transition and serve as trailblazers for
future generations.
Senator Boxer. Thank you so much.
And Dr. Wittes, Deputy Assistant Secretary for Near Eastern
Affairs and Deputy Special Coordinator for Middle East
Transitions. Welcome.
STATEMENT OF DR. TAMARA WITTES, DEPUTY ASSISTANT SECRETARY FOR
NEAR EASTERN AFFAIRS AND DEPUTY SPECIAL COORDINATOR FOR MIDDLE
EAST TRANSITIONS, U.S. DEPARTMENT OF STATE, WASHINGTON, DC
Dr. Wittes. Thank you very much, Chairwoman Boxer and
Senator DeMint. I am very honored to be here and I want to
commend you also for holding this very timely and very
important hearing. And I would ask that my full statement be
entered into the record.
Senator Boxer. Without objection.
Dr. Wittes. I am also very honored to be here with
Ambassador Verveer who is a tenacious and invaluable partner in
all of our efforts to advance women's empowerment and women's
inclusion in the Middle East. She has already communicated the
key point that Secretary Clinton has underscored throughout the
Arab Spring, which is that the full participation of women is
an essential ingredient for any democracy. Therefore, we are
committed to championing women's full participation in the new
democracies now emerging and in the reforms that are underway
across the region.
There is no question that this period of transformative
change carries with it some anxiety. The transitions that are
underway are uncertain and in some places citizens are facing
intense repression from their own governments in response to
their legitimate demands. It is crucial that the U.S.
Government stays engaged to support these democratic
transitions and democratic change across the region.
This moment of change presents a great strategic
opportunity for the United States for three reasons.
The first is about stability. We have an opportunity now to
help promote a lasting stability in the Middle East that will
only come through democratic and economic reforms that will
write a new social contract between governments and citizens.
The second reason is about democracy. Democracies give
people a stake in their governance. They weaken the appeal of
those who call for violence, and globally, democracies are
stronger partners for us as well.
And finally, we see a strategic opportunity in these events
because of the way they came about, because of the Arab world's
rising generation of young men and women who have put forward a
powerful repudiation to the narrative of extremists who preach
violence and confrontation as the only means to achieve change.
Now, we have realigned our resources to promote democratic
and economic change across the region and to strengthen those
within Arab societies who are working for change. Many of those
civil society leaders are women, and we want to support their
efforts.
Let me speak briefly about some of the efforts we have
underway in Tunisia, Egypt, and Libya specifically. My written
testimony includes a number of examples, but I will focus in on
just a few.
In Tunisia, we supported a campaign called ``Get Out and
Vote,'' which was designed to encourage women of all ages,
backgrounds, and means to vote and participate in Tunisia's
recent democratic elections and to work with the media to look
at the way they cover women in the campaign.
We are also supporting the American Bar Association and
their Tunisian partners in preparing a national forum in
Tunisia that will take place soon on the role of women in
democratic transitions, drawing lessons from other countries.
Participants will include women jurists, rights groups, civil
society organizations, political party representatives, and
others.
In Egypt, the United States is working to ensure that women
play a central role in the definition of rules and institutions
for Egypt's new democracy. In the past several months, more
than 200 women from a diverse array of political parties have
taken advantage of U.S. Government-funded training programs
which are offered on a nonpartisan basis. These trainings
provide everything from lessons on how to confidently deliver a
stump speech to skills that will help candidates build
campaigns that resonate with voters.
In Libya, the end of Qaddafi's tyranny has unleashed the
power of civil society, and some of the most promising and
effective nonprofit initiatives have been founded by women
during the conflict. We are already offering our support to
newly emerging NGO's in Libya, as well as to those who want to
create new political parties to compete in Libya's planned
elections. And we will continue to focus on ensuring that
Libyan women are active beneficiaries of all our efforts there.
Our work in these three countries in transition is just one
aspect of our regionwide focus on empowering women and girls.
For the Middle East Partnership Initiative, which I supervise,
women's empowerment has been a core focus since MEPI was
founded in 2002. Right now, MEPI is supporting the
International Republican Institute's new Arab Women's
Leadership Institute. This is a project that is training women
leaders, both elected officials and civil society leaders,
across North Africa in coalition-building and advocacy skills.
Without a doubt, the final outcome of these democratic
transitions is uncertain, but because we believe that this
democratic transformation is profoundly in our interests, we
are committed to remaining engaged and to providing the
necessary long-term support for women in these countries who
are already working as agents of positive change.
We look forward to working with you, our partners in
Congress, to ensure that we can sustain our urgent support in
the Middle East through this historic period.
Thank you. I look forward to your questions.
[The prepared statement of Dr. Wittes follows:]
Prepared Statement of Dr. Tamara Cofman Wittes
Thank you, Chairwoman Boxer, Chairman Casey, Senators DeMint and
Risch and the other members of the subcommittees for inviting me to
speak to you today. I am honored to be here, and commend you for
holding this timely and important hearing.
I would like to acknowledge the achievements of the women you have
invited to testify in the next panel. Women have been at the forefront
of the revolutions across the region, and I am grateful to hear their
perspectives.
I am also very honored to be here with Ambassador Melanne Verveer,
who is a tenacious and invaluable partner in our efforts to advance
women's empowerment and women's inclusion--globally and in the Middle
East in particular. She has already communicated the key point that
Secretary Clinton has underscored throughout the Arab Spring--that the
full participation of women is an essential ingredient for any
democracy.
Therefore, we are committed to championing women's full
participation in the new democracies now emerging, and in the reforms
that are underway across the region. The administration's whole-of-
government approach demonstrates our belief that the women of Egypt,
Tunisia, and Libya are essential partners in any successful transition.
The democratic transitions underway in Tunisia, Egypt, and Libya,
and the pressures for democratic change across the region, present a
great strategic opportunity for the United States, for three reasons.
The first reason is stability, which is crucial to the pursuit of
all our longstanding interests in the Middle East. The dramatic events
of this spring were driven by deep, underlying trends in Arab
societies. As Secretary Clinton noted nearly a year ago, last January
in Doha, the status quo in the region was not stable. We have an
opportunity now to help promote lasting stability in the Middle East--
stability that will only come through democratic and economic reforms
that will write a new social contract between governments and citizens.
The second reason we see an opportunity in the events of the Arab
Spring is about democracy. As you all know well, where democracy and
democratic freedoms are valued, the world also gains in security.
Democracies give people a stake in their governance and weaken the
appeal of those who call for violence. We see the changes underway in
Tunisia, Libya, and Egypt as an opportunity to support the emergence of
more democratic states, which will be stronger partners for the United
States in advancing our shared interests in security, stability, and
prosperity for the region and the world.
Finally, we see a strategic opportunity in these events because of
the way this change has come about, and who is driving it--the Arab
world's rising generation of young people. The disciplined and
determined young men and women who are driving the Arab Spring have put
forward a powerful repudiation to the narrative of extremists who
preach violence and confrontation as the only means to achieve change.
They have also put forward their own indigenously generated, positive
vision for the future of the Middle East, a future defined by dignity,
freedom, and opportunity. We have a keen interest in seeing that
positive vision succeed.
The recent announcement of three courageous women receiving the
Nobel Peace Prize is the latest affirmation of women's ability to
advance human progress and human rights in the region and around the
world. As Secretary Clinton noted, the three winners--including one
from Yemen--``are shining examples of the difference that women can
make and the progress they can help achieve when given the opportunity
to make decisions about the future of their societies and countries.''
As you may know, one of those Nobel Prize winners, Tawakkul Karman from
Yemen, is an alumna of the Department's Middle East Partnership
Initiative (MEPI), and also participated in State Department exchange
and visitor programs. I met with Tawakkul last week in the State
Department, and we discussed the absolute determination of the Yemeni
people to see a political transition that is not merely a change of
leadership but that ushers in real participation, and real justice for
the Yemeni people.
There is no question that this period of transformative change
carries with it some anxiety. The fate of the region's democratic
movements is uncertain, and in some countries citizens are facing
brutality and repression from their governments in response to their
legitimate demands. And the democratic transitions now beginning in
Tunisia and Egypt and Libya are far from complete. So it's crucial that
the United States Government stay engaged to support these democratic
transitions and democratic reforms across the region. Let me tell you a
little bit about what we are doing to further that goal.
The events unfolding in the Middle East are the foreign policy
challenge of our time. In response to and in support of these
transitions, the U.S. Government has rededicated its efforts to assist
the people of the Middle East and North Africa as they create more
participatory, prosperous and pluralistic societies. We have realigned
our resources to promote democratic and economic reforms across the
region and to strengthen those within Arab societies who are advancing
change. Many of those civil society leaders, like Tawakkul, are women,
and we want to support their efforts.
The Department of State has also created a new Office of Middle
East Transitions with Ambassador Bill Taylor at the helm as
Coordinator. This office is tasked with ensuring U.S. assistance to
transition countries is coordinated and prioritized across all agencies
and programs. We know that resources are limited, and that with so much
at stake in the region, we need to be efficient and make every dollar
count. In addition to my regular duties as the Deputy Assistant
Secretary responsible for democratic reform in the Middle East, I now
also have the privilege of serving as Deputy Coordinator for this
office. So I come to you with a very clear view of the efforts we are
undertaking to support successful democratic transitions in the region
at this critical time.
As you know, I supervise the Middle East Partnership Initiative
(MEPI), which is located in the State Department's Bureau of Near
Eastern Affairs. MEPI has had women's empowerment as one of its key
priorities since it was first founded in 2002. I'm delighted to have
this fantastic program as one of the key tools we are using to support
women during the political transitions across the region. Let me speak
briefly about some of the efforts we have underway in Tunisia, Egypt,
and Libya specifically.
TUNISIA
As Ambassador Verveer noted, Tunisia's women have a proud history
as active participants in their country's political, social, and
economic life. When Ben Ali fled Tunisia in January, MEPI mobilized the
bulk of our initial U.S. Government response to support civil society
and election preparation in Tunisia--and in all of that work, women's
inclusion and women's participation is a constant theme. Indeed, some
of MEPI's longstanding partners in Tunisia, who operated under
significant constraints previously, became crucial players in the work
of voter education this year. A singular example is CAWTAR, the Center
for Arab Women Training and Research. With MEPI support, they are
promoting women's rights in Tunisia through media, trainings, and
public debates.
The American Bar Association is another important MEPI partner in
Tunisia in advancing women's political inclusion. Later this year, they
will be hosting, with their Tunisian colleagues, a national forum on
the role of women in transitional processes focusing on comparative
experiences; women's rights in law and constitutional reform; and
advocacy for law reform. Participants will include women jurists,
rights groups, civil society organizations, and political party
representatives, among others.
MEPI is just one program undertaking efforts to support the
political, economic, and social participation of women in Tunisia.
USAID's Office of Transition Initiatives supported a ``Get Out and
Vote'' campaign designed to encourage women of all ages, backgrounds,
and means, through mainstream and new media channels, to vote and
participate in Tunisia's democratic reform process.
The Bureau for Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor (DRL) is
supporting programming in Tunisia, on transitional justice and
independent journalism, including a project to empower women in civil
society and media.
EGYPT
In Egypt, the United States is working with international as well
as Egyptian organizations to ensure that the gains made in women's
legal rights before the revolution are not lost, and that women play a
central role in the definition of rules and institutions for Egypt's
new democracy.
USAID is focusing on women's issues across all its programs in
Egypt. USAID is bringing together women-led civil society organizations
from all governorates in Egypt to strategize on ways they can improve
women's participation in elections and political parties. These
conversations are specifically focused on increasing the participation
of women candidates before the upcoming parliamentary elections. During
this time of transition, USAID is continuing its crucial work to
improve maternal and child health, combat violence against women, and
extend equal access to justice and education for women and girls. On
the economic front, USAID partners will provide 1,000 new business
loans within the next 12 months in Qena, one of the poorest, least
served areas of Egypt, to spur job creation and to increase employment
opportunities for the poor. Women are slated to receive about 60
percent of these loans.
MEPI is working with Vital Voices to create a network of women
activists across the region, and to help Egyptian women's groups
develop their priorities for legislative change. MEPI's local Egyptian
partner, the Egyptian Association for Community Participation
Enhancement, is training younger women as future leaders, and
encouraging women to vote in the upcoming parliamentary elections.
Other State Department programs assist women who want to compete in
the newly open political process. In the past several months, more than
200 women from a diverse array of political parties have taken
advantage of U.S. Government-funded training programs, which are
offered on a nonpartisan basis, and which provide everything from
training on how to confidently deliver a stump speech--to
organizational skills that will help them sharpen their party platforms
and build campaigns that resonate with voters.
The Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights and Labor is working with the
International Labor Organization to strengthen women's participation in
key labor market institutions. This project will help women and
employers, along with government institutions, become more practiced in
fundamental labor rights and procedures, giving more women the chance
to enter the labor market, and building the capacity of Egyptian
businesses to offer decent work to women.
LIBYA
Since the first days of the revolution, when Libyan women formed
sewing circles to create the ubiquitous independence flags, Libyan
women have been at the heart of the revolution. Some of the most
promising and effective nonprofit initiatives have been founded by
women leaders. Wafa and Hana Gusbi, twin sisters and previous U.S.
Embassy Public Affairs grant recipients, cofounded Wafa Charity
Organization. The Gusbis left for Tunis in May 2011 and, utilizing the
skills they learned through managing their earlier USG-funded project,
they have organized social programs for Libyans living in exile--
serving up to 20,000 hot meals per day to refugees during Ramadan. Now
is the time to demonstrate to these women our support for their
efforts.
In Libya, we are working through the United Nations Special Mission
in Libya to target our assistance to priorities identified by the
Libyans themselves. But we have already begun to offer our support to
the newly emerging NGOs in Libya and to support those who want to
create new political parties to compete in Libya's planned elections.
We will continue to focus on ensuring that Libyan women are active
beneficiaries of our efforts.
REGIONAL
Our work in these three countries in transition is just one element
of our regional focus on empowering women and girls.
Through MEPI, and working with democratic partners around the
globe, we continue to promote further progress in women's political,
economic, and social participation. Through the Community of
Democracies' Working Group on Gender Equality, which Ambassador Verveer
cochairs with the Lithuanians, the United States is taking a leadership
role in promoting gender equality and good governance, with a
particular focus on the Middle East and North Africa. Under the
auspices of the working group, the United States is partnering with the
Dutch Government to conduct dialogues with civil society leaders and
academics from across the region to better understand the priorities of
women in transitioning societies and how the United States and the
international community can best assist them.
Working with the International Republican Institute, MEPI is
supporting the Arab Women's Leadership Institute, which assists women
leaders across North Africa to maximize their political gains during
periods of transition. In countries undergoing reform or transition,
the Leadership Institute is providing female officials currently in
office, candidates for office, and civil society leaders with models of
good governance and coalition-building to help them realize the reforms
their constituents are demanding. In addition, the Institute is giving
women civic leaders advocacy skills so they can fight for equal social
and political rights for women as their countries define new rules of
the road in politics.
The U.S. Government is also supporting the Middle East and North
Africa Women's Business Forum of the Organization for Economic
Cooperation and Development (OECD). This group accelerates the
development of women's entrepreneurship in the region.
Without a doubt, the final outcome of the region's democratic
transition is uncertain. But because we believe that democratic
transformation in the Middle East is profoundly in our interests, we
are committed to remaining engaged and to providing the necessary long-
term support for women in these countries who are already working as
agents of positive change. In his May 2011 speech, President Obama
said, ``History shows that countries are more prosperous and more
peaceful when women are empowered.'' This is a guiding principle for us
as we support democratic transitions in the Middle East.
We look forward to working with you, our partners in Congress, to
ensure that we can sustain our urgent support the Middle East in this
historic moment.
Senator Boxer. Thank you. I will get it started.
This is to both of you, if you wish to comment. I hope you
will. It is clear from your comments and those from my
colleague and myself that women are playing a significant role
in the protest movements that have swept across the Middle East
and North Africa. And they have stood side by side with their
husbands, their fathers, their brothers, and their sons to
demand a better future. But we, as you point out, Dr. Wittes,
do not know exactly what that future is. So all of us want to
make sure that it is a positive future.
How can we be that prodding presence, if you will, that is
a constant echo in these countries because there are some
really good things happening and some very troubling things.
Senator DeMint went through a couple of the troubling things.
In Egypt, Tunisia, and Libya, we can talk about some of the
positive signs.
Tunisia required that female candidates account for half of
all candidates running for election in the constituent
assembly; 4,000 women ran for the first time.
An Egyptian woman announced she will be the country's
first-ever female candidate for President.
In September, the president of the Libyan Transitional
Council applauded the role of women and proclaimed, ``that
women will be ambassadors and ministers.''
But there are troubling events.
In Egypt, a new election plan was put forth that may result
in very few seats for women. And in March, a group of Egyptian
women protesters were rounded up, arrested, and subjected to
invasive ``virginity tests.''
Only one woman currently sits on the National Transitional
Council in Libya, and recently Libya's transitional leader
indicated that a law banning polygamy will be overturned.
Senator DeMint talked about that. So there is a deep cause of
concern in the international community, and some are even
suggesting a dark future for women.
So what I want to get at is--what are the levers that we
have? For example, if you look at Egypt, in March Amnesty
International reported that Egyptian army officers brutally
abused 18 women protesters. According to Amnesty, the women
were beaten, given electric shocks, subjected to strip searches
while being photographed by male soldiers, forced to submit to
virginity checks, and threatened with prostitution charges. The
torture and abuse of Egyptian women by officers who should have
been protecting them is deplorable. That is putting it mildly.
I could really go on and on about how I feel about this, but I
will not in the interest of time.
The United States is looked to as a leader in human rights,
and the subcommittee I chair is dedicated to, for the first
time ever, the status of women worldwide. The Obama
administration has requested $1.3 billion in military
assistance for Egypt in 2012, and we know that we are going to
be giving aid to these countries. How can we leverage our
financial role in Egypt to ensure that the Egyptian military is
meeting benchmarks, including respect for women's rights? How
can we leverage any funding we give to these other nations?
Because I can tell you right now I am not going to give a blank
check to some of these countries that are doing these things.
So how can we work together to make sure that they take the
right path, and what are our leverage points?
We will start with you, Ambassador Verveer. We will move to
Dr. Wittes next.
Ambassador Verveer. Well, you know, Senator Boxer, you just
laid out so starkly how even though there is a sense of great
possibility, that there is a sense that life will be better for
the people who were part of the uprisings that took place,
there is much that is unclear about the future. We do not have
a sense of where this is headed. But we can, as you said, take
advantage of those leveraging opportunities to really engage in
ways that hopefully will have a positive impact because we
cannot direct the outcomes of elections. We cannot select the
candidates. We have very little role that we can play as an
outside power, though we are, that in the end will not be
decided but by the very people who live and care about their
futures in those countries.
So to reiterate, I would say first and foremost to
constantly raise these issues, as we have been raising them,
from the highest levels of our own Government on through the
regularity of visits and conversations and meetings that are
taking place at all levels, that these issues of human rights,
women's rights, freedom of speech, religion, assembly, the
values that are core democratic principles, that they be stated
time and time again because an election does not create a
democracy. One election does not create the new future. So this
is going to be a series of steps.
So I think, first and foremost, to be out there constantly
and not to lower our voices when it comes to matters that are
of such great importance.
Second, to be very strategic about how we do provide the
assistance that we provide. As you heard from Dr. Wittes, we
are trying to steward our resources in a way that can have the
greatest impact.
What I hear, when I meet with the women, over and over is a
recognition that we cannot wave a magic wand, but we can help
them be much more resourced, capacitized, abled, skilled to be
the leaders that they know they need to be, to be strategic, to
be present, whether it is use of the media or it is being
active in the political process because the doors are opened
and closed by varying degrees in all of these countries. None
is exactly the same in its situation, generally speaking and
specifically, about the state of its women. So we believe that
being able to provide resources that are directed in these ways
will have a positive impact.
And frankly, while what happened in the Arab Spring was
definitely organic and domestic, uniquely brought about by the
people of the region, we have made investments over the years
in building civil society, and I think in the end it is civil
society that will either enable these countries to move forward
in a significant way or have them push back in ways that we
will all feel have not turned out.
You know, I was talking to one of our panelists who is
coming up on the second panel, Mahnaz Afkhami, who was the
Minister for Women in Iran at the time of the revolution, and
as she was mentioning, nobody thought that revolution was going
to create the theocracy and the kind of Iran that exists today.
So I think we have to figure out how best to engage certainly
in terms of our leadership, certainly in terms of capacity-
building.
And I would add that a great deal of this was about
economic opportunity. And if lives are not made better in the
process, that will make it a lot harder for the kind of
positive outcomes I think everybody wants to see. So we also
see economic reforms, and I would say particularly giving women
opportunities. We know from all of the data that exists today
that women who run small and medium-sized businesses are
accelerators of GDP, that women have to be part of the economic
process. And more often than not, they frankly do not appear in
the discussions about what to do in terms of economic reforms.
But we have made them a significant part of our efforts.
So there are no perfect solutions, but as you said, to
utilize the levers that we have, to utilize them wisely, to
utilize them with commitment.
Senator Boxer. The leverage that we have here is the
funding, and that is something that I feel we are going to have
to look at--we just cannot turn our eye away from what is
happening.
I have run out of time. So if you do not mind, Doctor, I am
going to turn it over to my colleague.
Senator DeMint. Thank you, Madam Chairman.
It is a complex opportunity that we have in the Middle
East. I wish it were so simple as to remove a dictator, let
people vote, and we would be moving ahead.
I think it is convenient for us sometimes to try to
separate the political issues with the economic issues and the
religious issues, but as we know in the Middle East, much of
the oppression of women is derived from the religious beliefs.
And it appears that in some cases we are in danger of these new
democracies just legitimizing a power grab by another
oppressive regime which would establish an Islamic state which
would, in effect, codify the rules against women. And so
somehow in dealing with this we have to understand the root
causes of the oppression and the lack of freedom and deal with
the issues of religious freedom, of human rights, of political
freedom, and economic freedom. And that is a complex array for
us to try to support from the outside.
I would just like to hear a comment maybe from both of you
of how do we deal with that complexity. We want religious
freedom. It is particularly important if we do not want a
particular religion driving a status quo in those regions. How
do we deal with that without interfering in their religious
freedoms? And I will start with you, Dr. Wittes.
Dr. Wittes. Well, thank you, Senator. I think that you have
raised an absolutely critical point which is that having a
consolidated democracy means more than having elections to
choose your rulers. It means having democratic values that are
inherent within your society that are embedded within your
institutions. And I think in all our engagement with these new
political actors that are emerging in these transition
countries, we emphasize that democracy is not just about
elections. It is about being committed to nonviolence, not
using violence to achieve your political goals. It is about
being committed to the rules of the game even if you lose, not
just before the election is held. And it is also, very
importantly, a commitment to equality for everybody under the
law, including women, including minorities, people regardless
of their faith, regardless of their ideology. And that
commitment to pluralism and toleration is part and parcel of
what makes a successful democracy. Those core democratic values
are a part of every conversation that we are having with these
new political actors.
And I think what we see in these countries that are in
transition now is that, of course, the political landscape is
changing very quickly. A lot of new actors are coming forward
and saying that they want to participate in the process. And
the more diverse, the more competitive that political landscape
can be, the more those actors are challenged to say what they
really want to do, what their vision is for the future, and
very importantly, how they are going to respond to the
aspirations of the citizens who made these revolutions.
And I think what I have really been struck by and I think
the thing that gives me a lot of hope for the future is the
determination, the pure determination of citizens, especially
young people, in these societies to shape their own future.
They are skeptical of ideologies. They are skeptical of
slogans. They want to know the details, and they are going to
be looking to their new leaders to deliver for them, to deliver
opportunity, to deliver freedom, to deliver jobs and dignity.
And so I think that even parties that are coming from a
religious perspective have to be prepared in a truly
competitive environment, which we are trying to cultivate with
our programming and with our diplomacy. They are going to have
to be prepared to answer those questions.
Senator DeMint. Thank you.
Ambassador Verveer.
Ambassador Verveer. I think additionally, Senators, you
pointed out in your opening remarks about the comments by Mr.
Jalil in Libya when he was making this declaration about the
new Libya. In the context, he talked about removing the
restrictions on polygamy. And that statement created such an
outcry both within Libya and outside of Libya from
international leaders, as well as from the civil society that
has been growing throughout this period of revolution. And
within 24 hours, he was saying he had no intention to set up a
theocracy. We do not know what steps are going to occur in the
future. Actions speak louder than words.
But I think it was a very small indication of what has to
happen. Vigilance is critical. Speaking out against violations
is critical. Upholding the democratic principles that were
articulated by my colleague is critical. So there are so many
things we have to be doing at the same time to ensure that the
rights of women, the rights of minorities, the kinds of
freedoms that we hold so dear that are universal freedoms and
not unique to the West by any stretch of the imagination need
to be protected every place. So I think that that is part of
the way we have to act and go forward.
Senator DeMint. Thank you.
Senator Boxer. Senator Udall.
Senator Udall. Thank you, Chairman Boxer and Ranking Member
DeMint. Thank you very much.
We have seen in the Arab Spring in the Arab countries women
participating and coming out into the open places in pretty
significant percentages. And I am wondering in seeing that--and
I think all of us have observed it in different countries in
the Arab world--which country do you think is the most
promising in terms of looking at the expansion of women's
rights. And then which country in the transition may prove to
be the most challenging?
Ambassador Verveer. Well, Senator, those are difficult
judgments to make since we do not have that mirror that is
going to show us where all of this is going to end up. But I
would say that certainly Tunisia has a very long history of
women's rights that have been chiseled into their constitution.
Women there have participated significantly in the economy. It
is one of the few countries that had a middle class. Women hold
many of the faculty positions. They are large numbers of
students in the universities. And they have enjoyed full rights
unlike many of the women in the neighboring Arab countries.
When I was there, I heard from so many women over and over,
we do not want to be pushed back. We are where we are. They
want to move forward, if anything, but they do not want to be
pushed back.
And I think the extraordinary outpouring, upward of 80
percent of people standing in line for hours to vote, large
numbers of women for sure--about a quarter of the seats have
been won by women in the election. There was no majority won by
any party. Although the An-Nahda party with the plurality will
now put together a coalition government.
But I think it is going to be really important to see how
women, with the rights they have long held, with the economic
and educational levels that many of them have, will be able to
bring an outcome that is one what grows rights and does not
push them back.
In Libya, it is all at a much more nascent stage in my
view. Although women have been instrumental from the earliest
hours of the uprising in Libya, they have forged some of the
most helpful humanitarian organizations. They are proving
themselves to be vital members of civil society, but they are
coming into a new world in many ways after having been locked
out, not just the women but the men too. But it is always
harder for women in these societies.
I have great hope, having met so many of them, that they
are more than capable, but I think that these next weeks and
months and longer, for sure, will be telling about whether or
not they are going to embrace the new future. But they are in
many ways out of this box the last but with enormous potential.
And what they are asking for very specifically is for the
skills-building opportunities, the capacity-building to enable
them not just to get to the table but to be effective at the
table, to be good strategists to be able to make a difference.
In Egypt, the situation is extremely complicated and
worrisome. And I think the earliest signs of what happened in
Egypt from women being cut out completely from the transitional
apparatus that was set up, the ministry for women disbanded,
other structures for women marginalized, the quota for women in
the Parliament done away with--there have been any number of
actions that have sort of raised that caution light.
And women understand that they have to be fully engaged,
and they are a remarkable people and with the right
opportunities--and I think in the conversation we have been
having constantly raising these issues and providing them with
the kind of supports that we are across the board and
particularly focusing also on the economic situation, which I
think is so terribly important, will hopefully enable them to
have the place that they should have. But they are different in
many ways from the points at which they are starting.
Also in Egypt, while the reforms for women have been
limited, there have been significant reforms in divorce, in
outlawing child marriage, FGM, in other kinds of benefits to
women. But the previous first lady, Suzanne Mubarak, enabled
some of that to happen even though it was women in the trenches
for an awfully long time who worked to pioneer much of that
work. Today, because of the action of the former First Lady in
those reforms, there are those who are saying, well, they are
tainted. We do not need them anymore. And it will be a severe
loss to the kinds of progressive steps that have been made
there if the baby is thrown out with the bath water. So there
is lots of reason to be engaged, lots to watch, and lots to try
to make a difference on.
Senator Udall. Doctor, do you have any additional thoughts?
Dr. Wittes. I do not think I can add anything to that.
Senator Udall. OK. Thank you very much. Thank you both for
your service.
Senator Boxer. Thanks, Senator.
Senator Shaheen, welcome. Do you have some questions for
the panel?
Senator Shaheen. Yes.
Thank you very much, Senator Boxer and Senator Casey and
Ranking Member DeMint for holding the hearing today on what is
obviously a very important topic not only to the countries
involved across the Middle East but also to the United States
and to all of us who care about human rights and the rights of
women around the world.
Thank you very much, both of you, for what you are doing
and for being here today.
I am sorry. I know that Senator DeMint may have raised this
to some extent, but I wonder if you could talk about the role
of Islam as we are looking at the countries in the Middle East
and how Islam affects the evolving debate around women's
rights. Either one of you.
Ambassador Verveer. Well, I will start and say that sharia
is thrown around a lot and so much has to do with whose
interpretation. And I think a lot about women in other
predominantly Muslim societies who have, within the context of
their values, been able to promote critical reforms.
Morocco is a case in point which has made enormous strides
on family law reform, perhaps the most difficult area in these
societies to have reforms. And as they went through the process
over many, many years and many were jailed and there were
efforts made to prevent them from the course they were on, they
realized that as many of them, the great majority, as good
Muslims, they were not about to sacrifice their values to the
voices of those who said you are being anti-Islamic because you
are supporting personal status law reforms. They said no, and
they steeped their reform effort in the very values of their
religion. And when the family law reforms were promulgated by
the king, it would say women have a right to custody of their
children, and then there would be a Koranic verse legitimizing
this reform in the context of values that the society held
dear.
There are others who want to take their most narrow
interpretation of sharia, or Islamic law as it is called, and
basically take away women's rights in the most horrific ways.
And this is what I think we have to understand. As my colleague
said earlier, in societies the rights of women, minorities have
to be respected. There has got to be tolerance and pluralism.
You cannot impose somebody's religious law and say it is for
everybody. And Iran is a great model for that.
But this is not to neglect the fact that the values that
the religion represents and that so many women are a part of in
a very significant way infuses the kinds of reforms they want
to see for themselves. So I think we need a better
understanding of some of what is going on.
Senator Shaheen. And how much sharing is there among women
leaders across the Middle East?
Ambassador Verveer. You know, Senator, I think that is one
of the most important things that we can do. When I was in
Tunisia last, I brought together a group of women, part of the
MEPI efforts over the years, from Yemen, from Jordan, from
Egypt, from other places, Morocco, and it is amazing what
happens in that kind of conversation because they are all from
predominantly Muslim societies. They are all reform-minded.
They all want to see a better life. And what one is able to do
that another is striving to do, to learn what those lessons and
best practices are, and the support mechanism that they
represent for each other, the mentoring that they represent for
each other I think is a very low-cost, significant investment
that we need to keep making.
Senator Shaheen. So some of the women who have been
involved in the reforms in Morocco can talk about what worked
there in a way that allows women in some of the other countries
to build that foundation in Islamic law.
Ambassador Verveer. Exactly. And you know, it was so
interesting in this discussion that I referred to to hear women
from other countries quiz the Moroccans on how they were able
to do this and to take copious notes and certainly set out
strategies and possibilities for themselves.
Senator Shaheen. Did you want to add something?
Dr. Wittes. Just very briefly. I think that Ambassador
Verveer's point about the need to help them create solidarity
and learn lessons across borders is absolutely crucial because
they all want the same things. They all want equality, equality
under the law, equal opportunity. And we have a relatively new
program with Vital Voices that is designed to help cultivate
and support exactly these cross-regional coalitions, bringing
together women officials and women civil society leaders from
across the region to build advocacy coalitions so that they can
support one another in their work.
Senator Shaheen. And obviously Vital Voices is important to
this effort. What you are doing, Ambassador Verveer, through
the State Department is important. Are there other examples
that you can point to that have been effective? Are there
organizations within the Middle East who are working on this
kind of sharing and cooperative effort?
Dr. Wittes. I think there are some wonderful organizations;
some that are women-focused organizations, some that are human
rights organizations but that are women-led or that have a
heavy women focus that work across borders and that help to
train their colleagues. One of the things that we have tried to
do is help build coalitions even within countries. So, for
example, in Lebanon where we funded a number of smaller women's
NGO's across the country, we are trying to bring them together
as a group, help them grow their organizations, and also help
them work together as a team to achieve their goals in
legislation.
Senator Shaheen. Thank you. I am almost out of time, but I
would like to raise one other issue which may have come up
earlier, and that is what kind of buy-in you are seeing from
men in various countries across the Middle East.
Ambassador Verveer. Well, it is checkered. But I think we
know that no good cause for women happens without the good men,
and so working very closely with those who understand that, as
I said at the outset in my remarks, these really are uniquely
about women--these issues--but they really are about society.
And women's issues in some ways always marginalizes them
because we are not doing women a favor so much as we are
understanding and appreciating that unless women are part of
the political process, unless they are fully engaged in the
economics of their country, the countries are not going to be
better off. In fact, they are going to be worse off. And so the
enlightened men who are a part of that understanding really
have an extraordinarily important role to play in making all of
that go forward.
Senator Shaheen. Thank you. Thank you, Madam Chair.
Senator Boxer. Thank you.
We have been joined by our esteemed colleague, Senator
Casey, who is, by the way, going to introduce the next panel,
but before he does, he has a question or two for this panel.
Senator Casey. Thank you, Madam Chair. I appreciate this
opportunity.
First of all, I want to apologize to the Ambassador and,
Doctor, to you as well, because I was running late. So my
question may be redundant and your responses may be redundant.
But once in a while, it is not a bad idea to repeat ourselves
around here.
I am particularly grateful for your public service, and
especially for your presence here today and your testimony.
The one fundamental question I wanted to ask--and I will
not use all of my time in the interest of moving forward
because I know we are a bit over time--but what is the best
thing we can do here in the United States? I know the
administration is undertaking a number of initiatives to
further advance the gains that have been made by women in
various places in the aftermath of the Arab Spring. But, as for
the administration, and also Congress, what do you hope that we
will do in the next year or two both to solidify gains already
made and to advance the cause further?
Ambassador Verveer. Senator, we have talked about, as
Senator Boxer put it, what are those levers that we can push to
be able to have greater impact, realizing in the end it is the
decisions of the people in the countries that will be
dispositive. But certainly using our limited resources in ways
that are focused in the most effective, important ways that we
can make a difference--and for us, that is certainly in the
realm of building capacity and political participation and in
civil society enhancements in ways that--you know, we often
forget.
And I remember lessons from the past in many countries. In
the former Soviet Union, for example, where women were well
educated, but there was no experience in market economies.
There was no experience in democracy. And they needed
everything, and they came and they said train us in
communications skills and how you strategize and how you get
things done and how you are effective.
And it is building that capacity, much of what we have done
over the years, but now in a very concerted, targeted way that
I think is the best use of our resources and elevating our
voices within the international community and within our own
country about why this is important and standing up for the
rights of the people involved there is critical.
And then at a time when we have our own issues here at home
and we certainly have budgetary constraints--we are all going
to have to do a lot more with less, which is easier to say than
it is to live with. But to make our own people understand
better just what is at stake. We have an extraordinary
opportunity--we and the world--to take this historic moment and
nudge it, push it, do whatever we can to have it move in the
right direction of a flowering of democracy. It may not come
around again. And the outcome, if it is a negative one, will
have a great deal to say about instability in that region and
our own security. So I think much is at stake and investments
in prevention we always talk about, we never really do as well
as we should. But I think this is one of those times where
those kinds of investments could have the single biggest
payoffs for the future.
Senator Casey. Thank you.
Doctor.
Dr. Wittes. Thank you. I will just add one thing which is
to refer back to something Ambassador Verveer said before you
joined us, which is how important it is for the women activists
and the aspiring women leaders that we meet with, when they
have the opportunity to engage with colleagues from outside,
and that when you are traveling in the region, when your staffs
are traveling in the region, to help build that sense of
solidarity by getting together with them, hearing from them
about the work that they are trying to do and offering them
your own experience as an elected official, as somebody in
public service about what it takes to be effective. I think
that breaking the sense of isolation, especially in places like
Libya, that many of these women have suffered from over many
years is perhaps one of the most important contributions we can
make to giving them the motivation to keep going.
Senator Casey. I would note parenthetically that we were in
Kabul, Afghanistan, in August. We met a number of women who
were Members of Parliament. And to a person, they had
extraordinary stories, inspirational stories of overcoming all
kinds of danger, threats, and violence to participate, to run,
and to serve. So it was particularly inspiring.
Thank you very much.
Senator Boxer. Well, I want to thank our panel. I am going
to take a point of personal privilege and ask one question, and
then we are going to let you go. Then I am going to turn the
gavel over to Subcommittee Chair Casey to run the next and last
panel.
As you know, the Senate has taken a number of steps to
support women's rights in the Middle East and North Africa. In
April 2011, the Senate unanimously approved a resolution
honoring the courage of women involved in the Arab Spring and
acknowledging that the empowerment of women is inextricably
linked to the potential of nations to generate economic growth
and sustainable democracy. I think that is a message we all
agree with.
Now, that resolution garnered the support of all 17 women
Senators, and the women of the Senate followed this effort with
a letter to the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces of Egypt,
urging the inclusion of women in shaping a new government.
Unfortunately, it looks like they might have tossed that one
out. That is not good. Next time we will add our male friends
to the letter and maybe they will give it a little more
consideration.
On July 29, the Senate unanimously approved a resolution
that I authored with my colleague, Senator DeMint. And he and
I--when we go on something together, it sends a pretty good
message I think that we are covering all the bases. The
resolution encouraged the full participation of women in the
political process in Saudi Arabia.
So I am going to turn to a little more controversial issue
now for a moment. I don't think it should be controversial, but
I want to get your answer on the record. I will address it to
Ambassador Verveer.
How would the United States ability to support women's
participation in the Arab Spring and emerging reform
governments in the region be enhanced if the United States
ratified the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of
Discrimination Against Women? Do you think that would give us
more standing?
Ambassador Verveer. Well, you know, Senator, as I travel
around the world, there is one question I get consistently,
particularly from women who have been on the front lines of
their own struggle in their countries, and that question is why
has the United States not ratified the Convention for the
Elimination of Discrimination Against Women and why do we stand
with a few pariah countries like Somalia and Iran in not having
done that. And it is not that we are lousy on these issues when
it comes to women's rights. We have a phenomenal record to
stand on. But we, frankly, have raised a lot of questions in
key circles about why it is that we are not standing with
everybody else.
And I really do believe what the women told me in so many
countries. I know one of the criticisms of CEDAW which I prefer
to refer to as the women's rights amendment--human rights
amendment--one of the criticisms is, well, a lot of countries
that have ratified it, frankly, are not good at all on women's
issues. But it is used as that lever. It is used as that prong
to really hold governments accountable, and sometimes the women
succeed and sometimes they fail. But it is something they hold
onto because their governments have ratified these
international agreements.
And in the cases of Egypt and Libya and Tunisia, all have
stated that they will abide by their international agreements.
So I think we will see more and more an effort as some of these
intensive discussions go forward in the political process and
governments are organized where women will fall back on what
these conventions represent for them. And it would be nice to
stand with them on the basis of having ratified it. We will
certainly stand with them in every other way, but I think it
would give us that added standing, if you will.
Senator Boxer. Well, let me say I know why some of my
colleagues do not want to ratify this Convention. But I am
going to do everything I can as chairman of this new
subcommittee because we have never had a subcommittee that
dealt with the status of women before. And I am so proud and I
thank Senator Kerry and Senator Lugar for allowing me to take
this on. I am going to do everything I can to figure out a way
for us to get this done because I think we can address those
concerns together. So that is what I am going to try to do.
So at this time----
[Applause.]
Senator Boxer [continuing]. Thank you. You are not supposed
to do that. But that was very nice. I did not expect that, and
I have to say it is not allowed. So it is not allowed.
[Laughter.]
There was a comedian once who, when he got applauded in the
middle of a show, he would go like this. And then he would go
like this. [Laughter.]
But I am not doing that. [Laughter.]
I just want to say to both of you thank you for your
eloquence and thank you for your work on the ground every
single day. And, yes, there will be some areas you will see
disagreement between Senators, but in most areas we are in
total agreement that women are key to success of these nations.
I was telling Senator DeMint about one of the things the very
conservative historian, Bernard Lewis, said before the Arab
Spring. When they asked him why do you think this portion of
the world just has not developed economically, he said it very
clearly. He said, you know, when you say that 50 percent of
your people do not have opportunity, you will never catch up.
So, you know, from the left to the right, we have common
ground here, and the two of you are just key. And we are so
grateful that you are out there. All of us are. So thank you
very, very much. I know you have other things to do, and I am
going to turn the gavel over to my friend and colleague to
introduce the next panel.
OPENING STATEMENT OF HON. ROBERT P. CASEY, JR.,
U.S. SENATOR FROM PENNSYLVANIA
Senator Casey [presiding]. Well, thanks very much. First of
all, let me thank both Senator Boxer and Senator DeMint for
their leadership in having our first panel. We will move to our
second panel. And I want to restate our gratitude to the
distinguished witnesses before us now and those who preceded
you on panel one. I missed a lot of panel one, so I have to try
to make up for it right now. I am grateful for this
opportunity.
I do want to say how much we appreciate the time that our
witnesses have spent to travel here and to prepare their
testimony.
We will hear in our second panel from the perspective of
civil society on women in the Arab Spring.
I am also thinking today about Secretary Clinton and the
loss that she and her family just suffered with the death of
her mother, a great example to women not just here in the
United States but beyond our borders, and we are thinking of
her today as we talk about these issues.
We are here to discuss today the fate of women who are in
many instances halfway around the world. I want to take this
opportunity to reiterate that it is not only the Arab world
that will benefit from including women in the political
process. The United States will also benefit, as we have
already heard our early witnesses talk about. Countries that
encourage women's participation in civil society are generally
healthier, more stable, and more prosperous. Through trade and
partnership, a more prosperous Middle East will lead to more
global and U.S. prosperity. A stable Middle East means a safer
United States.
While we are right to be encouraged by the historic
political opportunities for women in the aftermath of the Arab
Spring, there remain many significant obstacles to their full
participation. While Tunisian and Egyptian women succeeded in
helping to effect democratic change, the new governments in
these countries must ensure that women are included in the
political process and afforded protections under the new
system.
In other countries like Syria and Yemen, women are still
fighting at great personal risk, and I would like to highlight
just a few of the stories that these heroic Arab women who have
faced, and continue to face, persecution for their
outspokenness and their gender.
In Syria, women activists have organized women-only
protests in towns across the country. The Assad government is
now targeting them with swift brutality. Women who participate
are killed, beaten, and arrested. A 34-year-old attorney and
journalist, Razan Zaitouneh, has documented the human rights
situation since the beginning of the protests. In April, Razan
was forced into hiding. Her husband was arrested, tortured, and
kept in solitary confinement for nearly 4 months. Razan has
been banned from travel outside of Syria since 2003. Similar
stories are unfortunately too numerous to mention and outline
here today, but we will all be examining these in the near term
when we have a subcommittee hearing on Syria next week.
There are stories of hardship and brutality but also
stories of inspiration. Tawakul Karman, chairwoman of the Women
Journalists Without Chains, mother of three, and now a Nobel
Peace Prize laureate, led protests across Yemen and was
instrumental in freeing jailed protesters. She promotes
nonviolent methods, and she is reportedly known among Yemenis
as ``the iron woman'' and ``the mother of the revolution.'' Her
arrest last January moved hundreds of thousands of Yemenis to
protest the Saleh regime itself and demand democratic rights.
She is championing her causes worldwide and has met with U.N.
Secretary General Ban Ki-moon, as well as our U.S. Secretary of
State, Hillary Clinton.
As the people of this region seek to grow their futures
from the seeds of the Arab Spring, they will face many
challenges. The question of who shall rule and how is centuries
old and societies will strive to perfect the response for
centuries yet to come. But what we have seen this year in the
Middle East is a triumph of the democratic process over
authoritarianism. It is a triumph of freedom over repression,
and it is a triumph of justice over tyranny.
Arab men and women fought for these freedoms. Arab men and
women have the responsibility to build their governments and
political systems. And both Arab men and Arab women should
benefit from the changes that they helped bring about.
Our witnesses today have impressive backgrounds in
humanitarian work, women's issues, and challenges in the
region. Manal Omar--and I am told that you flew from Tripoli to
be here with us and that you are an advisor to the TNC. We
appreciate that work and we appreciate you traveling to be with
us in that capacity. She is the Director of Iraq, Iran, and
North Africa Programs at the United States Institute of Peace.
Manal has previously managed programs for Oxfam, responding to
humanitarian crises in the Middle East, and she most recently
published a book entitled ``Barefoot in Baghdad: A Story of
Identity--My Own and What it Means to be a Woman in Chaos.''
Thank you very much for that work and that publication.
Next we have the President of Women's Learning Partnership,
Mahnaz Afkhami. She is also the executive director of the
Foundation for Iranian Studies and was the first Minister of
Women's Affairs in Iran. She has helped enact legislation that
gave women equal rights to divorce and raised the minimum age
of marriage for girls. She has coauthored a manual to develop
women's leadership skills that has been adapted into 17
languages. Thank you very much for that.
Dr. Sandra Bunn-Livingstone is the President and CEO of
Freedom Cubed, is an expert in international human rights law,
and received her Ph.D. in international law from Cambridge
University. She has worked in China, the U.K., and South Africa
and most recently wrote a book on cultural influences on
states' practice of international human rights law.
I want to thank all three of our witnesses for your
presence, for the testimony you will give, and for your work in
all of these areas that are so critical to women not just in
the Middle East but around the world. And I want to thank each
of the panelists for taking the time to actually be with us
here today to share your expertise on the role that women have
played and will continue to play in the Arab Spring and the
aftermath of the Arab Spring.
We will start, unless Chairwoman Boxer or Senator DeMint
has any comments to make, with Manal Omar. We will go right to
left.
STATEMENT OF MANAL OMAR, DIRECTOR OF IRAQ, IRAN, AND NORTH
AFRICA PROGRAMS, U.S. INSTITUTE OF PEACE, WASHINGTON, DC
Ms. Omar. Thank you, Chairman Casey, Chairwoman Boxer,
Senator DeMint, and Senator Shaheen. It is an honor to appear
before you today to present my views on the role of women in
the Arab Spring, and I will specifically be talking about
Libya. The views I express today are my own and not necessarily
those of the U.S. Institute of Peace which does not take policy
positions.
I currently direct USIP's programs on Iraq, Iran, and North
Africa. My views are informed by my work through USIP which
conducts training and field operations and provides tools to
help prevent, manage, and end violent international conflicts.
USIP has been working on the ground in Libya since early
spring, particularly engaging with local civil society groups
that have emerged and in an advisory role to the Libya
stabilization team, which was formed by the National
Transitional Council.
The hearing, as many people have stated, is very timely and
critically important for those concerned about ensuring that
women have a role in their country's development. With the fall
of Qaddafi, the different cities and towns across Libya are
struggling to agree on a unified narrative for what happened
with the revolution. There is one part of that narrative that
all the different parties do agree on, which is that women were
a crucial motivating factor in the midst of the struggle for
freedom. Few would dispute women's role in the revolution. The
question on women's minds now is whether that will be
sustainable.
Libyan women openly admitted that they had suppressed the
alarm bells which began to ring when the NTC was formed, when
out of 40 members, only one was appointed and one chairwoman of
a committee. Women decided that the unity was more important
than their own individual needs and that as soon as Libya was
truly free, that they would then speak out. During my trip to
Tripoli last week, women told me that that time had come.
I wanted to make sure to note that Libyan women are not
starting from a blank slate. They have had the legal right to
vote since 1964 and also have a very long history of
organizing. The first women's group in Libya dates back to 1955
in Benghazi.
As in most dictatorships in the region, citizens were not
discriminated solely by gender but rather by loyalty to the
party. So you did see a few women rise in the Libyan regime
under Qaddafi. In fact, Qaddafi dedicated a lot of rhetoric in
terms of support of women. Article 21 in the Human Rights
Charter acknowledges discrimination against women, calling it a
grave injustice. In 1997, the Charter on the Rights and Duties
of Women in Libya provided several safeguards for women,
including integration into national security, rights in
marriage and divorce, social security rights, and financial
independence. Qaddafi's regime went as far as to mandate equal
pay for equal work for men and women.
Libyan women see those rights as guaranteed and anticipate
that this opportunity will present them a way forward. However,
with the recent statement, as some people have discussed, by
the NTC Chairman Mustafa Abdel Jalil, they were worried about
what it would mean for women's liberation, especially with the
mention of polygamy. Many women expressed that they have
confidence in the President but were concerned about the
pressures that led to that statement. There is a strong
emphasis on the ground that women do not generally oppose
Islamic law. In fact, many are arguing that Islamic law is the
best framework for protecting their rights. However, their
concern is with its turn toward a very patriarchal and
monolithic interpretation of Islamic law, which has been the
case in the region and which has led to less women's rights.
I think it is important for us to understand why the
women's participation is lacking, particularly on a leadership
level.
First, there is a desire to have representation from
different parts of Libya, and particularly those which are more
tribal, yet some of these tend to harbor biases against the
political participation of women.
Second, Libyan women themselves, even the qualified ones,
are very hesitant to join the political process without a
guaranteed safe and enabling environment. Although the Qaddafi
regime was open to women, it was not necessarily safe for
women, with sexual harassment being part and parcel of any
promotion within the political system.
One of the common arguments among Libyan decisionmakers is
that there are no qualified women. This should be challenged.
In Benghazi alone, which is more conservative than Tripoli, 40
percent of the lawyers are women. Libyan women have higher
access in secondary schools than their male counterparts and
with higher rates of graduation.
This is not to say that there are not challenges. There are
many challenges, one of which is the absence of women from the
labor market. Only 25 percent of females are part of the labor
market, and with a large number of detainees and a large number
of single female heads of household, this will be a problem for
the stabilization of Libya in the future.
Just a quick note on recommendations. The recommendations I
would make is for us to really look at supporting the NTC in
terms of a quota system that would guarantee women introducing
a sunset clause because Libyan women are sensitive about it
being there permanently. Also the application of Resolution
1325 which outlines clear recommendations and building the
support for cross-country learning particularly on the issue of
nation-building and personal status laws. Such was mentioned,
the case of Morocco. And finally, encouraging to create
specialized funds to promote the expansion of employment
opportunities for female-headed households within Libya.
Thank you.
[The prepared statement of Ms. Omar follows:]
Prepared Statement of Manal Omar
Chairwoman Boxer, Chairman Casey, and members of the two
subcommittees, it is an honor to appear before you today to present my
views on the role of women in the Arab Spring, specifically in Libya.
The views I express today are my own and not necessarily those of the
U.S. Institute of Peace (USIP), which does not take policy positions.
I currently direct USIP's programs on Iraq, Iran, and North Africa.
My views are informed by my work at USIP which conducts training and
field operations and provides tools to help prevent, manage, and end
violent international conflicts. USIP has been working on the ground in
Libya since early this spring, engaging with the burgeoning civil
society sector and serving in an advisory role to the Libya
Stabilization Team formed by the National Transitional Council (NTC).
USIP is also training Libyan civil society leaders in conflict
management skills to build local capacity to manage the transition out
of conflict and the difficult task of national reconciliation. USIP
knows that this is an essential activity following conflict.
WOMEN IN THE REVOLUTION
This hearing is very timely and critically important for those
concerned about ensuring that women have a role in their country's
development. With the fall of Qaddafi, the different cities and towns
across Libya are struggling to agree on a unified narrative of the
revolution. There is one part of the narrative that everyone seems to
agree on: women were a crucial motivating factor in the midst of the
struggle for freedom. Whether it was the hundreds of Libyan women who
traveled with the men to the frontlines to form makeshift kitchens or
the women positioned inside Qaddafi strongholds who smuggled guns and
information, women carved out a space for their participation. Women
across Libya nursed the injured, while Libyan women in the diaspora
returned to provide technical assistance to the newly formed NTC.
Libyan women were able to gain access and they played both traditional
and nontraditional roles that earned them a clear chapter in Libyan
history.
Women such as Najla Elmangoush, a lawyer who quickly volunteered to
chair the Public Engagement Unit within the Executive Office to create
a link with the newly emerging civil society organizations and the
transitional council.
Or Amina Mogherbi, who formed an organization to provide
humanitarian aid to the internally displaced fleeing fighting from the
northern and western provinces.
In Tripoli, several women created a network to sew and distribute
the new Libyan flag during the siege. Women like Amira Jalayde, from
Sarman, just an hour outside Tripoli, worked to help link religious
leaders with civil society and the NTC, recognizing that to build a
prosperous and inclusive Libya, everyone will need to play their part.
Few would dispute women's role in the revolution. The question on
women's minds today is whether it is sustainable or not. Libyan women
openly admitted they had suppressed the alarm bells that rang when the
NTC was formed, when out of 40 members, only two were women. Women
decided that unity was more important than their individual needs, and
that as soon as Libya was truly free (i.e., after Qaddafi's capture)
then they would speak out. During my trip to Tripoli last week, women
told me that the time had come. They openly recognize that if they do
not demand a place at the decision making table as the future of their
country is being developed, then they will miss a crucial opportunity.
One civil society activist in Tripoli gave voice to these women's fears
when she explained that the current trend was to restrict women to the
humanitarian space, and away from the political process. During a
conflict resolution training USIP conducted which included women from
Benghazi, Misrata, the Nufusa Mountains, Zawiyah, and many other areas
across Libya, the Libyan women all had the same message: they would not
let this happen.
A SEAT AT THE TABLE
Libyan women are not starting from a blank slate. Libyan women have
had the legal right to vote since 1964, a right some countries in the
region have only recently gained. Women also have a long history of
organizing; the first women's group dates back to 1955 in Benghazi. As
in most dictatorships in the region, citizens were not discriminated
against by gender, but rather, by loyalty to the party.
In fact, under Qaddafi, a lot of rhetoric was in support of women.
Article 21 in the Human Rights Charter acknowledges that discrimination
against women is ``a gross and unwarranted injustice.'' In 1997, the
Charter on the Rights and Duties of Women in Libya provided several
safeguards for women, including integration into national security,
rights in marriage, divorce, and custody, and nationality of children.
It also safeguarded their right to work, social security, and financial
independence. Qaddafi's regime mandated equal pay for equal work for
men and women. In 2007, the Libyan Government in coordination with UNDP
launched a project to address the legal ramifications of divorce and
property rights, two crucial sectors that have great impact on economic
empowerment of women.
Libyan women see these rights as guaranteed, and anticipate that
there will be opportunities under the NTC for advancement. NTC
president Mustafa Abdel Jalil worried many women with his liberation
speech in which he declared that Libya's future legal system would be
based on Islamic law. Most women claim to trust in the President's
leadership, but admit that his recent speech had them concerned. There
is a strong emphasis that women do not generally oppose Islamic law,
and in fact many feel Islamic law is the best framework for protecting
their rights. Their concern, however, is with the trend toward imposing
a monolithic interpretation of Islamic law. Despite the most recent
speech, the NTC leadership, and particularly the Executive Committee,
has verbally committed to supporting women on several occasions.
There are several reasons for the lack of women's participation at
the leadership level. First, there is desire to have area
representation from different parts of Libya, and particularly tribal
representation, some of which harbor biases against the political
participation of women. Libyan women are hesitant to become part of the
political process without a guaranteed safe and enabling environment.
Although the Qaddafi regime was open to women, it was not necessarily
safe for them. Several Libyan women I spoke with emphasized under
Qaddafi's regime that sexual harassment was part and parcel of any
promotion in the political system.
One of the common arguments among Libyan decisionmakers is that
there are no qualified women. I think it is important that the
international community challenge this argument. Libyan women are
active in the key respected professions--doctors, engineers, lawyers,
and university professors. In Benghazi, which is considered to be a
more conservative city by comparison to Tripoli, 40 percent of the
lawyers are women. If qualifications are tied to education, Libyan
women have the advantage once more. At the primary education level,
women and men have equal access to education, and girls have higher
attendance rates than their male counterparts in secondary school,
according to the World Bank 2011 Data Book on Gender.
That is not to say that Libyan women do not face certain
challenges. Although women are highly educated, they are acutely
missing from the labor market. Women across the country account for
only 25 percent of the labor market. With the large number of detainees
and missing persons due to the Qaddafi regime and the recent fighting,
there are many female heads of households. Expansion of employment
opportunities for women will be a key factor in the stabilization of
the country. At the same time, the issue of sexual violence and the use
of rape as a tool of war in Libya is one that cannot be emphasized
enough. In addition to the trauma this has created for the victims and
their family, it has added another layer to the already complex need
for reconciliation across the country. Libyan women will struggle with
these challenges for a long time to come.
As far as USIP's response, USIP was the only non-Libyan participant
invited to sit on the Libya Stabilization Team, which was formed by NTC
Presidential decree. The first request was to share lessons learned
from Iraq and Afghanistan. Naturally, protecting politically
marginalized groups such as women and minorities was an essential part
of that presentation. The Chair of Libya Stabilization Team responded
positively to the recommendations on women, and demonstrated an
openness to women's inclusivity. However, the reality is that this can
only be accomplished if international allies continue to keep it on the
agenda. The United States recognition of the Libyan NTC was with
certain conditions. With the liberation
of Tripoli and the death of Gaddafi, now is the time to revisit those
conditions
and ensure they are being addressed. Ensuring the role of women in post
conflict reconstruction and the nation-building process is an essential
component of those conditions.
RECOMMENDATIONS
The Libyan National Transitional Council should be
encouraged to implement a quota to bolster the representation
of women for current transitional government formation as well
as for future parliamentarian elections. Strong results have
been achieved in countries that have recently emerged from
conflict by using quotas to ensure the participation of women
in newly created political institutions. In fact, countries
recovering from conflict have managed to exceed stable nations
in terms of female representation, and are within the top 30
countries for the number of women serving in Parliament; Rwanda
is number one. Libyan women recognize the limitations of quotas
as well as the need for the most qualified individuals to fill
posts. However, with the imbalance of power, they are calling
for a quota as a temporary solution with a sunset clause to be
included.
The Libyan National Transitional Council should be
encouraged to abide by international standards, with a
particular focus on U.N. Resolution 1325. This can be a first
step for the United States to support Libyan women to develop a
national action plan for women. This can be done through
programs aimed at cross-country learning. This process has been
successful in other post-conflict environments where women
developed a National Action Plan on women's peace and security.
In 2009, Liberia, Burundi, and Sierra Leone convened in
Freetown to learn from one another about the process of
developing a National Action Plan. The process has also been
helpful in more developed and stable environments. Civil
society representatives from more than 15 European countries
came together in Brussels in September 2009 to exchange
experiences of the development of National Action Plans and to
share recommendations. USIP is leading the U.S. civil society
effort to develop a U.S. National Action Plan and is well
positioned to support the Libyan women.
Building on the need to develop programs focused on cross-
country learning, U.S. funds dedicated to Libya should also
focus on supporting the exchange of lessons learned between
neighboring countries on personal status laws. Due to the
policies in the Gaddafi regime and the current fighting, there
are a large number of missing people. This leads to an
increased number of female heads of households, and the laws
governing divorce, marriage, inheritance, and property will be
part of the much needed distribution of resources for women.
The NTC should be encouraged to create specialized funds to
promote the expansion of employment opportunities for Libyan
female-headed households. This would not only serve to benefit
women, but will contribute to economic growth and stability for
the country as a whole.
CONCLUSION
In closing, I want to reiterate the crucial role of Libyan women in
the success of the revolution, and likewise, in securing a successful
outcome for the country's future. While women have successfully paved a
path for themselves during the revolution, trends in post conflict
countries demonstrate a strong probability of them being left out of
the formal reconstruction and nation-building process. The United
States and the international community more broadly should support
Libyan women during the transition as a way of investing in the welfare
of Libya as a whole. Women in Libya have the educational capacity, but
they need to be engaged in the economy, security, and other vital
elements in the country's reconstruction.
I want to once again express my appreciation for the opportunity to
address the two subcommittees. Thank you for holding this hearing today
on such an important topic.
Senator Casey. Thank you very much.
Ms. Afkhami.
STATEMENT OF MAHNAZ AFKHAMI, PRESIDENT, WOMEN'S LEARNING
PARTNERSHIP, BETHESDA, MD
Ms. Afkhami. Thank you very much for this opportunity.
My organization, Women's Learning Partnership, represents
20 independent, autonomous organizations, mostly in Muslim-
majority countries. They have been working 11 years preparing
curricula and conducting research, symposia, and workshops on
how to change from autocratic cultures, which most of these
societies share, to cultures of democracy and democratic
activism.
After the Arab Spring, these women have been engaged in
national and regional brainstorming sessions. Last night I
returned from Stockholm where many representatives of our
partner organizations were meeting to discuss the use of
technology for advocacy and social networking for democracy.
Earlier, in Brussels, some of our partner organizations met
with people from Eastern Europe, Latin America, and South
Africa to share knowledge about developing specific instruments
of democracy, such as constitutions and legislation.
In recent months, many Muslim-majority countries have seen
a historic and unprecedented movement toward democracy. Each of
the countries in transition has offered both risk and
opportunity for democratic voices and activists who are
speaking out for women's equality and full participation in the
reform process. Now more than ever, it is crucial that the
United States help these groups gain the tools they need for
political leadership and advocacy.
To ensure that democracy movements result in truly
equitable societies with equal rights for all, political
authorities and those seeking elected office need to guarantee
that all opportunities are at the disposal of all citizens.
This means enshrining in laws and constitutions the principles
of equal access to education, employment, and political
participation, and unfettered access to communications
technology and free expression. Most of all, it requires full
support and solidarity from the United States in embracing
models of democracy and equal opportunity.
The grim truth is that women who are struggling to advance
human rights and create secular, pluralistic, democratic
societies face grave challenges rooted in tradition and
history. Traditional social and cultural norms have relegated
Middle Eastern women and girls to a private space, and they
often lack the social, economic, and political power they need
to overcome antagonistic groups and regressive policy. It is,
therefore, of utmost importance for women's equality in these
countries that the United States give its explicit support for
women's full and equal participation in national reform
processes.
Egypt and Tunisia are prime examples of countries where
progress toward women's equality may be undone without
America's firm and increased commitment. Before the Arab
Spring, as has been mentioned, Tunisia stood out in the region
for its more equitable family laws, along with Morocco. In
Tunisia, the October 23 elections resulted in a majority vote
for An-Nahda, considered by some to be a moderate Islamic
Party. While party leaders have said they will uphold women's
rights achieved under Ben Ali, women's rights and democracy
activists are seriously concerned that the party will act
differently once in power.
A similar challenge now faces women candidates in Egypt.
Despite the rhetoric of democracy that drove the reform
movement in Egypt, the large numbers of women who played key
roles during the Tahrir Square protests and the longstanding
networks of women's civil society organizations in the country,
no women were included on the country's constitutional reform
committee, not even a well-respected female judge on the
constitutional court. This and the announcement of sharia law
as the basis of legislation in Libya are stark reminders of the
need to ensure that political revolution indeed, leads to a
fundamental transformation toward democracy and equality for
all members of society.
To address this risk, we recommend that the United States
focus on development of democratic practices and norms at both
the social and political level through the following five
actions.
A clear commitment to the development of information and
communications infrastructures that are widely available,
secure, and free from censorship.
Investment in training women, young people, and grassroots
civil society members who are key actors in building cultures
of democratic participation, to use new technology in support
of this process.
Funding and empowerment of institutions such as the
National Endowment for Democracy that have long-term experience
with supporting democratic transition.
Engagement with local and regional media as key outlets to
promote voices for democracy and equality at the national,
community, and family levels.
And support for international norms for women's equality at
all levels of social interaction through the ratification of
CEDAW, thus reinforcing the efforts of women's rights activists
in the region. Our partners in the region have made clear to us
that U.S. ratification of CEDAW would reinforce their own
efforts to fully institutionalize and implement the treaty
provisions for gender equality within their national
legislation and constitutional reforms.
This is a time of critical opportunity in the Middle East,
but it is also a time of serious risk for women's rights. There
is a very real possibility that women will not only be
marginalized but also lose ground here unless we provide
increased emphasis, training, and resources for women and civil
society throughout the region. I urge you not to underestimate
the power of your endorsement of those structures that are
requisite to women's equality and the establishment of a deeply
rooted culture of democracy both at the grassroots and through
international frameworks. Through these paths, we can achieve
true reform.
Thank you.
[The prepared statement of Ms. Afkhami follows:]
Prepared Statement of Mahnaz Afkhami
Thank you for the opportunity to submit this testimony on the state
of women's rights in the Middle East and North Africa during this
critical time of transition.
I am President and CEO of Women's Learning Partnership, a
partnership of women's rights activists and NGOs from 20 countries,\1\
primarily in the Middle East and North Africa. We currently have
longstanding relationships with organizations in Bahrain, Egypt,
Jordan, Lebanon, and Morocco, who regularly convene with activists from
across the region to discuss how to best advance women's rights and
political participation. I would like to share with you some of the
challenges, successes, and recommendations that have emerged from our
partners' experiences during the past year.
---------------------------------------------------------------------------
\1\ WLP partner list appended.
---------------------------------------------------------------------------
In recent months, this region has seen historic and unprecedented
movement toward democracy. In Tunisia and Egypt, peaceful pro-democracy
activists have overthrown long-time dictators. In Morocco and Jordan,
activists have instigated major changes toward democracy. In Bahrain,
Libya, Syria, and Yemen, the protestors have been met with violent
resistance. In all these charged situations, women have been active
participants, and in some cases leaders and spokespersons in the
movements for democracy and human rights.
Each of these countries in transition has offered both risk and
opportunity for democratic voices and activists who are speaking out
for women's equality and full participation in the reform process. Now
more than ever, it is crucial that the United States help these groups
gain the tools they need for political leadership and advocacy.
To ensure that democracy movements result in truly equitable
societies with equal rights for all, political authorities and those
seeking elected office need to guarantee that all opportunities are at
the disposal of all citizens. This means enshrining in laws and
constitutions the principles of equal access to education, employment,
and political participation; and unfettered access to communications
technology and free expression. Most of all it requires full support
and solidarity from the United States in embracing models of democracy
and equal opportunity. That can best happen through an unequivocal
endorsement of international mechanisms that support those values.
The grim truth is that women who are struggling to advance human
rights and create secular, pluralistic, democratic societies, face
grave challenges rooted in tradition and history. Traditional social
and cultural norms have relegated Middle Eastern women and girls to a
private space, and they often lack the social, economic, and political
power they need to overcome antagonistic groups and regressive policy.
It is also true that in recent decades, far greater numbers of
women in the Middle East have gained access to higher education and are
intellectually and emotionally well prepared to manage and to lead. But
the Arab world still ranks last among regions in women's political
participation \2\ and third-lowest in gender equality.\3\ In fact the
gap is widening in that region between women's potential to serve as
political actors and agents of change and their actual participation in
decision-making processes.
---------------------------------------------------------------------------
\2\ ``Women Making a Difference in Parliament,'' Information
Document, Inter-Parliamentary Union, 2007, http://www.ipu.org/splz-e/
abudhabi07/information.pdf.
\3\ http://hdr.undp.org/en/media/HDR_2010_EN_Tables_reprint.pdf at
page 160.
---------------------------------------------------------------------------
It is therefore of utmost importance for women's equality in these
countries undergoing radical transformation that the United States give
its explicit support for women's full and equal participation in
national reform processes. The endorsement of international conventions
that hold states accountable for enforcing women's human rights is
central to this reform. The Convention on the Elimination of All Forms
of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW), is a key such instrument.
CEDAW has now been ratified by all the world's countries except for
six, including the United States, Somalia, and Sudan. U.S. ratification
would strengthen the efforts of activists for democracy and women's
equality throughout the Middle East. Our partners in the region have
made clear to us that U.S. ratification of CEDAW would reinforce their
own efforts to fully institutionalize and implement the treaty
provisions for gender equality within their national legislation and
constitutional reforms.
Egypt and Tunisia are prime examples of countries where progress
toward women's equlity may be undone without America's firm and
increased commitment. Before the Arab Spring, Tunisia stood out in the
region for its more equitable family laws, along with Morocco, and
Tunisia's historic election last week was heralded as a model of
transparency. There was even a provision that women be equally
represented on electoral lists. But in most instances their names were
placed below those of men on those lists, so that true electoral parity
likely will remain elusive. Additionally, the October 23 elections
resulted in a majority vote for An-Nahda, considered by some to be a
moderate Islamic party. While party leaders have said they will uphold
women's rights achieved under Ben Ali, women's rights and democracy
activists are seriously concerned that the party will act differently
once in power.
A similar challenge now faces women candidates in Egypt, where the
need is critical for all policymakers to support women's equality, in
order to minimize the association of past progress with the vestiges of
the ousted autocratic regime. Despite the rhetoric of democracy that
drove the reform movement in Egypt, the large numbers of women who
played key roles during the Tahrir Square protests, and the
longstanding networks of women's civil society organizations in the
country, no women were included on the country's constitutional reform
committee, not even a well-respected female judge on the constitutional
court. Confronting this challenge, our partners and other women
activists in Egypt have increased their efforts to train grassroots
women, youth, and civil society organizations on political
participation and ethical engagement in the electoral process.
Beyond electoral representation, a legislative framework that
mandates protection of minorities and religious freedoms is key not
just for women's equality, but also to achieving democracy and security
throughout the region. In Libya, for example, prospects for women's
rights and democracy seem bleak at the moment, as the chair of the
country's Transitional National Council recently announced that Islamic
law, not secular law, will be the basis for Libya's new constitution,
and indicated specifically that practices such as polygamy would be
fully legalized. This raises immediate concern that women's rights will
be further rolled back during Libya's reconstruction process. These
dangers are stark reminders of the need to ensure that political
revolution indeed leads to a fundamental transformation, not merely a
cosmetic one, toward democracy and equality for all members of society.
To address this risk, we recommend that the United States focus on
long-term development of democratic practices and norms at both the
social and political level through the following five actions:
A clear commitment through foreign assistance to the
development of information and communications infrastructures
that are widely available, secure, and free from censorship;
Investment in training women, young people and grassroots
civil society members who are key actors in building cultures
of democratic participation, to use new technology in support
of this process;
Funding and empowering institutions such as the National
Endowment for Democracy that have long-term experience with
supporting democratic transition;
Engagement with local and regional media as key outlets to
promote voices for democracy and equality at the national,
community, and family levels; and
Support for international norms for women's equality at all
levels of social interaction through the ratification of CEDAW,
the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of
Discrimination Against Women, thus reinforcing the efforts of
women's rights activists in the region.
This is a time of critical opportunity in the Middle East--but it
is also a time of serious risk for women's rights. There is a very real
possibility that women will not only be marginalized but also lose
ground there, unless we provide increased emphasis, training, and
resources for women and civil society throughout the region. I urge you
not to underestimate the power of your endorsement of those structures
that are requisite to women's equality and the establishment of a
deeply rooted culture of democracy both at the grassroots and through
international frameworks. Through these paths, we can achieve true
reform.
A factsheet on women's rights and the Arab Spring, created in
collaboration with The Leadership Conference on Civil and Human Rights,
is appended in support of this testimony.
[Editor's note.--The factsheet can be found in the ``Additional
Material Submitted for the Record'' section of this hearing.]
WLP PARTNER ORGANIZATIONS
Afghanistan--Afghan Institute of Learning (AIL)
Bahrain--Bahrain Women Association
Brazil--Cidadania, Estudo, Pesquisa, Informacao e Acao (CEPIA)
Egypt--Forum for Women in Development (FWID)
Indonesia--Women and Youth Development Institute for Indonesia (WYDII)
Indonesia--Koalisi Perempuan Indonesia/Indonesian Women Coalition (KPI)
Jordan--Sisterhood Is Global Institute-Jordan (SIGI/J)
Kazakhstan--Shymkent Women's Resource Center
Kyrgyzstan--Citizens Against Corruption
Lebanon--Collective for Research & Training on Development-Action
(CRTD-A)
Malaysia--All Women's Action Society (AWAM)
Mauritania--Association des Femmes Chefs de Famille (AFCF)
Morocco--Association Democratique des Femmes du Maroc (ADFM)
Nigeria--BAOBAB for Women's Human Rights
Pakistan--Aurat Foundation
Palestinian Territories--Women's Affairs Technical Committee (WATC)
Turkey--Kadin Emegini Degerlendirme Vakfi/ Foundation for the Support
of Women's Work (KEDV/FSSW)
Zimbabwe--Women's Self-Promotion Movement (WSPM)
Senator Casey. Thank you very much.
Dr. Bunn-Livingstone.
STATEMENT OF PROF. SANDRA BUNN-LIVINGSTONE, ESQ., PRESIDENT AND
CEO, FREEDOM CUBED, WASHINGTON, DC
Dr. Bunn-Livingstone. Chairman Casey, Chairwoman Boxer, and
Ranking Members DeMint and Risch, and distinguished members of
the subcommittee, it is an honor to be invited to address you
and to represent Freedom Cubed. Thank you for your efforts to
advance women's rights.
I ask that my full statement be entered into the record in
the interest of time.
Senator Casey. Without objection.
Dr. Bunn-Livingstone. Thank you.
Freedom Cubed is an international nonprofit committed to
supporting human rights for each and every human being,
including freedom of thought, conscience, and religion or
belief. We work extensively in the Middle East and North
Africa.
Where human rights are fettered, women are often the most
vulnerable victims. It is for this reason that so many women
took part in the Arab Spring and were, in fact, central actors
in the revolutions with Tunisia, Egypt, and Libya. Yet, given
recent events, the focus of this testimony will be twofold. I
will let Egyptian, Tunisian, and Libyan women's voices of
concern speak and will then make recommendations.
First, I would like to look at Egypt. Irini from Cairo
states the subjection of women to open physical, sexual, and
verbal harassment during their post-revolution march on
International Women's Day was a telltale sign of where we are
as a society. These are the same women who only weeks earlier
stood side by side with men to demand the end of an oppressive
regime. They were called names, shoved around, groped, and
yelled at to go home and cook. What they were calling for were
basic rights to engage in Egypt's political future.
Muslim commentator, Khaled Montasser, premised the three
targets for persecution in Egypt as women, the poor, the
Christians. ``I believe both Muslim and Christian women will
face a tough time with the looming fundamentalist Islamic
majority in the upcoming parliamentary elections.''
On October 9, 2011, peaceful protests in Cairo were met
with military vehicles driving through crowds, leaving at least
27 people dead and 300 injured, mostly from Egypt's Coptic
Orthodox Christian community which represents 10 percent of the
Egyptian population.
Juxtaposed against these horrific events is a cause for
hope, the recently signed Cannes Peace Accord and Plan of
Action affirming the Egyptian Bill of Rights and Freedoms.
Egyptian leaders from the House of the Family, Muslim and
Christian, along with human rights activists renowned scholars
and youth leaders of the social media revolution vowed their
support at a Freedom Cubed-sponsored meeting in Cannes praised
by Nobel Laureate Emeritus Archbishop Desmond Tutu as ``a
fabulous step toward freedom.''
Freedom Cubed's recommendations for Egypt are that the U.S.
Government should be publicly supportive of equality for women
and minorities and other human rights provisions of the
Egyptian Bill of Rights and Freedoms, as well as the Cannes
Peace Accord and Plan of Action; second, to encourage all
efforts to hold free, fair, and transparent democratic
elections; and third, to reaffirm article 18 in both the
Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the International
Covenant for Civil and Political Rights as fundamental for
every human being in the world.
Second, moving to Tunisia, women in Tunisia have had rights
in political, social, and religious spheres prior to the
revolution. Polygamy was outlawed. The government required
parents to send girls to school. And today more than 50 percent
of university students are women and 66 percent of judges and
lawyers are women.
October 23 elections were won by An-Nahda and longtime head
Rached El Ghanouchi. He has pledged to support women's rights,
but Dr. Khadija Moalla and other Tunisian women expressed
concern that An-Nahda could decrease women's rights in Tunisia.
Dr. Fatima of Medina tells her story. ``I am a Professor at
Zaytouna University and I teach Islamic studies. I am an
unveiled woman and I believe that it has to be a free choice of
a woman to decide whether or not she wants to be veiled. In
Tunis, it has always been the free choice of women. I believe
that free will is crucial in the Muslim faith. Yet, to my
shock, after the revolution, I came to campus to give my class
lectures and was confronted by students and professors who
demanded that I veil myself on campus. They banned me from
teaching unless I wore the veil. Unfortunately, I now begin to
wear the veil as I teach my classes so I can keep my job and
continue to educate my students.''
Recommendations for the committee concerning Tunisia are
firstly to strongly support statements made by An-Nahda and its
leader Ghanouchi which endorse women's rights, minority rights,
and fundamental freedoms, then keep the new Tunisian Government
accountable for such statements. Second, support a new
constitution which reflects the cries of the Tunisian people
for freedom. Third, condition U.S. economic support for Tunisia
on women's rights, human rights, democracy, and the rule of
law.
Third, I turn toward Libya. Women, of course, played a big
role in Libya's revolution. An advocate from Voices of Libyan
Women lamented recently, ``I am quite disappointed in the
liberation speech yesterday by Mustafa Abdel Jalil. He had so
many more important issues to address. However, he focused on
polygamy, and not only that but he thanked women for their role
as mothers, sisters, and wives. Need we remind him of the
countless women who got arrested, killed, and raped during this
revolution, who fed and clothed our troops, smuggled weapons in
their cars, hid soldiers in their homes, allowed and encouraged
their sons, husbands, brothers, and even fathers to go and
fight? Women make up more than half of the Libyan population.
Would it not make sense then on liberation day to have a woman
speak? We are completely shocked and unimpressed by the NTC and
believe it is time for them to understand that simply because
women did not have the same job as men in this revolution, it
was not a lesser job. This was a Libyan revolution made by
Libyan men and women.''
Jalil has said Libya will be a moderate sharia country.
Libya has been advocating freedom. So how that looks with the
declaration of polygamy and sharia and what interpretation of
sharia remains to be seen. The first indications give
legitimate cause for concern to women and women's rights
activists.
Freedom Three gives the following recommendations for the
committee on the situation for women's rights and freedom in
Libya. One, seek clarification from the new leaders what will
the legal system in Libya be based on. Second, determine
whether other unpalatable forces are involved with this new
leadership and encourage transparency, rule of law, and women's
and human rights as the basis for the new constitution. Three,
work to build a new infrastructure based on good governance,
unity, equality, and nondiscrimination. And finally, to work
multilaterally to encourage Tunisian adherence to international
legal standards of human rights, women's rights, and
fundamental freedoms.
[The prepared statement of Dr. Bunn-Livingstone follows:]
Prepared Statement of Dr. Sandra L. Bunn-Livingstone, Esq.
Chairman Boxer, Ranking Member DeMint, and distinguished members of
the subcommittee, it is an honour to be invited to address you and to
represent Freedom\3\. I would like to thank you and your staff for all
your efforts to advance the cause of human rights, democracy, and
global women's issues.
Freedom\3\ is an international nonprofit committed to supporting
human rights for each and every human being across the globe. Its
mission is to mobilize leaders in government, industry, law and
education to promote freedom of thought, conscience, and religion or
belief for each and every human being in the world. Its vision is to
see that every human being in the world is able to exercise their
fundamental right of freedom of thought, conscience, and religion or
belief. Across the globe, where human rights are fettered, women and
children are often the most vulnerable members of this disadvantaged
subgroup of discrimination, hostility, and obloquy. And it is for this
reason that so many women took part in the Arab Spring across the
Middle East and North Africa, and were in fact, central actors in the
revolutions of Tunisia, Egypt, and Libya. Yet, given the events of the
recent fortnight, this subcommittee is to be commended for examining
the issue, ``Women in the Arab Spring.''
This focus of this testimony will be twofold: First, recent events
in Egypt, Tunisia, and Libya provide us with reason to pause and ask
whether the Arab Spring for women, and indeed vulnerable minorities
will give rise to an Arab Summer, or if an Arab Winter seems far more
likely? This portion of the testimony includes concerned voices from
each country; and, second, what should the United States Government be
doing to support true women's rights, human rights, and religious
freedom in Egypt, Tunisia, and Libya?
I. RECENT EVENTS
A. Egypt
On October 9, 2011, riots in Cairo led to the death of at least 27
people and the injury of over 300, mostly from Egypt's Coptic Christian
community. The conflict followed a peaceful march from the neighborhood
of Shubra, with its high percentage of Coptic residents, to the Radio
and TV Building in Maspero, which has become the location of choice for
Coptic protests following the revolution. Early on in the coverage
state media announced Coptic protestors had assaulted the army assigned
to guard the Maspero building with stones, Molotov cocktails, and live
ammunition, killing at least three. Yet after the violence, nearly all
the dead were Copts, with many witnesses laying blame upon the military
for the entire event. Since then, speculation has posited the presence
of a third party, which may have set the two sides upon each other. The
investigation is still ongoing, undertaken by the military
prosecution.\1\ The events at Maspero represent a terrible devolution
of relations between Coptic Christians and the army, the de facto
government of Egypt. The common cries in Tahrir Square not so long ago
of ``Muslims and Christians are all Egyptians,'' as well as calls for
equality of men and women, freedom, opportunity, and solidarity became
imperceptible on that Sunday 3 weeks ago.
---------------------------------------------------------------------------
\1\ See Video testimony. Accounts filmed by eyewitnesses,
television channels, and State TV. In all, the following report has
collected 37 videos, beginning with initial march from Shubra, the
onset of violence, the ensuing chaos, media coverage, and death.
---------------------------------------------------------------------------
And yet, juxtaposed against these tensions, just 3 days later,
Egyptian leaders from the House of the Family,\2\ Muslim and Christian,
along with human rights activists, renowned scholars, and youth leaders
of the Social Media revolution, gathered in Cannes, France, at the
invitation of Freedom\3\, and signed the Cannes Peace Accord and Plan
of Action (Appendix B) which vowed to support the Egyptian Bill of
Rights and Freedoms \3\ (Appendix A) as a normative, guiding legal and
policy structure for Egypt. This Bill of Rights, the first of its kind
in the Arab world, provides 11 principles including, equality for women
and men, prohibition of discrimination based on religion, gender,
ethnicity, language or belief, freedom of religion, popular
sovereignty, rule of law, separation of powers, independence of the
judiciary, and human dignity. Nobel Laureate Emeritus Archbishop
Desmond Tutu praised the Cannes Peace Accord, stating: ``My Dearest
Egyptian Leaders, Muslim and Christian, young and old, women and men: I
would like to congratulate you all on your outstanding commitment to
peace, unity, and a bright future for Egypt. Always go forward, never
look back, and build upon every positive step you take. The Bill of
Rights and Freedoms which you have constructed and committed yourselves
to is the first of its kind in the Arab world, and a fabulous step
toward freedom. The Cannes Peace Accord and Plan of Action is a huge
achievement, and I congratulate you, your host Freedom\3\, and its
President, Professor Dr. Sandra Bunn-Livingstone for your joint
commitment to the Egyptian people. God Bless you.''
---------------------------------------------------------------------------
\2\ The House of the Family is a group formed after the Egyptian
Revolution to represent all the people of Egypt. It includes such
notable religious leaders as Grand Imam, Sheik Al-Azhar, Ahmed Mohamed
el-Tayyeb, Grand Mufti, Sheik Ali Gomaa, Professor Dr. Hamdi Zakzouk,
Secretary General House of the Family, Former Minister of Endowments,
Pope Shenoudah III of Alexandria, President of the Protestant
Evangelical Churches of Egypt, Pastor Professor Dr. Safwat El-Baiady,
and Archbishop Antonious Naguib, Patriarch of the Coptic Catholic
Church of Alexandria.
\3\ The Egyptian Bill of Rights and Freedoms is a document that
took 90 days and nearly 100 people to draft, negotiate, and agree upon
(the committee represented every facet of Egyptian society, including
Religious Leaders, civil society leaders, youth activists, community
representatives, women, minorities, etc.). This Bill of Rights is the
first of its kind in the Arab world, and includes principles of human
dignity, human rights, women's rights, equality, civil and political
rights, separation of powers, democracy and governmental transparency.
---------------------------------------------------------------------------
Although attempts have been made by proponents of the Bill of
Rights and Freedoms to get the Military Government to put this document
in place ahead of parliamentary and presidential elections, in order to
ensure the long-standing nature of these legal and policy structures,
opposition from the Muslim Brotherhood and Salafist Groups have
prevented this. Likewise, the international community has stayed
largely silent on the matter.
Irini, an Egyptian woman from Cairo, recently described her
concerns with the future given recent events: \4\ ``I believe both
Muslim and Christian women will face a tough time with the looming
fundamentalist Islamic (Muslim Brotherhood and, to a lesser extent,
Salafi) majority or near-majority in the upcoming parliamentary
elections in Egypt. The promotion of the rights of women was a pet
project of Mrs. Mubarak's. Now, everything that she promoted is being
rejected and discredited--a classic throwing out of the baby with the
bath water, so no one with a high level of influence will pick up the
cause for a while.
---------------------------------------------------------------------------
\4\ See Appendix C for testimonies submitted to Freedom\3\ from
Egyptian women.
---------------------------------------------------------------------------
``The subjection of women to open physical, sexual and verbal
harassment during their post-revolution march on International Women's
Day was a telltale sign of where we are as a society. These are the
same women who, only weeks earlier, stood side by side with men to
demand the end of an oppressive regime. They were called names, shoved
around, groped and yelled at to `go home and cook.' What they were
calling for were basic rights to engage in Egypt's political future.\5\
The fact that some women in Tahrir Square were rounded up and subjected
to virginity tests is frightening.\6\ This is criminal, and it happened
with impunity.
---------------------------------------------------------------------------
\5\ See http://blog.amnestyusa.org/iar/egyptian-revolution-
sidelining-women/ and http://voices.
washingtonpost.com/blog-post/2011/03/
international_womens_day_march.html.
\6\ See http://www.amnesty.org/en/news-and-updates/egyptian-women-
protesters-forced-take-`virginity-tests'-2011-03-23.
---------------------------------------------------------------------------
``A recent article by Khaled Montasser, a prominent Muslim
commentator in El Masry El Youm centered around the premise that the
three targets for persecution in Egypt are: Women, the poor, the
Christians. And a woman who is poor and Christian embodies that
trifecta of doom.
``The most serious problem facing Egypt right now is lawlessness
and the incapacity to bring criminal offenders to justice. This is why
so many churches have been burned and Christians killed without
retribution. The growing trend of declaring that someone is an infidel
or not observant enough (moderate Muslims) puts Christians first in the
line of fire. The fundamentalist rhetoric is unlike anything we've seen
in the past, same with the hatred and intolerance. Combine that with an
absence of due process and you have a mixture that is very dangerous to
Christians, especially Christian women.'' \7\
---------------------------------------------------------------------------
\7\ See also: http://www.catholicnewsagency.com/news/christian-
women-in-egypt-increasingly-con
verted-to-islam-by-force-witness-says/.
---------------------------------------------------------------------------
The other testimonies appended to this one clearly show two facets
of concern for women: lawlessness and uncontested violence against
them, and discrimination, be it gender or religion-based. It is also
obvious that extremist policies, sectarian strife, and lack of human
rights protection put all individuals and minorities at risk in the
``new Egypt.''
Irini's account, coupled with the past difficulties with Egypt's
tremendous need for religious freedom, as outlined in Article 18 of
both the 1948 Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the 1966
International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights is highlighted by
this sectarian strife. Egypt has ratified the Covenant and is of course
bound by the Universal Declaration in customary international law. As
House of the Family Member, Grand Mufti Ali Gomaa states, ``The recent
wave of sectarian violence . . . made my heart ache in a country where
Christians and Muslims have lived together in peace for centuries. It
is vital for the peace of the region and wider world that the place of
all religious communities and their full participation in society
should continue to be fully protected and assured . . . we feel duty-
bound to stress that any group must not claim to monopolize the
interpretation of Islam as if they hold the unquestionable and divine
truth, thereby precluding other interpretations and understanding of
the role Islam is to play in the new Egypt.'' \8\
---------------------------------------------------------------------------
\8\ ``What Role Will Islam Play in the New Egypt?'' Grand Mufti
Sheik Ali Gomaa, http://www.
washingtonpost.com/blogs/guest-voices/post/what-role-will-islam-play-
in-the-new-egypt/2011/05/AFz3nrgG_blog.html.
---------------------------------------------------------------------------
B. Tunisia
The Tunisian revolution resulted in widespread calls for political
reform, including the demand for a new constitution, to be drafted by
an elected Constituent Assembly. The previous Parliament was suspended
in late January 2011 following the fall on January 14, 2011, of former
President Zine El Abidine Ben Ali (a secularist regime) and a decision
by the Supreme Council which broke up and outlawed the Democratic
Constitutional Rally (RCD). The Elections of October 23, 2011, led to a
big win for Islamist party, An-Nahda and long-time head, Rached El
Ghanouchi. During the Ben Ali era Islamist opposition party Nahda was
deemed a ``terrorist organization'' and outlawed in 1991. Nahda
operated in exile in London until it was legalized by the post-Ben Ali
government. The 218-seat Constituent Assembly will draft a new
constitution and name a new interim government. Current provisions will
most likely change in the new constitution.
According to the Department of State, since January 14, the U.S.
Government has contributed close to $40 million in assistance to help
Tunisians prepare for elections; develop a pluralistic, competitive
political culture; promote transparency and accountability; support
indigenous transitional justice processes; support youth employment
initiatives; and advance private-sector development.
Despite broad opposition to the Ben Ali government, Tunisia under
his regime had legal equality for women and outlawed polygamy (the only
Arab government to do so). Tunisia had also had an enlightened and
tolerant education system which was one of the best in the Arab world.
Ghannouchi has pledged to support women's rights, even though in his
past, he threatened to hang Raja bin Salama for her criticism of
Islamic extremism and the subjugation of women. She had also called for
Tunisian law to be based on the Universal Declaration. Likewise,
Ghannouchi also stated that he wanted Lafif Lakhdar to be hanged with
Salama for her Tunisian reform suggestions. Allegations have also been
made of his condemnation of the United States, support for Hamas, and
condemnation of Israel.
An-Nahda, however, has said that it is not seeking to monopolize
power nor to impose a fundamentalist agenda. And the largely
outstanding nature of its free and fair elections has been lauded.\9\
---------------------------------------------------------------------------
\9\ http://www.washingtonpost.com/opinions/tunisia-again-points-
the-way-for-arab-democracy/2011/10/24/gIQAYubeDM_story.html.
---------------------------------------------------------------------------
Concerns for Women's Rights
Tunisia became the first Arab state to formally abolish polygamy in
1956. Although in current times, Tunisia is still one of the very few
predominately Islamic nations that have legally banned polygamy, An-
Nahda has made statements concerning the legalization of polygamy. In
comparison to many Arab countries, prior to the revolution, women in
Tunisia are considered to have had major victories in obtaining rights
in political, social, and religious spheres for themselves. Thus, it
was expected that after the revolution, the rights of women would
advance and not be hindered. Yet, An-Nahda has also influenced many
young males and females to force unveiled women to be veiled.
Dr. Khadija Moalla, a Tunisian woman and U.N. worker on HIV-Aids in
the Middle East and North Africa, expressed her concern with the
division and friction among Tunisian citizens. She has found that
although the aspirations of starting the revolution are admirable,
unity and solidarity among citizens does not exist any longer. In fact,
the majority of constituencies are headed by self-interest and power.
Such a deficit of unity is what brought the gulf-funded group,
``Nahda'' a victory as the October 23, 2011, elections gave 41 percent
of all votes to the Nahda group. As a result, the well-organized
extremist group may very well contribute to the decrease of women's
rights in Tunisia.
Tunisian women have submitted testimonies (Appendix D) to
Freedom\3\, which include the following account:
Dr. Fatima of Medina, in the city center of Tunis, Tunisia in
Zaytouna Mosque University states: ``I am a Professor at
Zaytouna University which is the sharia (Islamic law) school of
the university of Tunis and I teach Islamic studies. I am an
unveiled woman and I believe that it has to be a free choice of
a woman to decide whether or not she wants to be veiled. It
should never be forced upon her. In Tunis, it has always been
the free choice of a woman and, in fact, the teaching on the
veil is left open to much interpretation and discussion. I
taught this to many of my students and I believed that free
will is crucial in the Muslim faith. Yet, to my shock, after
the revolution, I came to campus to give my class lectures and
was confronted by students and professors who demanded that I
veil myself on campus. I refused to submit to their requests.
As a result, they banned me from teaching unless I wore the
veil. It was a battle everyday as I walk on campus.
Unfortunately, due to the ridicule and discrimination I have
suffered on this issue, I have now begun to wear the veil as I
teach my classes so I can keep my job and continue to educate
my students.''
Some may say this is a relatively mild step against women's rights
in Tunisia, and that legalizing polygamy still gives individuals a
choice of whether or not to be polygamous. But remember that choice is
not a woman's choice, and certainly being forced to wear the veil when
your own Muslim beliefs do not require the same, is a violation of both
freedom of religion and freedom of expression. These small hints of
what Tunisia could be like under Islamist rule are harbingers of the
future Constitution, legal, and policy structure the world and women in
Tunisia await.
C. Libya
The death of Muammar Qaddafi, and the fall of his four-plus decade
repressive regime led to the declaration of polygamy and Sharia law by
the leader of the Transitional Council.
As was shown in the media women played a big role in Libya's
revolution. Out of this several women's advocacy groups have sprung up.
This is how one such woman advocate lamented over recent events: ``I am
quite disappointed in the Liberation speech yesterday by Mustafa Abdel
Jalil. He had so many more important issues to address however he
focused on polygamy, and not only that but thanked women for their role
as `mothers, sisters, and wives'--need we remind him of the countless
women who got arrested, killed, and raped during this revolution? The
women who fed and clothed our troops? The women who smuggled weapons in
their cars? The women who hid soldiers in their homes? The women who
allowed and encouraged their sons, husbands, brothers and even fathers
to go and fight? Women make up more than half of the Libyan
population--would it not make sense then, on Liberation day, to have a
woman speak? We are completely shocked and unimpressed by the NTC and
believe it is time for them to understand that simply because women did
not have the same job as men in this revolution, it was not a lesser
job. This was a Libyan revolution--made by the Libyan men and women,
and trying to define it as anything less is a joke.'' \10\
---------------------------------------------------------------------------
\10\ The Voice of Libyan Women (VLW).
---------------------------------------------------------------------------
Jalil has said Libya will be a moderate Sharia country. What that
looks like remains to be seen. But under Gaddafi, fundamentalism was
held down. Very few were mosque-going Muslims under Gaddafi. It was
illegal to go to mosque too many times a week, and men could not have
beards. That is why all the men had beards during the revolution. But
Libya has also been advocating freedom, so how that looks with a
declaration of polygamy and Sharia--and what interpretation of Sharia,
remains to be seen. The first indications give legitimate cause for
concern to women and women's rights' activists.
II. RECOMMENDATIONS
A. Egypt
Egypt is the most populous country in the Arab world and the
second-most populous on the African Continent. Its central importance
therefore to U.S. Foreign Policy is obvious.
Assistant Secretary of State Posner (Bureau of Human Rights,
Democracy, and Labor) has stated, concerning the Arab Spring, ``The
Obama administration believes that democratic transitions must be home
grown. The challenge falls to the people and the leaders of the region
to achieve the brighter future they desire--a future in which
governments respond to the aspirations of their people and view it as
their duty to protect human rights, fundamental freedoms and the
dignity that all people desire and deserve. But the United States has a
keen interest in their success, and we can play a key supporting role.
We have done and will do this by acknowledging, supporting, and
empowering the democratic and reformist voices from the region. And we
will continue to do this by speaking honestly about the need to respect
human rights and shun violence.''
Now is the time for the U.S. Government, who gives some $1.3
billion in foreign aid to Egypt, to closely assess human rights
compliance, including the protection of women's rights, minorities, and
all Egyptian citizens vis-a-vis the current military government, and to
encourage adherence to rule of law, free and fair elections, and
accountability for its actions. But there is another step our
government can take:
(1) In its ``key supporting role,'' the U.S. Government
should be supportive of human rights provisions of the Bill of
Rights and Freedoms drafted, negotiated, and agreed-upon by a
broad swathe of Egyptian leaders, representing an overwhelming
majority of Egyptian people;
(2) Strongly support women's rights and the rights of the
minorities in Egypt, and speak out against violations of women
and minorities in the name of the majority, political party, or
nonstate actors;
(3) Review and support the Cannes Peace Accord and Plan of
Action;
(4) Do everything in its power to encourage both the current
military government, and future parliamentary and presidential
leaders to respect, uphold, enshrine, and protect the human
rights of women, minorities and the poor;
(5) Encourage all efforts to hold free, fair, and transparent
democratic elections;
(6) Support inclusion of Article 18 in both the UDHR and
ICCPR in Eygpt's Constitution, in order to provide religious
freedom for all Egyptians, and to halt sectarian violence based
on religion.
B. Tunisia
Lack of political freedom characterized the Tunisian landscape
under the former regime, and governmental insensitivity to economic
equality led in part to the revolution which began in December 2010.
Yet, at the same time, Tunisia has been a leader in the Arab world in
promoting the legal and social status of women. A Personal Status Code
was adopted shortly after independence in 1956, which, among other
things, gave women full legal status (allowing them to run and own
businesses, have bank accounts, and seek passports under their own
authority). It also, for the first time in the Arab world, outlawed
polygamy. The government required parents to send girls to school, and
today more than 50 percent of university students are women and 66
percent of judges and lawyers are women.
Tunisia has also long been a voice for moderation and realism in
the Middle East. Yet, post-revolution developments have raised
questions about An-Nahda's commitment to women's rights, human rights,
and nondiscrimination in the new Tunisia.
Recommendations for this committee concerning Tunisia are:
1. Strongly support statements made by An-Nahda and its leader,
Ghannouchi which endorse, women's rights, minority rights, and
fundamental freedoms--then keep the new Tunisian Government accountable
for such statements.
2. Support a new Constitution which reflects the cries of the
Tunisian people who sacrificed so much for their future.
3. Engage in Multilateral Efforts to assist Tunisia in its new
nation-building capacity, focusing particularly on women and all
economic infrastructures to increase potential for prosperity.
4. Condition U.S. economic support for Tunisia on women's rights,
human rights, democracy and the rule of law.
C. Libya
The U.S. and NATO have invested a tremendous amount in working with
the Libyan Transitional Council to liberate the country. Gadaffi is
dead. The new leaders are in place. But the messages coming out of
Libya give us cause for concern. Freedom\3\ gives the following
recommendations for the committee on the situation for women's rights,
human rights, and freedom in Libya:
1. Seek clarification from the new leaders what the legal system in
the new Libya will be based on.
2. Determine whether other unpalatable forces are involved with
this new leadership, and encourage transparency, rule of law, and
women's/human rights as the basis for the new Constitution.
3. Work to build new infrastructure based on good governance,
unity, equality, and nondiscrimination.
4. Help to assist with the establishment of security forces who are
able to keep violence at a minimum and provide stability in what has
been a very unstable environment.
5. Work multilaterally to encourage adherence to international
legal standards of human rights and fundamental freedoms.
III. CONCLUSION
At this point at the juncture of Arab Spring and its aftermath,
Egypt, Tunisia, and Libya, their people and the (in two cases
transitional) governments need encouragement in their efforts toward
human rights, including of course women's rights and protection of
extremely vulnerable minorities.
At the 12th Annual Center for Islam and Democracy Conference former
U.S. Ambassador to Iraq, Afghanistan, and the United Nations. Zalmay
Khalilzad stated, ``as much as would like to see multilateral responses
to these things, we also have to recognize that sometimes effectiveness
in carrying out the mission in a timely manner has to be the
criterion.'' \11\ While multilateral support for human rights,
including women's rights, and those of minorities and the poor in these
three countries should be pursued and is in the best interests of those
who should be protected, the U.S. Government also needs to act
strongly, if needs be unilaterally, to support international human
rights, including women's rights, minority rights, and religious
freedom in Egypt, Tunisia, and Libya in its foreign aid decisions,
diplomatic relations, and at the Executive level so that our own
actions lend credence to those many brave men and women who risked
everything for Spring--and whose expectations, like nature, look to
Summer next--not Winter as the logical next step in their quest for
equality, dignity, freedom, human rights, and the potential for
holistic prosperity.
---------------------------------------------------------------------------
\11\ https://www.csidonline.org/pdf/
CSID_12th_Annual_conference_report.pdf. Pg.19. CSID's Conference was
entitled, ``Tunisia's and Egypt's Revolutions and Transitions to
Democracy: What is the impact on the Arab World? What Lessons can we
learn?'' Friday, April 15, 2011.
[Editor's note.--The appendices attachment to Dr. Bunn-Livingstone's
prepared statement can be found in the ``Additional Material Submitted
---------------------------------------------------------------------------
for the Record'' section of this printed hearing.]
Senator Casey. Well, thank you very much.
What I should have said earlier--and Doctor, you gave me a
reminder--was that all three of your statements in full will be
made a part of the record.
I will start. We will do about 7 minutes and see where we
get with our time, but we are grateful for your testimony. And
each of you was over your time by only about a minute. That is
a record for this place. You have already set some kind of a
record.
I wanted to ask a broader question, but I want to start
with a more specific question. And that pertains to the impact
or the interplay between a number of these countries that have
a strong Islamic tradition and will have Islamic parties and
leaders trying to move forward their agendas. At the same time,
we have the beginnings of more democracy, more human rights,
and obviously more rights for women. I want to get your sense
of whether there will be different gradations or different
approaches that Islamist parties will take in a particular
country. Will it vary within a country, or will it vary country
by country?
We want to get a sense because sometimes in the United
States when we look from a distance at another country,
especially one undergoing seismic change, we do not have a
strong sense of how it will work or a full understanding of how
religion and culture play into this. I am guessing that there
could be differences depending on which country you are in or
maybe some Islamist parties will have a different approach than
others. And I just want to get your sense, even if you can go
country by country, or provide a broader analytic framework.
We can start in any order. Ms. Omar, thank you.
Ms. Omar. I will just start by taking you maybe a step back
from the religion and culture argument and looking at the
institution-building. And what is really missing in a lot of
these countries is the ability to build institutions. Since we
are looking at a very quick process, whether it is Egypt,
whether it is Tunisia. Tunisia has already done their elections
and the roadmap that has been defined by Libya is 8 months
after liberation. And so what that does is it gives an added
advantage to institutions that already exist. And this
situation is primarily Islamic institutions, and that is giving
an added advantage to that particular group. Whereas you have
from the people a lot of pluralism, a lot of liberal views, a
lot of desire to do political parties, but not enough time to
actually catch up because the advantage will go to preexisting
institutions.
Senator Casey. Let me just interrupt there for one quick
second. In which country or countries do you think those
Islamic institutions are most fully developed? If you can rank
them.
Ms. Omar. Well, it would definitely be Egypt. I mean, Egypt
is where you have the added advantage both within the Islamic
institutions, particularly the Muslim Brotherhood, but a rising
trend of Salifism within Egypt as well. And again, they have a
much longer ability to and a wider network to get to the
grassroots.
I think that Libya would be second, but Libya is generally
a religious country but sees the division between politics and
religion, although again what has been happening with President
Mustafa Abdel Jalil has worried a lot of Libyans within the
country.
And then I would say Tunisia is the third and maybe even a
far third.
However, again, going back to the dictatorship and the
style of the dictatorship, because religious institutions were
not allowed as part of the political process and actually
targeted as the opposition voice, there is a lot of identity
issues in terms of identifying themselves within the Islamic
context as a way of protesting the previous regime's stand.
I think in many countries and particularly Tunisia, there
was an outward opposition toward women who wear the veil. Under
Qaddafi people who attended the mosque were targeted. So, you
know, there is this juxtaposition of being able to once more
practice freely and then what does that mean in terms of
translating it to a political process, and with such a fast
process, that temptation of actually building other
institutions is being skipped. And I think that that is a
crucial element that needs to be explored when we are looking
at the religious and cultural dynamics involved in these
countries.
Senator Casey. Ms. Afkhami.
Ms. Afkhami. I would go so far as to say that all of the
Muslim-majority societies have a tradition of strong networking
and strong civic development. There is a strong appeal within
their populations for Islamic organizations because of the fact
that, for the most part, they are the ones who have been free
to express themselves and to organize. The Islamic
organizations have had resources. There is no tradition of
philanthropy in these countries except for religious charity,
and the religious charities have often offered services that
the governments have not. Also, these organizations have
strong, simple, appealing messages, and usually their messages
are said to come directly from God. And so they are placed in a
position of prominence right now.
The more democratic forces, mostly among the young and the
more educated and the more connected, have not had an
opportunity to do civic organizing. There are no political
parties in the way we know them. Unions are not strong. The
necessary infrastructure for democracy is not there. And then,
of course, the young who have been pushing for change have very
high expectations. They are very urgent in their needs and
demands, and there is just not enough time to really organize
while building the infrastructure.
So, this is a dangerous situation.
Just briefly, I would look at the example of Iran. People
do not remember, especially the populations in these countries
who are 70 percent under the age of 30, that when Iran's
revolution happened, it was all about democracy, all about
freedom. Take Mr. Khomeini for instance. I have quotes from him
before and after the revolution talking about freedom, talking
about the fact that he did not want to take part in governing
the country, talking about women being free to dress as they
like and so forth. And at first he was very inclusive.
Marxists, nationalists, all groups were included. And then
gradually they were eliminated and a theocracy was put in
place.
I think it is important to remember that most of the
organizations that self-identify as Islamists are the ones
whose goals and whose aspirations do not necessarily match
those of the progressives, the democrats, and the rest of the
democratic world. I think caution is extremely important. Even
the definition of ``moderate'' should be looked at carefully
when we characterize political movements in these countries.
And it is not just women who are threatened. It is other
religions. There is the risk to the freedoms and liberties of
the people in the country and the danger to the rest of the
world if these countries turn into some facsimile of Iran.
Senator Casey. Doctor, I will turn to Senator DeMint. I
will allow your response during my next round.
Senator DeMint. Thank you, Senator Casey.
I thank all of you for being here. This has been very
helpful. I will direct my first question to Dr. Bunn-
Livingstone.
Just simply how important is religious freedom to
protecting women's rights, solving sectarian violence, and
providing unity in Egypt and other places in the Middle East?
Dr. Bunn-Livingstone. Well, it is incredibly crucial in
Egypt because you have a 10-percent Coptic Christian minority
which has certainly been subjected to a lot of attacks recently
which belie the purpose of the revolution in the first place.
I think as the United States it is really crucial that we
state religious freedom correctly, not as freedom to worship,
but as the freedom that is outlined in the Universal
Declaration of Human Rights in article 18. It is the freedom of
thought, conscience, and religion or belief, the freedom to
change your religion which, of course, does not coincide with
apostasy and blasphemy laws in some versions of fundamental
Islam, and the right to manifest your religion or belief in
public or private alone, with a community of others in worship,
practice, teaching, and observance. All of those aspects of
religious freedom really need to be stated and restated by not
just the United States but the EU, the international community,
and others.
And it is really crucial for women's rights when we look at
kind of the trifecta that was described by Irini, the Egyptian
woman in Cairo, where she said and even Muslims have said the
real targets, if we get a radical Islamic government in Egypt,
will be the poor, women, and Christians. So I think it is
incredibly important.
To answer the previous question in light of this question,
what type of Islamic government we may have in these three
countries, I think we have to look at what the Grand Mufti
said. And the Grand Mufti of Egypt is one of the more moderate
Islamic leaders, and he, of course, issues fatwas for all
schools of Islam, both Sunni and Shia. He has said that he
feels duty-bound to alert Islamist parties in Egypt they must
not claim to monopolize Islam as if they hold the
unquestionable and divine truth, thereby precluding other
interpretations and understandings of the role Islam is to play
in politics. This is really important. It is important for us
to support those Islamic leaders in Egypt such as the Grand
Mufti, the Sheik al-Azhar, Mohamed el-Tayeb, and other leaders
in women's rights, human rights, religious freedom. We see this
in the Bill of Rights and Freedoms that was drawn up by some of
those members of the House of the Family and also by other
people in civil society.
In Tunisia, I think it is really crucial to look at what
Ghanouchi did in the past. It may not be completely reflective
of his position in Islamic law, but in the past, he threatened
to hang Raja bin Salama for her criticism of Islamic extremism
and the subjugation of women. She also called for Tunisian law
to be based on the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. He
also stated he wanted Lafif Lakhdar to be hanged with Salama
for her Tunisian reform suggestions. So there have also been
allegations made of his condemnation of the United States,
support for Hamas, and condemnation of Israel. So I think the
worry with Tunisia is not that it has had one of the most
progressive women's rights regimes for quite some time. It is
that the new regime may undo that very quickly, and I think we
have to be quite supportive of the opposite.
Senator DeMint. I will ask this really to all three of you.
We want to help here in Congress, but just making speeches on
the floor or passing resolutions may not be what is needed or
creating some new Federal program that has unintended
consequences. What would you suggest we do--any of you can
volunteer here--if anything? Do we need to do anything?
Ms. Afkhami. I would suggest one general principle that
would be helpful. Keep in mind the young population which I
mentioned, and refrain from considering the people of Muslim-
majority societies as somehow exceptional or different than
people in other parts of the world. These young people are
primarily concerned with economic well-being, with education,
with jobs, with culture, not only their own but the culture of
other countries. They want progress. And they are not really
all that different from young people anywhere else. So there
are some very vocal people in these countries who are well
organized and who keep expounding religious principles as the
base for politics, but the general population is sympathetic to
all the values that are held here and elsewhere in the world.
And so, if we address our programs to this audience, the values
of the United States, and the infrastructure of this country
and what it stands for, will resonate. The culture of the
United States resonates. The issue is how to help these groups
to organize and to learn the nitty-gritty of what it takes to
create a democratic society.
And I think that the best way to do this is to encourage
their efforts to develop civic organizations using local and
regional tools and strategies, instead of coming from the West
and trying to directly build the capacities in those countries.
The kind of thing, for instance, that has been done with our
partners, that is peer to peer, south to south exchanges.
Ambassador Verveer mentioned that that is part of what is being
done. Expand that type of activity. Make accessible the
experience of other countries that have undergone democratic
transition so that there are diverse models and samples to
follow. Some of the companies in this country such as Google,
Facebook, and so forth can help a great deal to make
communication faster, easier, and more extensive. For instance,
making material in the appropriate language available, creating
platforms and spaces for discussion, brainstorming, and for
coming to some kind of an agreement or shared vision. These
types of activities, if supported and funded and valued, as
well as messages of support, are extraordinarily important for
growing the civic society that democracy needs.
An overemphasis on religion, I think, is something that
will lead us to a uniformity of religious law, which excludes
other religions automatically, and also will hamper the
development of authentic civic organizations.
Thank you.
Senator DeMint. I think I am out of time. Well, Senator,
just the point there. Maybe you and I can work on something in
this regard. The idea of sharing information that other
countries have been through is analogous to best practice type
organizations in industry, and that is probably sorely lacking
for a lot of these countries going through things for the first
time. And perhaps that is something that we could help
facilitate through some of the groups represented here today
not only to collect the information, to keep it updated, but
some of the social networks to make that available to those who
are making the decisions. There are probably some things that
we could do to be helpful in addition to passing resolutions
and making speeches.
Thank you, Senator.
Senator Casey. Thank you, Senator DeMint.
I know we only have limited time, but I want to ask a
broader question. Can you assess what the Arab Spring means to
women in a broad sense? I hate to narrow it down to an either/
or choice, but do you think what has happened and what is
likely to happen in the near term offers substantial
opportunities, or is it something that we should not have high
expectations about? It may be difficult to answer, but I wanted
to get your sense of that.
Ms. Omar. I think I would start off in terms of what we are
hearing on the ground often is a lot of excitement,
particularly in Libya but also the time that I spent in Egypt.
And most of my time in Egypt was outside Cairo in the
countryside, particularly in Minea, which has 25 percent Coptic
population. So there is an incredible amount of excitement. In
countries like Libya, people are saying it cannot get worse.
The regime that it was under was the absolute worst. Even the
liberations for women was very rhetorical, but the actual day-
to-day living was unbearable.
The reality is after conflict, a window of opportunity does
open for women. It is not every day that you are negotiating a
new social contract. It is not every day that you are putting a
constitution together.
I go back to the element of process. If the process is
fast-forwarded, women, minorities, other groups who are
marginalized politically will be missing from the
decisionmaking table. When we recognized the Libyan NTC, we
said it is with conditions. I think it is time for us to come
back and say these are the conditions. Women are a part of it.
I think an important element and what we need to do from
learning from experiences in Iraq and Afghanistan is not ignore
the issue of religion and not either overexceptionalize
religion and particularly the role of Islamic law but not
marginalize it as well. We need to put it at the center of the
discussion, putting the rule of law above everything else. But
the more we try to avoid that discussion, the more we feed the
rhetoric on the ground which then empowers it. But if we focus
on process, if we focus on rule of law, the women on the ground
see that as their main protection, and that is what they are
calling for over and over in all the countries I visited.
Senator Casey. I guess the choice is substantial or more
limited opportunity?
Dr. Bunn-Livingstone. From the people that I know across
the Arab world, Arab Spring for women means one thing in common
across those three countries, which is overthrowing a dictator
who is deeply corrupt and repression, and second, a new
tomorrow, that things will not be the same, first in equality,
in participation, and participation is a big part of what women
had hoped for through the Arab Spring. And third, which is very
crucial, is economic process and progress and prosperity.
Ms. Afkhami. I would say it is sort of 50/50 right now
whether we go toward realizing the hopes and aspirations of the
people in these countries. It depends a whole lot on the
interaction with the outside world. We sometimes underestimate
the power of international public opinion, especially around
what happens in the United States and the attitude of the
United States. It may very well be that one cannot change
events in these countries, but the perception of power and
prestige of the United States is way over what may be in
reality possible.
In supporting democratic forces, of course, various
opinions have to be included. Inclusiveness is one of the
pillars of a successful democracy. But it is important for the
United States not to be perceived as supporting groups no
matter how they posit themselves, if their infrastructure or
their basic beliefs are not in tune with democracy.
I believe the support of the international community, both
for development and economic programs and also for democratic
ideals, makes a lot of difference in helping the people to
build the kind of societies that they have worked for.
Senator Casey. Well, thank you very much. Unless Senator
DeMint has any more questions, I will ask for consent that the
statements submitted by Human Rights First, the Leadership
Conference on Civil and Human Rights, and Amnesty International
be included in the record.
We will, of course, keep the record open for 24 hours in
case any of our Senate colleagues would like to submit
additional questions in writing.
We want to thank the panel. There is lots more to talk
about, but you have given us some good guidance on how to
assess the changes we have seen to date, and I am sure we will
be calling upon you for further insight and further guidance
and advice on how to proceed. But we are grateful for your
testimony and for your presence here.
We are adjourned.
[Whereupon, at 4:25 p.m., the hearing was adjourned.]
----------
Additional Material Submitted for the Record
Prepared Statement of Human Rights First
To the Honorable Barbara Boxer and Robert Casey: We welcome today's
hearing on the Arab Spring and the role of--and impact on--women in
these historic transitions. The Subcommittees, under the leadership of
Senators Casey and Boxer, are to be commended, as is the U.S.
Department of State, for their consistent focus on women's rights that
has resulted in significant strides for women's groups and individuals
throughout the world.
Human Rights First has had a longstanding program in Egypt, and the
opportunities available in the post-Mubarak era are ample.
However, in Egypt, women are still being targeted by the security
forces in ways similar to that of the old regime. Local activists from
Nazra and elsewhere have reported to Human Rights First that the
``virginity tests'' inflicted on women arrested in Tahrir Square in
March were a far from exceptional incident of gender violence committed
by the army.
The 17 women subjected to the virginity tests by soldiers were
threatened with prostitution charges if they were found not to be
virgins, and such threats to women's privacy remain common.
A pattern of targeting politically active women has emerged. Women
at a political meeting in June to honor those killed in the January
revolution were arrested and beaten by security forces. Female Muslim
activists are threatened with rumours--that stories will be spread
about them being romantically active with Christians.
In May, a female journalist was attacked by the police. When she
asked a passerby for help, the police told the bystanders that ``she's
been committing adultery.''
Local activists report being assaulted, stripped, sexually baited,
threatened with charges of prostitution and virginity tests. There
appears to be a policy of trying to intimidate women out of the
political sphere through this gender violence.
Human Rights First supports human rights defenders. In recent
months, we have been approached by Egyptian women's groups about the
challenges of organizing a movement with so many complexities. This
week, a Human Rights First delegation is traveling to Egypt and
Indonesia to coordinate a peer-to-peer exchange for women activists
from many countries undergoing transitions and have experienced similar
harassment by officials. Women in Bahrain, Indonesia and elsewhere can
share valuable and practical advice to help overcome this intimidation.
In Egypt there is a particularly large group of what are called
``First Time Activists''--stereotypically those who joined the
revolution protests this year--but who were not very active or vocal
before. Like many activists who are newly engaged in Egypt, they need
to be assured that the public space is safe for them to venture into
without fear or harassment.
In Bahrain there are First Time Activists as well, many of whom are
women. These range from doctors and nurses to teachers, like Jaleela Al
Salman, who, although a civilian, was put on trial in a military court
and sentenced to three years in prison, where she was subjected to
torture and harassment. She was initially released on bail pending her
appeal on December 11, then re-arrested last week, and just released
yesterday.
HRF has also received testimony from activists about gender-based
violations. For instance, female digital activists covering Bahrain are
subject to organized online campaigns to discredit them for drinking
alcohol or being promiscuous.
U.S. policy prioritizes women's rights as human rights. We urge the
witnesses at today's hearing to be specific about the achievements of
women in the revolutions and ongoing protests, the threats they face
for their courage, and the actions the U.S. government and NGO's can
take to support this movement.
______
Prepared Statement of The Leadership Conference on Civil and Human
Rights on Behalf of 37 Organizations
We are pleased to submit this statement on behalf of 37
organizations, to support the many local efforts to advance women's
equality as part of the democratization taking place in countries in
the Middle East and North Africa. We thank Senator Barbara Boxer,
chair, and Senator Jim DeMint, ranking member of the Senate Foreign
Relations Subcommittee on International Operations and Organizations,
Human Rights, Democracy and Global Women's Issues, and Senator Bob
Casey, chair, and Senator Jim Risch, ranking member of the Subcommittee
on Near Eastern and South Central Asian Affairs, for convening this
hearing. We are pleased that this hearing will shine a spotlight on the
importance of ensuring women's rights as these new democracies begin to
take shape and urge that the committee consider the importance of the
Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against
Women (CEDAW) in supporting these efforts.
We are members of a broad-based, diverse coalition of more than 180
national organizations coordinated by The Leadership Conference on
Civil and Human Rights, and are seeking U.S. ratification of CEDAW, the
most comprehensive women's human rights treaty. Our organizations have
come together to increase the understanding and visibility of CEDAW and
to build a greater awareness among policymakers and the public about
the need, importance and impact of ratification of CEDAW by the United
States, now one of only six countries in the world that has not
ratified this treaty.
Since the start of the Arab Spring in Tunisia, some countries in
the region, including Egypt and Libya, have toppled former dictators,
while other sitting governments, such as Jordan and Morocco, have begun
their own reform processes. In each of these countries, women have been
important leaders and active participants in the ``revolutions'' and
are determined to continue to press for equal participation in the
democratization process and to enshrine women's equality in their new
laws and constitutions.
This September, Secretary of State Hillary Rodham Clinton, speaking
at the United Nations just before the start of the General Assembly,
noted:
We are in an age of participation. Social networking and
connective technology has made that a fact. And every party in
any democracy should recognize the rights of women and make
room for women to play roles in the political process. As the
Arab Awakening enters a new chapter, we all have a stake in
ensuring that the potential of all citizens--men and women,
boys and girls--have a chance to be realized.
It is no coincidence that this year the Nobel Peace Prize went to
three women, including Tawakkul Kaman from Yemen, ``for their non-
violent struggle for the safety of women and for women's rights to full
participation in peace building work.''
It is now well-recognized that empowerment of women is central to
building democratic, peaceful and prosperous societies. On numerous
occasions, both President Barack Obama and Secretary Hillary Clinton
have reiterated that a society can be neither democratic nor prosperous
without the full participation of women, and that no nation can thrive
when it fails to tap the potential of half its population. In
September, when the World Bank released its ``World Development Report:
Gender Equality and Development,'' Robert Zoellick, president of the
World Bank, explained the need for the full participation of women in a
Politico op-ed entitled ``Empowering Women Empowers Nations.'' He said,
``Equality is not just the right thing to do. It's smart economics. How
can an economy achieve full potential if it ignores sidelines or fails
to invest in half its population?''
The Senate has already gone on record expressing bipartisan support
for women's rights and political participation as leaders in North
Africa and the Middle East undertake constitutional reforms to shape
new governments. In April 2011, the Senate unanimously approved a
resolution emphasizing the critical importance of women's rights and
political participation in these transitional periods. This resolution
(S.Res.109), initiated by Senator Olympia Snowe, was co-sponsored by
the 16 other women senators of both parties, among others. It was
followed by a letter initiated by Senators Barbara Mikulski and Kay
Bailey Hutchison, co-signed by all the women senators and others, to
the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces of Egypt, urging the inclusion
of women in shaping the government. On July 29, the Senate again
unanimously approved a resolution (S.Res. 216) sponsored by Senator
Boxer encouraging women's political participation in Saudi Arabia.
We believe another important step that the United States should
take to demonstrate its leadership and support for the efforts of women
in the Middle East and North Africa is for the U.S. to ratify CEDAW and
formally join with the rest of the world in working to advance equality
and eliminate discrimination at home and abroad. CEDAW is a
comprehensive international agreement that affirms principles of
fundamental human rights and equality for women around the world. CEDAW
offers countries a practical blueprint to achieve progress for women
and girls by calling on each ratifying country to overcome barriers to
discrimination. Around the world, CEDAW has been used to reduce sex
trafficking and domestic abuse; provide access to education and
vocational training; ensure the right to vote; ensure the ability to
work and own a business without discrimination; ensure inheritance
rights; improve maternal health; and end forced marriage and child
marriage.
Here in the United States, women enjoy opportunities and status not
available to most of the world's women. However, few would dispute that
more progress is needed, particularly to close the pay gap, reduce
domestic violence, and stop trafficking. CEDAW would provide an
opportunity for national dialogue on how to address persistent gaps in
women's full equality. It would be a catalyst for the United States to
engage in a systematic analysis of discrimination against women and
develop strategies for solutions.
CEDAW is the ``gold standard'' or international norm that countries
around the world consult in shaping their laws and constitutions on
equality and women's rights, and that women's advocates use around the
globe to urge recognition and protection of these rights. One of
CEDAW's primary goals is to ensure that women are able to exercise the
full rights of citizenship and emerge as leaders in their own
societies. For example, last year in a hearing convened by the Senate
Judiciary Subcommittee on Human Rights and the Law, Wazhma Frogh, who
works with the Afghan Women's Network, testified about how women's
rights activists looked to CEDAW in their successful effort to include
a gender equality clause in the new Afghan Constitution. Similarly, in
Tunisia and other countries in the Middle East and North Africa, women
are seeking to incorporate the comprehensive approach of CEDAW into
their own new laws and constitutions. These women activists also report
that some of their opponents question the seriousness of the United
States' commitment to women's rights pointing to the fact that the U.S.
has not ratified CEDAW.
CEDAW has been ratified by Egypt, Tunisia, Libya and almost all of
the other countries in the Middle East. When many of these countries
ratified CEDAW, however, they attached reservations to the articles
dealing with issues such as a woman's right to retain her own
nationality and pass it on to her child, and the right to freely
contract and own property. Women activists in the region, in
collaboration with the Women's Learning Partnership, have undertaken a
systematic regional campaign to promote the full implementation of
CEDAW. As a result of this campaign, Morocco, for example, has lifted
its reservations, and in its new constitution recognizes men and
women's equal status as citizens and bans discrimination on the basis
of sex. Jordan has lifted its reservations relating to women's right to
travel freely and choose their place of residence. One of the first
acts of the new Tunisian government this year was to remove its
reservations to CEDAW and other human rights treaties. Discussions of
CEDAW and efforts toward implementation, including changes in laws and
policies, are taking place throughout the Middle East and North
Africa.\1\
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\1\ Women's Learning Partnership, www.learningpartnership.org.
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As you know, CEDAW has been ratified by 187 countries. Only the
United States and five other countries (Iran, Somalia, Sudan and two
small Pacific Islands--Palau and Tonga) have not yet ratified this
comprehensive women's human rights treaty. As we noted above, advancing
women's human rights is also fundamental to America's national security
and economic interests. Moreover, ratification of CEDAW would continue
America's proud bipartisan tradition of promoting and protecting human
rights.
Women in the Middle East and North Africa, like women in many
countries around the world, have found CEDAW to be a valuable tool for
protecting and advancing women's rights. The question they always ask
us is why the United States, a trailblazer in guaranteeing these
rights, has failed to ratify CEDAW, this landmark treaty for women and
girls.\2\
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\2\ Report by the International Center for Research of Women,
``Recognizing Rights Promoting Progress: The Global Impact of CEDAW.''
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The United States is rightfully known as a global leader in
standing up for women and girls. Yet our failure to ratify CEDAW
enables opponents of women's rights in the Middle East and elsewhere to
decide that U.S. arguments on behalf of women's rights need not be
taken seriously. This September, Secretary Clinton, along with women
heads of state and foreign ministers from countries around the world,
endorsed a ``Joint Statement on Advancing Women's Political
Participation,'' which reads in part:
We reaffirm our commitment to the equal rights and inherent
dignity of women . . . We call upon all States to ratify and
fulfill their obligations under the UN Convention on the
Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women
(CEDAW). . . .
We applaud the bipartisan consensus in the Senate supporting
women's participation in the transition to democracies in the region
and the recognition of the centrality of advancing women's human rights
as an essential ingredient of success. We believe the hearing today
will deepen our understanding and appreciation of the need for U.S.
policy and funding that strongly support the acceptance of and
implementation of women's human rights in countries in the Middle East
and North Africa.
U.S. ratification of CEDAW would put the muscle of action behind
words of America's global commitment to women's rights as human rights.
Action now would come just when America needs such leverage and
credibility to enhance its global leadership in standing up for women
and girls who are pushing for equality in the Middle East. We urge the
Senate Foreign Relations Committee to build on this consensus on
women's human rights and take up U.S. ratification of CEDAW next year.
Submitted on behalf of: American Civil Liberties Union; Citizens for
Global Solutions; National Women's Law Center; Advocates for Youth;
American Association of University Women; American Jewish Committee;
Center for Women Policy Studies; Center for Women's Global Leadership;
Church Women United; Coalition of Labor Union Women; Communications
Workers of America; Democratic Women's Forum; Demos; Department on the
Status of Women, City and County of San Francisco; Feminist Majority;
Hadassah, The Women's Zionist Organization of America, Inc.; Human
Rights Advocates; Institute for Science and Human Values, Inc.; League
of Women Voters of the United States; National Association of Social
Workers; National Committee on the U.N. Convention on the Elimination
of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW); National Council of Churches
of Christ in the USA; National Council of Jewish Women; National
Spiritual Assembly of the Baha'is of the United States; Refugees
International; The Abortion Care Network; U.S. National Committee for
UN Women; U.S. Women Connect; United Church of Christ; Women Graduates/
USA Inc.; Women's Environment and Development Organization; Women's
Missionary Society of the African Methodist Episcopal Church; Women
Enabled; WomenNC; Women's Business Development Center; and Zonta
International.
______
Prepared Statement of Amnesty International USA
Amnesty International USA (``AIUSA'') welcomes this opportunity to
address the Senate Foreign Relations Subcommittee on International
Operations and Organizations, Human Rights, Democracy and Global
Women's Issues and the Senate Foreign Relations Subcommittee on Near
Eastern and South and Central Asian Affairs. This hearing comes at an
important time for many countries in the Middle East and North Africa.
We believe that the Senate has a crucial role to play in supporting the
U.S. Administration in its efforts to realize fully its human rights
commitments to women and gender equality in this region.
Amnesty International's vision is for every person to enjoy all the
rights enshrined in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and other
internationally recognized human rights standards. For more than 50
years, Amnesty International has been helping to build a world where
human rights are respected, protected, and fulfilled. This effort has
involved partnerships with activists and civil society organizations
around the world all committed to ensuring that governments live up to
their human rights obligations.
We commend recent actions led by the U.S. women Senators to support
women's human rights in the Middle East and North Africa. These
efforts--including Senate Resolution 109, sponsored by Senator Snowe,
supporting women's rights and political participation in the Middle
East and North Africa; Senate Resolution 216, sponsored by Senator
Boxer, encouraging women's political participation in Saudi Arabia; and
the letter cosponsored by Senators Mikulski and Hutchison, co-signed by
all the women senators and others, to the Supreme Council of the Armed
Forces of Egypt urging the inclusion of women in shaping the
government--bolster the voices and honor the courage of women fighting
for their human rights.
The uprisings in the region offer an unprecedented opportunity to
address gender inequity in the Middle East and North Africa. Amnesty
International encourages the U.S. Senate to take action to protect,
respect and fulfill the human rights of women both in the United States
and around the world, including women in the Middle East and North
Africa.
WOMEN AT THE FOREFRONT OF CHANGE IN THE MIDDLE EAST UPRISINGS
The historic events of the past year have seen thousands of women
and men take to the streets in the Middle East and North Africa to
claim their human rights, including their right to political
participation. Many of the women in the region, who, as elsewhere,
often shoulder a disproportionate share of the impact of armed
conflict, tyranny, and stagnant economies, initiated, organized, and
participated in the protests. Some of these women human rights
defenders are long-time activists and the backbone of the movement for
human rights and equality in their countries; others joined when the
uprisings began.
We must stand with these women. Women human rights defenders often
face marginalization, prejudice, violence and threats to their safety
and well-being as women and as individuals who challenge societal norms
and gender stereotypes. Not only their calls for reform, but their
faith, sexuality, motherhood, mothering, and family life are
questioned, demeaned, and undermined in ways their male counterparts
never experience.
The uprisings in Tunisia, Egypt, and Libya are generating
historical transformations. As these countries now work to rebuild
their governments and societies, the international community must help
ensure that these new societal frameworks include a commitment to
gender equality. Women's human rights, including the right to political
participation, must not be seen as separate issue or an ``add on'' but
rather as an integral and indivisible part of creating a new, more just
society. It is the responsibly of these new governments to guarantee
that women's human rights are protected, respected and fulfilled at all
levels of society and government.
Amnesty International has documented the ongoing human rights
situation in the Middle East and North Africa in the years leading up
to, during, and since the uprisings. We remain concerned that, despite
the role of women in the protests, women are being left out of
transition arrangements and plans for new governance. In Egypt, for
example, women stood shoulder to shoulder with men to topple a regime
notorious for its human rights abuses yet, now that those leaders have
been forced to step down, women are too often finding their calls for
an equal seat at the table rejected.
Although protests are occurring throughout the region, Amnesty
International highlights Tunisia, Egypt, Libya and Bahrain in our
testimony today to shine a spotlight on the hearing focus countries and
provide additional information regarding a country where crackdowns
against protestors continue.
TUNISIA
On December 17, 2010, Tunisians revolted against President Zine El
Abidine Ben Ali and his 23 year rule. Less than a month later, Ben Ali
stepped down and Tunisia's interim government took over. Scheduled
parliamentary elections were held on October 23, 2011. This election
allowed voters, both women and men, to choose their representatives for
a Constituent Assembly that will create a new constitution and
political framework for Tunisia.
The An-Nanda party, an Islamist, pro-democracy party, won 40% of
the parliamentary votes, granting it 90 seats in the new assembly. The
leader of the party, Rachid Ghannouchi, has pledged not to reverse the
rights and freedoms Tunisian women have gained in the past. Tunisia's
first ``fair and free'' elections saw an unprecedented registered voter
turnout of over 90%, with many women voting for the first time.
Tunisia also recently lifted several key reservations to the
Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against
Women (``CEDAW''). This critical human rights treaty is the most
comprehensive treaty addressing the rights of women. Tunisia's actions
will help set the stage for women to use CEDAW to claim their rights,
such as the right to pass their nationality onto their children, the
ability obtain equal rights and responsibilities in matters relating to
marriage and divorce, the right to make decisions regarding children
and guardianship, and the right to own property.
Although Amnesty International notes these positive steps, much
still needs to be done to fulfill women's human rights and meaningful
political participation. Amnesty International urges the U.S.
Government to work with Tunisia's new Constitutional Assembly to ensure
gender equality in the new Tunisian legal framework and constitution,
including women's full participation in the creation of that framework.
EGYPT
Egyptian women played an integral role in the ``January 25
Revolution'' and in the toppling of President Mubarak's oppressive
regime. After days of angry protests, President Mubarak resigned on
February 11, 2011, ending 30 years of autocracy. The military of Egypt,
operating as the ``Supreme Council of the Armed Forces'' (``Council''),
is in control but has been slow to deliver on its promises of change.
It is still operating under emergency law, which was often used by
Mubarak to silence his protestors, and using military courts, which
have a history of severe punishment, to try citizens of the country.
Freedoms of expression, association and assembly have been promised,
but criticism of the authorities has been suppressed, activists
targeted, NGOs threatened with criminal investigation, and
demonstrators arbitrarily arrested and forcibly dispersed. New trade
unions have been permitted, but striking banned. Millions of people in
slums are still waiting for their voices to be heard.
The expectations of gender equality created by the uprising have
yet to be realized. Greater political participation has been promised,
but women have been marginalized. No women were allowed to be a part of
the constitutional reform committee and, with only one female cabinet
member, they have received little representation in the new government.
To successfully complete Egypt's political transformation and build a
free society, women must be equal partners in the establishment of a
new, stable government with their issues and ideas given equal
consideration.
Amnesty International is aware of severe violations of women's
human rights post-uprising that have contributed to their exclusion
from full political participation. For example, on March 9, 2011, 18
women protestors in Tahrir Square were detained, beaten, given electric
shocks, strip searched, forced to submit to ``virginity tests,'' and
threatened with prostitution charges.\1\ Virginity tests are a
violation of women's human rights and are considered torture when
forced or coerced. Amnesty International called for an immediate
repudiation of these and any future tests. Although Major General Abdel
Fattah al-Sisi of the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces pledged to
halt this practice after a meeting with Amnesty International Secretary
General Salil Shetty, Amnesty International fears that discriminatory
and patriarchal attitudes towards women in Egypt are standing in the
way of women's full participation in the reform process.
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\1\ http://www. amnesty.org/en/news-and-updates/egyptian-women-
protesters-forced-take%E2%
80%98virginity-tests%E2%80%99-2011-03-23.
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The military regime in Egypt has set the date for parliamentary
elections on November 28, 2011. As of yet, no date has been set for
presidential elections even though the interim military regime promised
to transfer power to civilian rule within six months of President
Mubarak's resignation. The upcoming parliamentary elections must set
the stage for elections in which women are fully able to participate to
be a part of Egypt's political future.
To ensure that women's human rights, including the right of
political participation, are fulfilled in Egypt, Amnesty International
recommends that the U.S. Government work with Egypt to end
discrimination and to accord equal legal status to men and women.
Currently, the World Economic Forum's Gender Gap report ranks Egypt 125
of 134 at the lowest end of gender equality. Legal provisions
discriminating against individuals on the basis of race, color,
religion, ethnicity, birth, sex, sexual orientation, gender identity,
political or other opinion, national or social origin, property, or
other status, must be brought in line with international law and
standards and therefore abolished.
Further, women must be full partners in the process of political
and human rights reform. Women and men must be accorded equal rights in
law to marriage, divorce, child custody and inheritance. Women must
have legal protection from domestic violence, including marital rape
and sexual harassment. Penal Code articles 260-263 must be amended to
allow abortion for women and girl survivors of rape and incest, or when
a pregnancy poses a grave risk to health. Law No. 126 of 2008 must be
amended to prohibit female genital mutilation in all cases.
LIBYA
In the spirit of recent uprisings in Egypt and Tunisia, Libyans
called for a ``Day of Rage'' on February 17, 2011, against Colonel
Gaddafi's regime. These demonstrations quickly evolved into armed
conflict between pro-Gaddafi forces and the opposition, working under
the National Transitional Council (NTC). Now that the NTC has succeeded
in ousting Gaddafi and his supporters, they have appointed Abdel-Rahim
al-Keeb as the new interim Prime Minister of Libya. Al-Keeb is expected
to appoint a cabinet and pave the way to general elections.
Throughout the Gaddafi regime and the conflict that resulted in his
ouster, women have come forward with claims of rape and other abuses.
One such case is that of Libyan law student, Iman al-Obeidi, who
announced to international journalists that she had been raped by
Libyan soldiers loyal to Gaddafi. Iman al-Obeidi was dragged out of a
Tripoli hotel on March 26, 2011, by security forces and detained after
this public accusation.
Amnesty International urges the U.S. Government to work with the
NTC to ensure that women play a central role in Libya's new government,
and that women's human rights are respected, including by fully
investigating all claims of sexual violence against women during the
armed conflict and ensuring full accountability.
BAHRAIN
Political protests in the Middle East and North Africa have not
been limited to Egypt, Libya and Tunisia. The call for freedom has
spread throughout the region. In Bahrain, political protests, which
started in February, have included the voices of many Bahraini women.
Thousands of Bahraini women participated in demonstrations in February
and March. Demonstrations held in more recent weeks have also included
many women.
As a result, Bahraini women have also experienced a significant
share of human rights violations by Bahrain's security forces and
government. Of the 20 health professionals given prison sentences by
military courts following the treatment of injured protesters, six are
women.
Female detainees have also alleged torture and ill-treatment. Rula
al-Saffar, the head of the Bahrain Nursing Society, was sentenced to 15
years imprisonment, and Ayat al-Qormozi, a student, was sentenced to
one year in prison and released on bail. Dozens of women have been
dismissed or suspended from their jobs because of their role in the
protests.
Several examples of Bahraini women who have been involved in
protests against the Bahraini government and have been subjected to
human rights violations are detailed below:
Former Vice President of the Bahraini Teachers Association,
Jalila al-Salman, 46-year-old mother of three: Ms. Al-Salman
was arrested by Bahraini government security officers in March
of 2011 in connection with the BTA's calls for strikes amid
political protests. She was reportedly beaten in the early days
of her confinement. Following a deeply flawed military court
trial, Ms. Al-Salman was sentenced to three years in prison.
She was later released, pending a civilian court appeal on
December 11. Following her release, Ms. Al-Salman continued to
speak out about her own experiences in detention and the plight
of others. On October 11, she was taken from her home in
Bahrain by a force of more than 30 security officials,
including riot police, who arrived in seven vehicles. The
officials reportedly said that they were enforcing a court
order for her arrest though they refused to produce a formal
arrest warrant. Ms. Al-Salman was again released on November 1,
but at this moment of writing Amnesty International cannot
confirm her legal status. A review of statements issued by the
BTA during the spring in relation to strikes and other protest
activity revealed only appeals for peaceful activity, and no
mention of, or advocacy for, violence. Amnesty International
believes that Ms. Al-Salman may be a prisoner of conscience,
arrested merely because of her past leadership position in the
BTA and for exercising her rights to freedom of expression,
association and assembly.
Bahraini poet and university student, Ayat al-Qarmezi, age
20: Ms. Al-Qarmezi was arrested in March for reading a poem out
loud at a pro-reform rally in the Bahraini capital of Manama.
She alleges that she was beaten and tortured with electric
shocks while she was imprisoned and held in solitary
confinement for the first 15 days of her detention. She was
charged with taking part in illegal protests, disrupting public
security and publicly inciting hatred toward the regime.
Following a military court trial that did not meet basic
standards of fairness, she was sentenced to one year in prison.
Ms. Al-Qarmezi was subsequently released on bail on July 13,
and her appeal is on November 21. Amnesty International
considered Ms. Al-Qarmezi a prisoner of conscience and called
for her immediate and unconditional release and for charges
against her to be dropped. Amnesty International members wrote
countless letters calling for her release. Even though she has
now been released, there are reportedly conditions attached to
her release and Amnesty International is calling on the
authorities to remove any that have been imposed, to annul her
conviction and to clarify her current legal status.
Bahraini medical health professionals Roula Jassim Mohammed
al-Saffar, Nada Sa'eed 'Abdelnabi Dhaif, Fatima Salman Hassan
Haji, Dhia Ibrahim Ja'far, Najah Khalil Ibrahim Hassan, and
Zahra Mandi al-Sammak: These Bahraini women are part of a group
of 20 Bahraini health professionals who were previously
sentenced by a military court to between five and 15 years in
prison in connection with the popular protests in February and
March. Following an international outcry, the Bahraini
government announced that they would have an appeal hearing
before the High Criminal Court of Appeal, a civilian court, on
October 23. During that hearing, some charges were dropped. In
addition, ``confessions'' the defendants say they were forced
to sign under torture or other duress while in pre-trial
detention will no longer be used as evidence at the trial. The
next court hearing is scheduled for November 28. The women
could still be at risk of an unfair trial.
THE CONVENTION ON THE ELIMINATION OF ALL FORMS
OF DISCRIMINATION AGAINST WOMEN
The challenges that women in the Middle East and North Africa face
are not unique. Across the world, women continue to experience gender-
based discrimination and inequality. Among the main obstacles to
achieving equality are barriers to women's participation in public and
political life. When women cannot participate in public life, or when
their ability to participate is curtailed by law, policy, or practice,
women are denied the opportunity to help shape their government and its
policies. Too often, when they are included it is solely to discuss the
issue of women's equality, which ironically precludes achieving that
equality.
CEDAW underscores the importance of realizing equality between
women and men through ensuring women's equal access to, and equal
opportunities in, political and public life--including the right to
vote and to stand for election. In the political and public sphere
women and men working together can be a powerful force for addressing
inequality and discrimination.
Under the U.N. Charter, Member States of the U.N. pledged
themselves to promote ``universal respect for, and observance of, human
rights and fundamental freedoms for all without distinction as to race,
sex, language, or religion.'' These aims are strengthened by Member
States' adherence to the international instruments, such as CEDAW,
which translate the principles embodied in the Universal Declaration of
Human Rights into a more detailed legal form. Indeed, discrimination
against women undermines the principle of equal rights for men and
women set out in the U.N. Charter, and respect for all human rights.
Bahrain, Egypt, Libya and Tunisia have all ratified this critical
human rights treaty. Women in the region have used CEDAW to help claim
their rights. As the recent example of Tunisia shows, CEDAW provides a
roadmap for equality that women can use to ensure that their human
rights are fulfilled.
In Morocco, where protests have also occurred, women used CEDAW in
2007 to establish the right to pass their nationality onto their
children when their father is not Moroccan. This form of discrimination
against women and girls excludes them from their right to their own
nationality and violates women's right to equal treatment before the
law.
In 2004, a push by Kuwaiti CEDAW activists resulted in the Kuwaiti
Parliament granting the right to vote to all women--a major and long
overdue victory for the women of Kuwait and for women's rights
advocates around the world. Following this progress, in 2009 just four
years after women gained suffrage, four women where elected to the
Kuwaiti parliament. They are the first women to be elected to the 50-
seat parliament since 1962.
By ratifying CEDAW, the U.S. will have an opportunity to
participate in constructive dialogue, strengthening its ability to
advance the rights of women and girls around the world. In some
countries where human rights are repressed, CEDAW training is often the
only entry point for dialog regarding rule of law and good governance.
By ratifying CEDAW, the U.S. will continue its tradition of leadership
on women's human rights.
CONCLUSION
Post-conflict and politically transitioning societies provide a
unique opportunity for women to engage in the political process and
create lasting change. But too often, women are left out of the
process.\2\ Women human rights defenders are sidelined, killed,
abducted, and made to ``disappear'' as a consequence of their work.
They face gender-specific repercussions, such as sexual harassment and
rape. The U.S. government must ensure both women human rights defenders
and women's rights are not traded away in the transitions.\3\
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\2\ A study of 585 peace agreements since 1990 found that only 16
percent contain any references to women and only 7 percent include
mention of gender equality or women's human rights. http://
progress.unwomen.org/pdfs/EN-Report-Progress.pdf. However, the passing
of U.N. Security Council Resolution 1325, a binding resolution to all
U.N. Members, in 2011, has been a step towards women's participation in
the peace process. It stresses the importance of women's equal and full
participation as active agents in establishing peace and security.
Since this resolution has been in force, the percentage of agreements
that contain references to women
has risen significantly, from 11 to 27 percent. http://
progress.unwomen.org/pdfs/EN-Report-Progress.pdf.
\3\ International human rights documents specifically address the
protection of women human rights defenders. The U.N. Declaration on
Human Rights Defenders, adopted by the U.N. General Assembly in 1998,
affirms the right to defend human rights and urges states to protect
human rights work and those who carry it out.
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The uprisings in the Middle East and North Africa present an
unparalleled opportunity to ensure gender equality for millions of
women across the region. We urge the United States Senate to seize this
opportunity and ensure that the fundamental value and dignity of every
human being is respected and protected.
Thank you.
______
The Mahnaz Afkhami Additional Appended Article to her Prepared
Statement--Factsheet on Women's Rights and the Arab Spring
WOMEN'S RIGHTS AND THE ARAB SPRING--MIDDLE EAST/NORTH AFRICA
OVERVIEW AND FACT SHEET
Successful uprisings in Tunisia and Egypt in the last year have
sparked movements against dictatorships across the Middle East, North
Africa, and the Gulf region. These movements call for democratization,
new constitutions that protect equality, free speech and assembly, and
fair elections. Women have been an integral part of these revolutions,
organizing and marching alongside men. Now, as countries in the region
are in the process of building new governments, women's activists know
they must fight to play a substantial role.
Today, just as before the Arab Spring, women's rights groups in the
Arab world are fighting for rights set forth in the United Nations'
Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against
Women (CEDAW), the most comprehensive women's rights treaty, and are
using it to demand government action. Written in 1979 and entered into
force in 1981, CEDAW has been ratified by 187 nation-states, including
every Arab country except Somalia and Sudan.\1\ However, each Arab
state has ratified the treaty with substantial reservations that
undermine the treaty's spirit.\2\
CEDAW is a critical tool in the fight to advance women's rights in
a democratizing Arab world. Across the region, women have been using
CEDAW to pressure governments to take meaningful steps to advance
women's rights, and to push new governments to live up to their
countries' commitments under the treaty and withdraw all reservations.
Many governments in the region need to take further steps to align
national laws with existing international commitments under CEDAW.
However, while many area governments have yet to live up to CEDAW's
principles, women's rights activists continue to leverage governments'
desire to appear to be in compliance with CEDAW as a way to advance
their cause.
A coalition of women's rights organizations based in the Middle
East and North Africa has been working to achieve full implementation
of CEDAW in the region, which would result in a leap forward for
women's empowerment. As part of this effort, feminists from across the
region met in Rabat, Morocco, in May 2011 to review regional changes
and strategize for the future in the wake of the Arab Spring
transitions. Together, they are closely monitoring changes in the
region and working to ensure that constitutional reforms clearly
protect equality between women and men in both the private and the
public sphere, legitimize women's role in politics and public affairs,
and include implementation mechanisms to achieve these effects.\3\
Leading women's rights activists from across the region have made
clear the critical importance of CEDAW to these efforts. Furthermore,
these activists have stressed that the failure of the United States to
ratify the treaty undermines their ability to use this vital tool when
advocating for change. The United States has made clear that as
successful democratic systems and economic development in the Middle
East and North Africa are vital to U.S. strategic interests, women's
empowerment in the region is vital and inextricably tied to democratic
and economic development. U.S. ratification of CEDAW is therefore a key
component to America's long-term strategic interests.
EGYPT
For decades, women in Egypt as elsewhere in the region have been
intimately involved with the reform movement--from organizing labor
union strikes and asserting their right to free speech, to
participating in the protests that led to the ouster of the Mubarak
regime. But after playing a vital role in the revolution, women are
being actively excluded from the reform process.
The ten-person constitutional amendment committee responsible for
revising the constitution prior to the upcoming elections was all men.
No women were appointed to be governors, and only one woman of a
possible 34 was appointed to the new cabinet, and she was a holdover
from the Mubarak regime. A committee on women overseen by the cabinet
was established, but it is likely to have little power. One activist
called the committee's creation condescending: ``It's like saying, `You
women can have your little committee while we men do the serious
business.' '' \4\ According to The Egyptian Center for Women's Rights
(ECWR), ``The exclusion of women in Egypt turned into a systematic
policy.''
Activists such as the founder of Egypt's New Woman Foundation, Amal
Abdel Hadi, are making demands rooted in CEDAW principles. She calls
for women to be added to the constitutional committee, for ``equal and
fair representation of women and young people in all representative
bodies,'' and for freedom of expression. The latter, she says, ``should
allow women to participate more effectively in all areas of public life
and will provide them with the opportunity to give their perspectives
on health, the economy, the environment, working conditions, etc.'' \5\
Activists have achieved some major successes, using CEDAW as a
foundation of their demands. After a long fight by Egyptian women's
rights activists, the government issued a decree on May 2 allowing
Egyptian women married to Palestinian men to pass their nationality to
their children.\6\ Enas El Shaffie, Executive Director of the Forum for
Women in Development, a Cairo-based women's rights organization, said
CEDAW was key to leveraging government action on the nationality law.
Three years earlier, the government had withdrawn its reservation to
CEDAW Article 9(2), which affirms a woman's right to pass her
nationality on to her children.\7\ The 2011 decree brings Egypt one
step closer to compliance with its treaty obligations. According to El
Shaffie, CEDAW is widely used by Egyptian women's rights and democracy
activists to pressure the government to live up to its obligations and
take action on domestic reforms.\8\
TUNISIA
After overthrowing the dictatorship of Ben Ali in January 2011,
inspiring the Arab Spring across the region, Tunisia initially seemed
to be on the path to ensuring women's inclusion in the new regime and
was considered by some to be a model for women's empowerment. On April
11, 2011, the Tunisian transitional government passed a revolutionary
law that established full parity and compulsory alternation of male and
female candidates on all lists for the October 23 election of the
Constituent Assembly that will draft the new constitution.\9\ Still,
men were listed first in 94 percent of the electoral lists.\10\
On August 16, after Minister of Women Lilia Laabidi submitted a
draft decree, Tunisia withdrew all specific reservations to CEDAW.\11\
This was a significant milestone for Tunisia, which signed the
Convention in 1985 and is the only country in the region other than
Morocco to eliminate all specific reservations.
However, women's rights groups such as Association Tunisienne des
Femmes Democrates (ATFD) oppose the government declaration that it will
not enforce CEDAW provisions deemed contrary to Article One of the
Constitution, which stipulates Islam as the state religion. Women's
rights activists assert that this caveat undermines the legal
significance of the removal of reservations and is particularly
worrisome in regard to statutes on family law, such as inheritance.
Tunisian women are now seeking withdrawal of this declaration and
removal of all discriminatory provisions from Tunisian law.
The October 23 elections resulted in a majority vote for An-Nahda,
considered by some to be a moderate Islamic party. While party leaders
have said they will uphold women's rights achieved under Ben Ali,
women's rights and democracy activists are seriously concerned that the
party will act differently once in power.
Tunisia ranked highest in all four categories of a 2010 Freedom
House report on women's rights in the region.\12\ As in Egypt, however,
some people associate women's rights with the old regime, so this
transitional period is critical to ensuring that the gains of the past
several decades are maintained.
JORDAN
In response to demonstrations and protests since January 2011, King
Abdullah initiated a process of reform in the political, economic, and
constitutional areas. He established a Royal Commission to review the
constitution and recommend amendments. This gave women's activists an
opportunity to present their demands, including increased protections
from violence, guaranteed economic and political participation, and
other social justice and democracy provisions, including social
security, separation of powers and environmental conservation.\13\
The women's movement advocated adding ``gender'' to the phrase,
``There shall be no discrimination between Jordanians as regards to
their rights and duties on grounds of race, language or religion'' in
Article 6 of the constitution. This would ensure application of the
principle of equality and prevent discrimination against women. Though
many Arab and Muslim-majority countries include such a stipulation in
their constitutions, the commission sent its final wording of proposed
changes to Parliament without amending Article 6, despite the women's
demands and international commitments.\14\
In July 2011 Jordan passed a Municipalities Law that raised the
quota for women's seats in municipal councils from 20 percent to 25
percent. (In May 2010, a new elections law had raised the number of
parliamentary seats reserved for women from 6 of 110 to 12 of 120).
Women's activists are now working to prepare women for participation in
upcoming elections.\15\
Jordanian women's rights advocates continue to protest delays in
implementing women's full human rights according to international
standards, drawing special attention to CEDAW, which Jordan ratified in
1992. Following national activism on the issue, Jordan in 2009 removed
its reservation to Article 15 of CEDAW, which grants women the right to
travel freely and choose their place of residence.\16\
The current challenge for women's rights activists in Jordan is the
one facing activists worldwide: they must not let so-called ``bigger''
issues overshadow women's issues or create a climate allowing their
neglect.\17\ Today, the country's failure to fully implement CEDAW and
its reservations related to women's nationality rights remain critical
barriers to the realization of women's rights in Jordan.
MOROCCO
As the impact of the Arab Spring was felt across the region,
activists in Morocco launched protests calling for democratic reform
and an end to corruption in the country. In response, King Mohammed
called for a Consultative Commission to review the constitution and
deliver recommendations for democratic reform. Women were five of the
18 commission members. Women's rights organizations, including the
Association Democratique des Femmes du Maroc (ADFM), played an active
role in advocating reforms to establish women's rights.\18\
On April 18, 2011, after years of advocacy by women's rights
organizations--including ADFM--Morocco formally withdrew its
reservations to CEDAW. In a related development, Moroccans voted July 1
to accept the proposed constitutional reforms.
These were major changes. They included: recognition in the
preamble of women and men's equal status as citizens; a ban on
discrimination, including sex discrimination, and a commitment to fight
it; a commitment to government action to advance the ``freedom and
equality of all citizens and their participation in the political,
economic, cultural and social spheres''; the creation of an Authority
for Equality and the Fight Against all Forms of Discrimination for the
purpose of achieving equality between men and women; recognition of the
need for a legal provision promoting equal access for women and men to
elected positions and to improve the participation of women on local
authorities; and, most importantly, the need to bring national law into
agreement with the country's international commitments.\19\
That means that while in practice women in Morocco still experience
significant discrimination, those fighting for women's rights and
empowerment now have authority under the national constitution to cite
all of CEDAW's provisions as leverage to hold the government to its
commitment to move toward women's full equality.
----------------
End Notes
1. Iran has also not ratified CEDAW.
2. Articles typically reserved by countries in the Middle East and
North Africa: (2) Affirmative obligations to prevent discrimination;
(9) The right of a woman to retain her own nationality despite
marriage, and to pass nationality on to her child despite the father's
nationality; (15) The right of a woman to equality of men under the
law, the right to freely contract, property rights, and the right to
choose residence and domicile; and (16) The right to equality in
marriage and family.
3. ``Feminists Convene in Rabat to Strategize on Women's Equality
After the Arab Spring,'' Women's Learning Partnership (May 25, 2011,
http://www.learningpartnership.org/blog/2011/05/womens-equality-arab-
spring/.
4. ``The New Egypt: Leaving Women Behind,'' Al-Jazeera (Mar. 8,
2011), http://english.
aljazeera.net/indepth/features/2011/03/201138133425420552.html.
5. Interview with Amal Abdel Hadi, Int'l Fed. of Hum. Rts. (Mar.
10, 2011), http://www.fidh.org/Interview-with-Amal-Abdel-Hadi-New-
Woman.
6. ``Post-Revolution, Egypt Establishes Right of Women Married to
Palestinians to Pass Nationality to Children,'' Women's Learning
Partnership (May 13, 2011), http://www.learn
ingpartnership.org/lib/post-revolution-egypt-establishes-right-women-
married-palestinians-pass-nationality-children-1.
7. United Nations Treaty Collection, http://treaties.un.org/Pages/
ViewDetails.aspx?src=
TREATY&mtdsg_no=IV-8&chapter=4&lang=en#20 (last visited Sept. 29,
2011).
8. WLP interview with Enas El Shafie, October 5, 2011.
9. Kristine Goulding, ``Tunisia: Arab Spring, Islamist Summer,''
Open Democracy, (October
25, 2011) http://www.opendemocracy.net/5050/kristine-goulding/tunisia-
arab-spring-islamist-summer.
10. ``Tunisa Elections: Women Still Struggle to Run,'' Huffington
Post, (October 21, 2011), http://www.huffingtonpost.com/2011/10/21/
tunisia-elections-women_n_1024170.html.
11. ``Tunisia: Government Lifts Restrictions on Women's Rights
Treaty,'' Human Rights Watch (Sept. 6, 2011), http://www.hrw.org/news/
2011/09/06/tunisia-government-lifts-restrictions-women-s-rights-treaty.
12. Sanja Kelly and Julia Breslin, eds., ``Women's Rights in the
Middle East and North Africa'' (New York, NY: Freedom House; Lanham,
MD: Rowman & Littlefield, 2010) http://freedomhouse.org/uploads/
special_report/section/269.pdf.
13. WLP blog, ``Our Vision and Voices: Women's Rights in the
Balance: Upcoming Constitutional Reforms in Jordan and an Appeal'' by
WLP Partner Asma Khader, http://www.learningpartnership.org/blog/2011/
05/jordan-constitution-women/.
14. ``Women Activists Call for Ensuring Equality in Constitutional
Amendments," Jordan Times, (August 17, 2011) http://
www.jordantimes.com/index.php?news=40500.
15. ``House Passes Municipalities Law,'' Jordan Times, (July 28,
2011) http://www.jordan
times.com/index.php?news=39899.
16. Valetine Moghadam, ``Women's Learning Partnership: An
Independent External Evaluation: Activities and Outcomes,'' 2010.
17. Interview with Leila Hammarneh, Projects Director, Arab Women
Organization, Jordan, Int'l Fed. of Hum. Rts. (Mar. 10, 2011), http://
www.fidh.org/Interview-with-Leila-Hammarneh-Projects-Director.
18. ``Constitutional Reform: ADFM Memorandum,'' http://www.adfm.ma/
spip.php?article1403&
lang=en; ``Des Marocaines militent pour l'egalite homme/femme dans la
Constitution,'' De Caroline TAIX (AFP), (May 12, 2011), http://
www.google.com/hostednews/afp/article/ALeqM5
gOv0CCqNYdlr76c0mpDzVklMEwQw?docld=CNG.0944f388fe663cc8b4c80eadfaa9f7c2.
11.
19. "Q&A: Morocco's Referendum on Reform,'' BBC News, (July 29,
2011) http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-africa-13964550; ``Women's Rights
in the Draft Constitution,'' ADFM Press Release, http://
www.learningpartnership.org/lib/womens-rights-draft-constitution.
______
Appendices Submitted as an Attachment to Professor Sandra Bunn-
Livingstone's Prepared Statement
______
APPENDIX A--THE EGYPTIAN BILL OF RIGHTS AND FREEDOMS
[GRAPHIC(S)] [NOT AVAILABLE IN TIFF FORMAT]
[GRAPHIC(S)] [NOT AVAILABLE IN TIFF FORMAT]
[GRAPHIC(S)] [NOT AVAILABLE IN TIFF FORMAT]
APPENDIX B--THE CANNES PEACE ACCORD AND PLAN OF ACTION
[GRAPHIC(S)] [NOT AVAILABLE IN TIFF FORMAT]
APPENDIX C--TESTIMONIES FROM EGYPTIAN WOMEN
[GRAPHIC(S)] [NOT AVAILABLE IN TIFF FORMAT]
[GRAPHIC(S)] [NOT AVAILABLE IN TIFF FORMAT]
APPENDIX D--TESTIMONIES OF TUNISIAN WOMEN
[GRAPHIC(S)] [NOT AVAILABLE IN TIFF FORMAT]
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