[Senate Hearing 111-934]
[From the U.S. Government Printing Office]
S. Hrg. 111-934
NOMINATION
=======================================================================
HEARING
BEFORE THE
COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN RELATIONS
UNITED STATES SENATE
ONE HUNDRED ELEVENTH CONGRESS
SECOND SESSION
__________
MARCH 16, 2010
__________
Printed for the use of the Committee on Foreign Relations
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COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN RELATIONS
JOHN F. KERRY, Massachusetts, Chairman
CHRISTOPHER J. DODD, Connecticut RICHARD G. LUGAR, Indiana
RUSSELL D. FEINGOLD, Wisconsin BOB CORKER, Tennessee
BARBARA BOXER, California JOHNNY ISAKSON, Georgia
ROBERT MENENDEZ, New Jersey JAMES E. RISCH, Idaho
BENJAMIN L. CARDIN, Maryland JIM DeMINT, South Carolina
ROBERT P. CASEY, Jr., Pennsylvania JOHN BARRASSO, Wyoming
JIM WEBB, Virginia ROGER F. WICKER, Mississippi
JEANNE SHAHEEN, New Hampshire JAMES M. INHOFE, Oklahoma
EDWARD E. KAUFMAN, Delaware
KIRSTEN E. GILLIBRAND, New York
Frank G. Lowenstein, Staff Director
Kenneth A. Myers, Jr., Republican Staff Director
(ii)
C O N T E N T S
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Page
Dodd, Hon. Christopher J., U.S. Senator from Connecticut,
prepared statement............................................. 13
Ford, Hon. Robert Stephen, nominee to be Ambassador to the Syrian
Arab Republic.................................................. 5
Prepared statement........................................... 7
Responses to questions submitted for the record by the
following Senators:
John F. Kerry............................................ 23
Richard G. Lugar......................................... 26
Russell D. Feingold...................................... 30
Barbara Boxer............................................ 32
Kirsten E. Gillibrand.................................... 33
Kerry, Hon. John F., U.S. Senator from Massachusetts, opening
statement...................................................... 1
Lugar, Hon. Richard G., U.S. Senator from Indiana, opening
statement...................................................... 3
(iii)
NOMINATION
----------
TUESDAY, MARCH 16, 2010
U.S. Senate,
Committee on Foreign Relations,
Washington, DC.
Hon. Robert Stephen Ford, of Maryland, to be Ambassador to the
Syrian Arab Republic
----------
The committee met, pursuant to notice, at 9:30 a.m., in
room SD-419, Dirksen Senate Office Building, Hon. John F. Kerry
(chairman of the committee) presiding.
Present: Senators Kerry, Dodd, Cardin, Casey, Webb,
Kaufman, Lugar, and Isakson.
OPENING STATEMENT OF HON. JOHN F. KERRY,
U.S. SENATOR FROM MASSACHUSETTS
The Chairman. This hearing will come to order. Thank you
all for joining us this morning.
I have long argued that America's national security
interests are well served by engaging with Syria. And to that
end, I have made a number of journeys there over the course of
the last 4 or 5 years in efforts to explore the possibilities.
The administration's decision to send an Ambassador to
Damascus marks an important step forward in that process. I am
pleased to see that the administration has nominated a strong
candidate to take on this challenging assignment. After 21
years in the Foreign Service, Robert Ford served as Ambassador
to Algeria from 2006 to 2008. And since then, he has served
with distinction as the Deputy Chief of Mission in Iraq.
His success in this new post will be vital. From Iran and
Iraq to Lebanon and the Arab-Israeli peace process, just about
every major American security interest in the Middle East has a
Syrian dimension. Clearly, we have serious issues with Syria
still to be resolved.
While the flow of foreign fighters into Iraq has
diminished, more remains to be done to shut down the pipeline.
Large numbers of deadly weapons continue to transit across
Syria's still undemarcated borders with Lebanon. Hezbollah now
has more--and more dangerous--rockets than it did before the
2006 war. Last month, the director general of the IAEA
determined that the Syrians have not been cooperative with
their investigation into the suspected nuclear site at al-
Kibar.
Journalists, students, and human rights activists have been
arrested. And Syria's recent public rebuke of Secretary Clinton
and embrace of Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, Hassan Nasrallah, and the
leaders of Hamas, Islamic Jihad, and the PFLP GC sent a very
negative signal about the current mood in Damascus. At best, it
was bad optics.
Syria has its own list of requests, topped by the removal
of U.S. sanctions and the return of the Golan Heights. Syrians
will argue that they have taken positive steps, including
sending an Ambassador to Beirut, continuing to host hundreds of
thousands of Iraqi refugees, and agreeing to trilateral talks
with the United States and Iraq on border security--discussions
that I was personally involved in--and they would argue that
those steps have not been reciprocated by the United States. It
is fair to say that we have a great deal to discuss.
So President Obama did the right thing by deciding to send
an Ambassador to Syria to make our case at the highest levels.
Some have pointed to our disagreements as a reason not to
pursue this nomination, but I believe just the opposite is
true. We need an Ambassador now because we are at such a
pivotal moment. Remember, my friends, diplomacy is not a prize.
It is something we do to advance our interests, and we should
not fear forceful, principled engagement.
The real challenge is not deciding whether to engage. It is
to find a viable path to improved relations. I believe that
with confident, carefully calibrated diplomacy, we can show
Damascus what it stands to gain by moderating its behavior and
what it stands to lose by going in the other direction.
To succeed, we must present Damascus with a clear choice
and a vision of a different future. I have met with President
Assad on several occasions. And I have shared these concerns,
and I have heard his. And frankly, we have had a good dialogue,
and I saw many possibilities for joint cooperation and other
kinds of efforts between us.
I believe he understands that his country's long-term
interests, and his own as the head of a secular government--
something that he prizes--that those long-term interests are
not well served by aligning Syria with a revolutionary Shiite
regime in Iran and its terrorist clients. To the contrary,
Syria would be on much firmer footing if it instead builds
meaningful ties with America, its Arab neighbors, and the West.
President Assad understands the economic stakes as well.
Syria's oil wells are beginning to run dry just as the half of
its population under 18 begins to enter the marketplace, an
economic strain exacerbated by corruption, budget deficits, and
years of drought. Syria clearly wants to join the global
economy, and that will require closer ties with the rest of the
world.
All of us should be realistic about what engagement can
accomplish. A Syrian realignment won't come automatically or
overnight. But let me clear. It will never come at the expense
of Lebanon's sovereignty.
But if we do succeed, it could be transformative in
galvanizing the Arab-Israeli peace process and dramatically
improving the situation for our friends in Israel, Lebanon,
Iraq, and the West Bank. In short, this moment presents us with
an opportunity to change the strategic landscape in the Middle
East, and that is an effort that we cannot afford to ignore.
Most immediately, we have much to gain by reinvigorating
Syrian-Israeli diplomacy. Today, the parties have reached a
public impasse. President Assad wants Israel to make what is
called ``the deposit,'' promising that a successful deal will
deliver the Golan Heights to Syria. Prime Minister Netanyahu,
on the other hand, considers that an unacceptable precondition.
So we need to explore the role that the United States can play
in bringing the parties together to bridge this divide.
History shows that progress is not just a pipe dream.
Progress is possible. Remember, in the 1990s, two Israeli Prime
Ministers came very close to an agreement with Syria. And just
over a year ago, Prime Minister Olmert and President Assad made
real progress toward direct talks in negotiations brokered by
Turkey.
Going forward, our challenge is to translate this potential
into tangible progress measured in changed behavior. Over time,
splitting the difference will not be acceptable, and Syria may
not make the choices that we think may be in its best
interests. But the only way to determine whether Syria will
decide on a different future is to put real, clear choices on
the table, and having an ambassador there on a daily basis to
engage in that dialogue enhances our ability to do that.
Ambassador Ford, you come highly recommended. We admire the
job that you have been doing in Iraq enormously, and I think
you will bring just the right talents to this task. Once you
are confirmed, we look forward to working closely with you.
Senator Lugar.
OPENING STATEMENT OF HON. RICHARD G. LUGAR,
U.S. SENATOR FROM INDIANA
Senator Lugar. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, and I join with you
in welcoming Ambassador Ford back to our committee. During the
last several years, you have accepted some of the most
difficult assignments a diplomat could undertake. As the
chairman noted, you are currently the Deputy Chief of Mission
in Iraq. But you also headed the Political Section in Iraq for
3 years, and as I understand it, even as DCM to Bahrain and
Ambassador to Algiers, you were sometimes posted in Iraq on
extended temporary duty. The nominee's long record, Mr.
Chairman, of skilled diplomatic service to our country clearly
qualifies him for this post.
We open our hearing with the understanding that we are
discussing not just the nominee's qualifications, but also
policy decisions related to Syria and our diplomatic
representation in that country. Syria has been on the state
sponsors of terrorism list since it was originally published in
December of 1979. Despite recent United States overtures,
relations with Damascus remain deeply strained. Just 2 weeks
ago, in a joint press conference with the President of Iran,
Syrian President Bashar Assad made inflammatory remarks that
raised the question whether the regime is prepared to engage at
any level with the United States.
More concretely, Syrian actions frequently have been
hostile to United States interests. Damascus has been unhelpful
to stability in Iraq and the safety of our troops there. It has
supported Hamas and Hezbollah. It has harbored Iraqi Baathists,
and possibly Al Qaeda in Iraq operatives. It has long
suppressed basic freedoms and human rights and obstructed IAEA
investigations. Even cooperation on much smaller issues that
are in Syria's own interest has been rare. For example, Syria
has refused to grant United States immigration officials visas
to interview and to process thousands of Iraqis living in Syria
who are seeking resettlement in the United States.
Given these factors, we should temper expectations about
what can be achieved diplomatically with the Syrians in the
short term. Nevertheless, declining to post ambassadors to
countries, though sometimes necessary, rarely serves United
States interests for long. In this case, Syria is an
unavoidable factor in the Middle East peace equation. As we
have noted, its actions affect United States foreign policy
goals in Iraq, Iran, Lebanon, and other neighboring states. It
is understandable that as the administration tries to make
progress on several fronts in the Middle East, it is proposing
to send an ambassador to Damascus for the first time since
2005.
I am interested to hear from the nominee about how the
administration plans to address the set of problems presented
by Syrian activities and how improving relations with Syria
fits a broader diplomatic campaign to achieve United States
goals in the Middle East. And I would also like to hear whether
the administration believes there are diplomatic risks and
costs to returning an ambassador to Damascus, and if so, how
the State Department is planning to mitigate them.
For these many reasons, we all look forward to the insights
of the distinguished nominee, and we are privileged to have you
before us this morning.
Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
The Chairman. Thank you very much, Senator Lugar.
Ambassador Ford, we welcome you, as I said. And your full
statement will be placed in the record as if read in full. If
you want to summarize, then we will have some time----
Senator Cardin. Mr. Chairman.
The Chairman. Senator Cardin.
Senator Cardin. Could I just interrupt for one moment
because I am not going to be able to stay for the full
presentation. I have another hearing. In addition to Mr. Ford's
incredible professional career, he is from Maryland. And I just
want you to know that we are very proud of another Marylander
before our committee and fully recommend him for confirmation.
Second, let me point out his wife, Alison, is stationed in
Rabat, in Morocco. So this is a career family that has served
our Nation very well. It is nice to have Mr. Ford before the
committee.
The Chairman. Thank you, Senator Cardin, for those
comments. We appreciate them very, very much, and I know the
Ambassador does.
Mr. Ambassador.
STATEMENT OF HON. ROBERT STEPHEN FORD, OF MARYLAND, TO BE
AMBASSADOR TO THE SYRIAN ARAB REPUBLIC
Ambassador Ford. Mr. Chairman, Senators Lugar, Dodd, and
Cardin, it is really an honor to appear before you today.
I am very grateful for the trust and the confidence placed
in me by President Obama and Secretary Clinton in nominating me
to serve as U.S. Ambassador to the Syrian Arab Republic.
Mr. Chairman, I have submitted a longer written statement
for the record, and so, if it is OK with you, I would like to
just make some brief remarks to the committee?
The Chairman. We appreciate it. Thank you.
Ambassador Ford. Yes. The President's desire to have a
sustained and principled dialogue with the Syrian Government at
the ambassadorial level is in our national interest, and it
should move us closer to achieving our goals in Syria and in
the region.
Let me reiterate that returning an ambassador to Syria
would not be a reward to Syria, nor would it mark a change in
the fundamentals of our concerns with that important country.
Rather, it would mark a change in the way we try to secure our
national interests in Syria. And Syria has its own interests in
Iraq, in Lebanon, and in the Middle East peace process.
Thus, returning an Ambassador would mark a change in how we
try to persuade, how we try to press Syria about where Syria's
true interests are best found.
As President Obama said in his speech at Cairo University,
the United States should commit itself to an effort, a
sustained effort to find common ground. But the President also
said that we should not ignore sources of tension. Instead, we
have to confront those tensions squarely.
Especially at a time when the Middle East confronts
increasing tensions, we should be talking every day and every
week with top-level officials who have influence and authority
in Syria. They need to hear directly from us, not from the
media and not from third-party countries, what American
calculations and American thinking are and what could be the
potential costs to Syria of their miscalculations.
If confirmed, unfiltered, straight talk with the Syrian
Government will be my mission priority. And if confirmed, I
have as major issue priorities the following, Mr. Chairman.
First, getting Syria to be helpful in stabilizing Iraq. In
addition, getting Syria to stop helping terrorist groups and to
be more respectful of Lebanese sovereignty. In addition,
securing Syrian support for the peace process and securing
Syrian cooperation with the International Atomic Energy Agency.
And finally, encouraging greater respect of human rights in
Syria.
I am under no illusions as to how big a challenge this will
be. I served for more than 4 years in Iraq, and I have seen
firsthand the tragic aftermath of terrorist car bombs
perpetrated by foreign fighter networks that infiltrated
suicide bombers from Damascus airport into Iraq.
On the subject of Iraq, let me be clear that I would press
the Syrians to adapt their policies, and they have an interest
in doing so. They have an interest in a sovereign, secure, and
stable Iraq. Notably, Syria and Iraq could establish economic
ties that would be mutually beneficial for both countries.
I would also like to underline, as you did, Mr. Chairman,
that our policy of intensified dialogue with Syria will not
come at the expense of any other state in the region, including
Lebanon. The United States is firm in its commitment to
Lebanon's sovereignty and stability. We want Syria also to
respect Lebanese sovereignty and stability.
In recent weeks, we have seen sharp rhetorical exchanges
between Hezbollah and our friends in Israel, and even the
Syrians have joined in, in some cases. We do not see how it is
in Syria's interest for new fighting to break out in Lebanon,
fighting that could escalate and even drag Syria in itself.
Moreover, we will maintain sanctions on Syria as long as it
supports terrorist groups like Hezbollah and Hamas. Thus, if
confirmed, there is much for me to discuss urgently with the
Syrians about Lebanon and about Syrian actions in support of
terrorist groups.
Connected to this Lebanon situation, Mr. Chairman, is
another priority--securing Syrian support for our Middle East
peace efforts. You know how hard our special envoy, Senator
Mitchell, is working in this regard. Our policy is clear. We
seek a just and comprehensive peace, a peace that would be in
the interest of our friends in Israel and in the interest of
our friends in the Arab region and the broader international
community.
We have been urging the Syrians to support our efforts to
restart negotiations between Israel and the Palestinians. And
in addition, Senator Mitchell and his team have been exploring
ways to restart negotiations between Israel and Syria. For the
past 16 years, the Syrian Government has said a peace agreement
could be in its interests, and we want to foster movement in
that direction.
Mr. Chairman, another big issue is Syria's nuclear program,
where we in the international community have serious concerns.
Syria has not cooperated with the International Atomic Energy
Agency inspectors since June 2008, despite repeated IAEA
requests. The latest IAEA report has raised big questions, and
if I am confirmed, I would expect to press the Syrians hard on
this issue.
Mr. Chairman, members of the committee, the aspirations of
people in the Middle East for dignity, economic opportunity,
and respect for their human rights are dear to me personally
and professionally. I first went to the Arab region as a Peace
Corps Volunteer to Morocco 30 years ago. And I am proud to say
that I worked hard on that issue--human rights and respect for
human rights--when I was Ambassador in Algeria, and I would do
so in Syria if I am confirmed.
As the just-issued State Department report on the human
rights situation in Syria noted, there are very big problems
there. And there is much that an Ambassador could and should do
to help Syrians determine how best to implement peaceful
reforms and improve respect for human rights.
In conclusion, Mr. Chairman, this is a big agenda, and it
is a hard one. It doesn't promise fast results. But all of
these items are in our national interest, and it is in our
national interest that we press the Syrians on these issues
daily at the highest levels.
Improving relations between us and Syria has to be a two-
way street. It will require that Syria take steps to match
steps we take. Sometimes we have seen the Syrians respond. For
example, the Europeans, after long, hard discussions, convinced
the Syrians to toughen their laws against trafficking in
persons. And after we pressed, Syria also saw how it was in its
interests to cut the flow of fighters going into Iraq.
However, the Syrian Government didn't go as far as we want
in shutting down those networks. And it reminds us that we have
to be firm and we have to be patient. Thus, as I said, it is a
full agenda, but if confirmed, I am ready to start on it.
Thank you very much. And I would be pleased to take
questions.
[The prepared statement of Ambassador Ford follows:]
Prepared Statement of Hon. Robert Stephen Ford
Mr. Chairman and members of the committee, I am honored to appear
before you today. I am grateful for the trust and confidence placed in
me by President Obama and Secretary Clinton in nominating me to serve
as United States Ambassador to the Syrian Arab Republic.
President Obama has placed a priority on achieving certain national
security objectives, such as regional peace. The President's desire to
have a sustained and principled dialogue with the Syrian Government at
the ambassadorial level does not promise fast results, but it is in our
national interest and will move us closer to achieving our goals.
One thing I have learned in my work in places like Egypt, Algeria,
and Iraq is that when we talk to governments that take stances contrary
to our interests, we must be firm and also realistic about the progress
we can expect to make in a short time. The diplomacy of engagement is a
long-term investment.
I have also seen how hard it is for bad news to travel up to the
top in the region's bureaucracies. So far in this administration's
effort to engage the Syrian Government, we have only circumvented that
bureaucratic problem and spoken directly to the top Syrian leadership
when high-level American delegations have visited Damascus, such as the
February visit of Under Secretary Burns.
Especially at a time when the Middle East confronts increasing
regional tensions, we must be talking every day and every week with
top-level officials who have influence and decisionmaking authority.
They need to hear directly from us, not from the media or third-party
intermediaries, what are our bottom lines and the potential costs to
them--and to the region--of their miscalculations. If confirmed,
unfiltered straight talk with the Syrian Government will be my mission
priority.
And I am under no illusions as to the nature of the challenge I
will face if confirmed; during my more than 4 years in Iraq, I saw
firsthand the tragic aftermath of terrorist car bombings perpetrated by
foreign fighter networks that infiltrated suicide bombers from Damascus
airport over the Syrian border and into Iraq.
The Syrian Government has also been a steadfast supporter of
terrorist groups like Hamas, Palestinian Islamic Jihad, and Hezbollah
for more than 20 years. Without significant changes in its policy,
Syria will remain on our list of State Sponsors of Terrorism for the
foreseeable future. And while we and our friends in the region are
working to mitigate Iran's influence, Syria has helped promote Iran's
destabilizing policies.
The United States wants a just and comprehensive peace in the
Middle East. The Syrians say they want the same. The United States
wants a sovereign, stable, secure Iraq. The Syrians say they do too.
The United States wants the Lebanese Government to exercise sovereign
authority over all of its territory. The Syrians say that they accept
Lebanese sovereignty. However, when it comes to implementation of steps
to achieve these common goals, our two governments remain far apart.
While we are working to develop the regional conditions conducive
for relaunching Middle East peace talks, Syria threatens to play its
traditional role as a spoiler.
While we are building the capacities of the Iraqi security forces,
the Syrian Government hosts networks of both former Iraqi Baathists,
hard-line Islamists and even TV broadcasters who work to undermine the
Iraqi state.
While we are strengthening the institutions of the sovereign
Lebanese Government and its defense forces, the Syrian President
prominently hosted the leader of Hezbollah at a state dinner with the
Iranian President.
And while we urge countries in the region to comply with their
obligations under the Nuclear Nonproliferation Treaty and their
obligations to the International Atomic Energy Agency in Vienna, the
Syrians have so far refused to provide the IAEA access and information
necessary to resolve the concerns about Syria's nuclear activities.
Moreover, there are major human rights problems in Syria, such as
the arrest and torture of human rights activists.
I do not think that the Syrians will change their policies quickly.
Finding avenues of cooperation with Syria will be a step-by-step
process that will require patience and steady commitment to our
principles.
And the Syrians could be very helpful if they perceive how their
interests are best served by working with us and the international
community.
For example, if we are to protect the investment we have made in
the future of Iraq, we must work with the Syrian Government to make
clear its stake in the security and stability of Iraq. Certainly Syria
and Iraq could have significant economic relations.
If we are to succeed in stabilizing the region, we must persuade
Syria that neither Iran nor Hezbollah share Syria's long-term strategic
interest in a comprehensive Middle East peace. Indeed, we must see
whether the Syrians are truly interested in negotiating that peace
agreement with Israel.
Moreover, Syria now hosts the largest population of Iraqi refugees
in the world. Indeed, many of Iraq's ancient, and once thriving
Christian populationnow resides in Syria. The Syrian Government has
been generous in allowing them access to health care and education, but
the durable solution for most is repatriation and the refugees won't go
home unless Iraq is stable and secure. Syria is also host to over
460,000 Palestinian refugees, whose basic services are provided by the
U.N. Relief and Works Agency for Palestine refugees in the Near East,
with generous support from the Syrian Government. If confirmed, I will
seek additional ways where we can cooperate with Syria to help these
refugees; in the case of the Iraqi refugees, many of them could come
from Syria to the United States for resettlement.
Finally, Mr. Chairman, as a former Peace Corps Volunteer and a
long-time observer of the region, I would note that Syria has the same
challenge as many of the other countries in the region. Its youth
bubble--80 percent of Syrians are under the age of 30--faces rising
unemployment even as they enjoy easy access to satellite television and
the Internet. Many of them hope that Syria will become a fuller part of
the Mediterranean and broader international community. So do we. If
confirmed, I will represent the United States not only to the Syrian
Government, but to the nearly 20 million Syrians whose opinions of our
country are distorted on a daily basis by political propaganda. And I
will regularly find ways to push for improvements in the human rights
situation in Syria and also to show our high-level support for those
Syrians working for the promotion of basic human rights in Syria.
Mr. Chairman, members of the committee, thank you for this
opportunity to address the committee. I would be pleased to respond to
any questions you may have.
The Chairman. Thank you very much, Ambassador. I appreciate
the framing that you have just presented to us.
Let me ask you, since you have just been in Iraq, and the
Iraq tripartite cooperation is a major issue with Syria. There
is some evidence that Syria may have been blindsided by the
collapse of the Iraq initiative, and it came about partly
because of Prime Minister Maliki's needs, not so much ours or
Syria's.
Could you share with us your sense of what the
possibilities are in terms of border cooperation and how you
might see the current post-election process empowering us to
move forward in that regard?
Ambassador Ford. Senator, as I said, the Syrians themselves
have a real interest in a stable and secure and sovereign Iraq.
With respect to the tripart discussions that you talked about,
there was an effort which the administration undertook to bring
the Iraqis, the Syrians, and some of our experts together to
look at how to improve security along the border. In the end,
those discussions didn't happen because of events that occurred
in Baghdad and the Iraqi political reaction after that.
We still hope that Iraq and Syria will find a way to build
a better bilateral relationship. There is a huge amount----
The Chairman. Could you be more explicit? What were the
interests? What happened in that regard? What did Maliki see
as--go ahead.
Ambassador Ford. In particular, Prime Minister Maliki
publicly and in private accused the Syrians of being--of
helping the groups that executed the August 19th bombings in
Baghdad, the bombings that destroyed the Foreign Ministry and
the Finance Ministry.
The Chairman. Did you have any evidence to that effect?
Ambassador Ford. Mr. Chairman, we have, of course, studied
it. We have not found a direct link.
The Chairman. Senator Dodd and I were there and met with
President Assad a number of years ago, and I have met with him
since. He has been very clear about his interest in having a
stable Iraq. And everything that we understand documents what
you have said. It is in their interest.
They have a Sunni majority population. And then, of course,
in Iraq, it is a minority. Their interest is in seeing it
stable and not having it spill over into their country and so
forth. So we accept that at face value.
But what is it now that can be done, in your judgment, to
rapidly get this back on track? You don't have to turn the
microphone on and off. You can just leave it on.
Ambassador Ford. OK. Thank you.
Senator, the first and most important thing that the Iraqis
could do--sorry, the Syrians. The first and most important
thing the Syrians could do is to shut down the remaining
foreign fighter networks. They have not shut them all down. The
number of fighters going over the border, we estimate, was
about 100 per month, say, 2\1/2\ years ago, mid-2007. That
number has diminished now to about 10. So that is a big
improvement.
Part of that improvement probably is less because of a
Syrian policy decision than because our forces in Iraq and
Iraqi security forces have had a lot of success taking down
some of the al-Qaeda networks in places like Baghdad and Mosul.
But the Syrians have shut down some networks. That is good. But
they haven't shut them all down. There is more they could and
should do.
And frankly, were they to do that, I think the Iraqis would
notice and would respond. In addition----
The Chairman. When you say they could and should, that is
to a certainty that we know those groups are under their
control and/or within their capacity to shut down?
Ambassador Ford. We think they have the capacity, Senator.
In addition, Senator, in terms of the politics of the
relations between Iraq and Syria, the Syrians promote and
allow--well, both promote and allow groups, Iraqi groups to
undertake activities that are destabilizing to the
constitutional government in Iraq.
For example, there is a television station in Iraq--sorry,
in Syria, named Al Rai. It is operated by a real rogue named
Mishaan al-Jabouri, and it shows pictures of Humvees blowing up
and attacks on American forces, attacks on Iraqi forces. This
is not a television station that is broadcasting to Syrian
audiences, Mr. Chairman. It is broadcasting to Iraqis. It is
trying to foment violence against our forces and against
Iraqis, and there is no reason for the Syrians to promote that.
They have it in their capacity to turn that off.
There are other things in that vein, Mr. Chairman.
The Chairman. I had a conversation the other day with
President Assad when I was in the Middle East, and he mentioned
the degree to which they have kept their word with respect to
Lebanon and that Lebanon has been, in fact, relatively quiet
over the period of the last months since the election and new
government.
Can you speak to the Syrian posture vis-a-vis Lebanon now
and what you see as the stakes for Lebanon in terms of better
American relations with Syria?
Ambassador Ford. We are firmly committed, as I said, to
Lebanese sovereignty and stability. And we have worked quite
hard to build and strengthen the capacity of Lebanese
institutions. We would like the Syrians also to cooperate with
Lebanese Government institutions.
It is a good step that they opened an Embassy in Beirut. It
is a good step that they announced during the visit of Prime
Minister Hariri to Damascus that they would begin the border--
the Syrian-Lebanese border delineation effort.
The Syrians, in a sense, Mr. Chairman, said that this would
open a new era of relations. The Hariri visit would open a new
era of relations between Syria and Lebanon. And that would be
good. We welcome that, but we would like to see that actually
implemented on the ground.
And of course, one of the biggest problems is the
transshipment of weapons from Syria to armed groups, notably
Hezbollah, but not limited to Hezbollah, which contravene
United Nations Security Council resolutions and, frankly,
undermine the Lebanese state.
The Chairman. Fair enough. There are obviously some
questions to pursue with respect to Hezbollah, but my time is
up.
Senator Lugar.
Senator Lugar. Ambassador, United States officials have
visited Damascus frequently, as we already mentioned,
throughout 2009 and even into 2010. Furthermore Syrian
officials have been invited to Washington. The Syrian
Ambassador in Washington has been meeting regularly with United
States policymakers. But now the question is about sending you
to be the Ambassador in Syria.
Thus far, the American public has seen Syria's response to
our positive attitudes as belligerent at worst, and dismissive
at best. And I just inquire: has something occurred to further
anger the Syrians while all this is going on, and what the
signs are that a gesture of respect on our part would be
similarly met?
You have mentioned that by being in Syria you can express
directly our policies to the Syrians and the penalties for
noncompliance and so forth, our calculations, depth, and
reasoning in formulating the policy. But to some extent, a good
bit of this has been proceeding without having an ambassador.
Why would this additional step make a difference, or is there
something occurring that you perceive in Syrian policy that is
more promising?
Ambassador Ford. Senator, I think it is very much in our
national interests, especially when tensions are rising in the
region, to have an Ambassador in Syria. It is an important
country. It has its own interests in places like Iraq--we were
just talking about Lebanon--and the Middle East. And it has an
ability also to be helpful or to be unhelpful.
In those situations, I think sustained dialogue, sustained
lobbying, if you will, are really useful to make sure that both
sides understand exactly what the other's thinking is, that
both sides understand what the other's calculations are. It is
very hard in countries in the region for an Embassy to go in at
sort of a medium level and get messages passed up to the top.
The bad news just doesn't flow upward very well over there.
There is a lot more we could be doing, frankly, were we to
have an Ambassador there, both to remind the Syrians of what
our calculations are and also where their interests best lie.
These are things in our interest, regardless of how the Syrians
respond in the short term.
Senator Lugar. Well, let us say that you are there, and you
find, as you pointed out in your long statement, that Syria has
a very large young population that perhaps have different
views, and might, in due course, be more friendly toward the
United States. We already have adopted a certain number of
sanctions against Syria and not with regard necessarily to
young people, but to older people, too, such as those in the
business community and otherwise.
What sort of changes will we need to make, and what sort of
advice could we anticipate in this committee that you might
come back and offer in order to really make headway with this
young population or with the business folks or so forth, you
would need us to reconsider one thing or another to facilitate
that activity?
Ambassador Ford. Yes. I just think it is very important to
reach out beyond government circles when you are an ambassador.
Frankly, any position in an embassy, the diplomatic staff, that
would be part of my job managing the embassy is to make sure we
are reaching out to all segments of the society.
A couple of things come to mind, Senator. In the wake of
the Syrian allegations of an American raid on the Syrian
border, they shut down our cultural center in Damascus. They
have allowed the English language teaching center to reopen,
which is a good step. We welcome that.
And I understand that, actually attendance at our English
language courses is quite high. I think young Syrians want to
learn English; many. And many young Syrians are interested in
being exposed to different viewpoints.
There is an American cultural center, which has not yet
reopened, and that is certainly something that would be on my
agenda as soon as I arrive. But we also have what we call
``American corners,'' Senator. These are smaller cultural
centers placed in things like universities. When I was in
Algeria, we opened three of them. We have two in Syria right
now, and I would like to see those reinvigorated.
And then we will have our contacts with the business
community, absolutely. The Embassy does now, but the
possibilities for economic relations are limited because of the
strong sanctions regime that we have in place now.
Senator Lugar. Well, as I said, I extend an open invitation
to you. As you see sanctions which may or may not be helpful,
if you see openings for engagement, obviously, you have made
some thoughtful suggestions about the youth, and the American
corners idea, I think, is superb and one which I have
introduced a resolution to encourage, especially in those
places where security considerations have forced them to close
or restricted access to them. But, please do keep in touch
because it may be that some back and forth is going to be
required to get your message out.
Finally, I think all of us in the Senate and administration
were really staggered by news of the Syrian nuclear program,
and this came, first of all, through intelligence sources that
were closely guarded. Now it became a much more general
picture. Given our preoccupation with all of this proceeding in
Iran, suddenly to find out that almost side by side something
had been occurring in Syria. That was truly significant. And
that there may have been the same traces of A.Q. Khan, really
was staggering.
Now I know you will continue to pursue this issue, as will
the IAEA and others, but it is something that will not go away
without there being much more international understanding of
what the President and the Government of Syria have in mind
with regard to this program. It has been reported that the
President hid some information related to the program from many
of his own officials, but the general dialogue within the
country about this program was rather limited.
But I know you understand the seriousness of this, and
perhaps it constitutes another argument, as you presented, for
your presence and persistence and for a good staff there to
join you.
Thank you very much.
Ambassador Ford. Thank you, Senator.
The Chairman. Senator Dodd.
Senator Dodd. Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman.
And welcome, Mr. Ambassador, to the committee. These
hearings obviously perform a dual function, one to pass
judgment on your qualifications to serve in the post for which
you have been nominated and, second, to pursue policy questions
regarding, in this case, bilateral relationships, as well as
regional relationships.
And let me just say at the outset how fortunate we are to
have someone of your background and experience. So the
questions will be more focused on policy issues than whether or
not you are qualified for this job. You are eminently
qualified, and I want to congratulate you.
I noticed, however, in your resume here, you don't list
having been in the Peace Corps. And as a former Peace Corps
Volunteer, is there any particular reason why you are hiding
that fact?
Ambassador Ford. No. I think that is a failure of my
writing up a biography on short notice, Senator. Sorry.
Senator Dodd. Well, add it on because it is an issue, and I
am not going to dwell on this particular point. But we have
only two Peace Corps programs in the Muslim world, in Morocco
and Jordan. Now there is talk of Indonesia and opening a Peace
Corps program there.
And for years, I have pursued the idea in Egypt, where you
studied----
Ambassador Ford. Yes.
Senator Dodd [continuing]. As another likely choice.
Obviously, Syria is not necessarily on the brink, although I
have a niece that is going to study there in a few weeks.
Ambassador Ford. Really?
Senator Dodd. Yes. She is going to Jordan and then Syria
and then spending several months in Turkey as well. She is a
student at Middlebury.
Ambassador Ford. Oh.
Senator Dodd. In the language programs there. So it is
encouraging to me that we have young people in this country
willing to study this language. You talk about Syrians studying
English. It is tremendously important we have young Americans,
as you did years ago, pursue the cultural and linguistic
abilities in the Arab world as well.
Ambassador Ford. Absolutely agree.
Senator Dodd. We need more and more of these students along
the way.
Senator Lugar and Senator Kerry have pursued these broad
range of issues. And Senator Kerry and I had a very interesting
meeting, I guess, 3 years ago, in December of 2006 with
President Assad, when we made a visit to the region. I will ask
consent, Mr. Chairman, if I could just have my opening comments
be put in the record as well along those lines.
The Chairman. Without objection.
[The prepared statement of Senator Dodd follows:]
Prepared Statement of Hon. Christopher J. Dodd,
U.S. Senator From Connecticut
Mr. Chairman, thank you for holding this hearing. And, Mr. Ford,
thank you for your service to this country, and for agreeing to take on
the complex and critical responsibilities of this post.
We have lacked an ambassador in Syria for far too long. The
previous administration did not believe that we should talk to
countries with whom we have a difficult relationship. That policy was
in no one's best interest, least of all America's.
The Obama administration, on the other hand, has chosen to put
diplomacy at the forefront of foreign policy, and there could be no
better example of their commitment to diplomacy than their selection of
Robert Ford to be our Ambassador in Damascus.
While I am hopeful--as are many here, in Syria, and throughout the
Middle East--at the prospect of a new chapter in the relationship
between our two countries, I know that change doesn't happen overnight.
To my understanding, Syria has clamped down on fighters and weapons
flowing across its borders into Iraq. That's a good start, but more
needs to be done. I believe that if Syria acts as a responsible
neighbor, it can have a positive relationship with its neighbor Iraq.
However, Syria continues to engage in deeply troubling behavior.
Not only has it failed to establish diplomatic and political relations
with Lebanon consistent with international norms, Syria also persists
in supplying weapons and other support to Hezbollah and Hamas. This is
categorically unacceptable. Meanwhile, Syrian-Israeli peace remains
elusive, despite the fact that the outlines of an eventual deal appear
relatively clear to both sides.
And, of course, the lack of human rights and the weak rule of law
within Syria's borders, problems which include crackdowns on personal
freedom and freedom of the press, represent an affront to the
democratic values we seek to share with all nations.
These are serious issues. We cannot ignore our serious concerns
with policies of the Syrian Government, but the strategy of simply
issuing demands and ultimatums has not worked and is no longer
operative. What better way to address our concerns and advance our
interests than to have a capable and competent American Ambassador in
Damascus, delivering our message to the highest levels of the Syrian
Government? In my view, this serious and level-headed approach is the
right way to go. And that new approach begins with Mr. Ford. I welcome
him to the committee, thank him for his service, and look forward to
his confirmation.
Senator Dodd. I have lines of questions. One is, as I
understand it, and I don't think things have changed much, that
the Syrians, in terms of their reopening negotiations with the
Israelis, would like to sort of begin the process where things
had left off. Whereas, the Israelis, as I understand it, would
like some preconditions, and understandably so, I might add.
Can you give us some sense of how you think you might
square that circle? Because as some have suggested, I think
Senator Lugar did as well and Senator Kerry, that avenue may
offer more promise, at least initially here, than the
relationships between the Israelis and the Palestinians. And I
think that a breakthrough there could have a very positive
impact in the region. So give us some sense of how you will
square that circle, if that is a correct analysis, by the way,
of the two sides' positions.
Ambassador Ford. Let me share some thoughts on that,
Senator Dodd. And also I really applaud your daughter for going
out----
Senator Dodd. Niece.
Ambassador Ford. Your niece for going----
Senator Dodd. I have a 5-year-old and an 8-year-old. They
are not quite ready for----
[Laughter.]
Ambassador Ford. So with respect an Israel-Syria peace
agreement, first, as Senator Kerry said, it really would change
the region. It would be a game-changer. It is very much in
American interests to have a comprehensive peace settlement in
the region. My understanding is that the indirect discussions
between Syria and Israel in 2008, conducted through Turkish
intermediation, made considerable headway. However, they did
not, obviously, result in an agreement.
The Syrians are insistent on the return of the Golan, full
return of the Golan. On the Israeli side, my understanding is
that the Israelis want to carefully understand the Syrian
commitments to what a peace agreement means in terms of normal
relations and Syria's role in the broader regional stability
question. And that is a fair question.
So it is important, therefore, that we find a way, that we
find a formula to get the Israelis and the Syrians back to
these negotiations so that we can see how far the Syrian
Government is willing to go in terms of commitments with
respect to normalization and regional stability.
Senator Dodd. Is that something now, that is more of a
Mitchell portfolio than yours?
Ambassador Ford. Senator Mitchell and his team have the
lead. But obviously, our Embassy in Damascus would help and
coordinate carefully with them.
Senator Dodd. I tried to find the answer to this question,
and I should know it, and I apologize for not knowing it. Tell
me, in Baghdad, who has embassies in Baghdad now within the
region? Iran has an Embassy there.
Ambassador Ford. Oh, yes; they do.
Senator Dodd. Yes. Well, then my point is, and I heard you
talk about the Iraqi difficulty with the Syrians for the
reasons you outlined, and yet, given the history of Iran and
Iraq, given the production of weapons and the like, it seems to
be somewhat of an inconsistency here, given Iranian involvement
in undermining Iraqi stability. Lay that out for me a little
bit as to how this plays out.
Ambassador Ford. Yes. Let me give you my read on that,
Senator Dodd. And I am going to bring in the Syrian angle.
The Iranians in Iraq certainly have a very active Embassy,
frankly. Their Ambassador is rather notorious there. In
addition, they have provided assistance, weaponry, and other
resources to Shia extremist militias. They continue to do that,
and they exert genuine direct pressure on some of the Iraqi
political parties. They actually get quite involved in it.
Their goal, as best I can tell, Senator, is to have a
government which is largely dominated by one particular sect,
at least at the senior levels. I do not think, frankly, that
the Syrians share that objective. I don't think their interest,
as they perceive it, is the same.
The Iraqis that are in Damascus, the ones receiving the
support that I mentioned, are absolutely not Shia. They are
Sunni and they are secular, for the most part. They are not
Islamist. And in addition, the Syrian interest seems to be for
a stronger government that will ensure the unity of the state.
They are not enamored with the idea of a more decentralized
federal Iraq.
And so, the two countries, Iran and Syria, on this issue of
Iraq, I think, do not share an eye-to-eye agreement on what is
best for Iraq. Now, of course, for the United States, we want
Iraqis to make these decisions, and we are very encouraged by
the elections. This was the fifth election that has been held
in Iraq since the fall of the Saddam regime. I am counting a
referendum on the constitution in that five.
The turnout was good, 62 percent, according to the data.
The count is going slow, and I think those of us that are
really curious about how it is going to go are looking at the
news reports every day and waiting to see more figures. I think
the Iraqis have come a long way from when I first went there in
2003. They have a long way to go. But in terms of developing a
more democratic political culture, they have made real strides.
And what we would like to see now is for Syria to under-
stand that government is not going anywhere. The
constitutionally elected Government of Iraq is going to stay.
It is not going to be overthrown.
And so, they have an interest in shutting down foreign
fighters. They have an interest in not helping groups trying to
undermine the state. Instead, Syria has a real interest in
consolidating relations with Iraq, and these groups that they
allow freedom to run around aggravate relations. And so, they
don't have an interest in that.
Senator Dodd. Well, thank you very much. And again, thank
you for your service. And I commend the Obama administration
for deciding to send an Ambassador and reopen the diplomatic
front. So wish you the very best.
Thanks, Mr. Chairman.
The Chairman. Thank you, Senator Dodd.
Senator Isakson.
Senator Isakson. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
I appreciate the time you gave me yesterday on the phone,
Mr. Ford. Thank you very much.
I really have two questions, one on what we were just
talking about. Is there not still a large number of Iraqi
refugees in Syria?
Ambassador Ford. Senator, the numbers vary. The Syrian
Government has said that the number is up around a million. I
have seen recent figures from the United Nations High
Commission on Refugees, which says that the number of
registered Iraqi refugees in Syria is about 250,000. That
estimate is probably too low. It would be more than 250,000,
but it could be in the range 400,000, 500,000.
I have to say on this, Senator, if you permit me, in some
ways the Syrian Government has been very helpful on the Iraqi
refugee issue. They have kept their border open so that people
fleeing because they are worried about getting murdered and
killed at home have been able to take refuge in Syria. In
particular, a number of Iraqi Christians, the Iraqi Christian
community from northwestern Iraq, Ninawa province, have gone
into Syria.
And they have provided things, some assistance to the
refugees there at Syrian Government expense. And more recently,
they said that Iraqi refugees would have permission to work,
which is a new decision and will help the Iraqi refugees there.
May I make one last comment on this, Senator? Again,
speaking personally, we have a real moral obligation to help
the Iraqi refugees, we have been so involved in Iraq.
And the Congress and the American people have responded
very generously, over $300 million in the last year's budget to
help Iraqi refugees.
And we have ongoing programs in Syria. In fact, Syria last
year was the destination from which the largest number of
refugees came to the United States, Iraqi refugees came to the
United States out of Iraq through Syria. There is more we would
like them to do. Senator Kerry mentioned about the--or, no,
Senator Lugar, I think, mentioned about the circuit writers
from the Homeland Security. We would like to see more visas
issued. It would help our processing, and they could issue more
authorizations for NGOs to work with those refugees.
So there is work to be done there, too, but I think we can
make progress on that, Senator.
Senator Isakson. Given the relative stability that you
referred to with the Iraqi Government now being in place,
conducting elections, what is the reticence for refugees to
stay in Syria and not come back to Iraq?
Ambassador Ford. We have done pretty detailed surveys of
that, Senator, and the United Nations has as well. There are
still security concerns among the refugee populations in places
like Syria and Jordan. As the security situation in Iraq
gradually improves, we think we will see more refugees going
back home.
In the past year, calendar year 2009 saw total number from
Syria, Jordan, and other countries going back into Iraq around
200,000, which is a lot higher than a couple of years ago. The
second issue is: will they find jobs when they get back to
Iraq? And absolutely, the Iraqi economy needs to start
generating more job growth. That will be a big issue for the
new government.
Senator Isakson. On the question of Israeli-Syrian talks,
is it correct that Syria was a conduit for rockets getting into
Lebanon that were ultimately fired against the Israelis?
Ambassador Ford. That has been true in the past, Senator.
Yes.
Senator Isakson. Have the Syrians in any way renounced the
Hezbollah or renounced what they did in that conflict?
Ambassador Ford. No. And in fact, just a couple of weeks
ago, they hosted the leader of Hezbollah to a dinner with
Iranian President Ahmadinejad and the Syrian President Bashar
al-Assad, a three-way dinner, which was widely publicized
throughout the Middle East.
Senator Isakson. I took it that that was almost a surrogate
conflict between Iran and Israel, not between Lebanon and
Israel. Is that a fair statement? That may not be a fair
question to ask you, but that was my impression.
Ambassador Ford. What I would say on that, Senator, is
unquestionably Iran promotes Hezbollah, as does Syria, as a
means of pressuring Israel. I think--but the Hezbollah fighters
themselves are dedicated. They are serious terrorists, and they
mean to do harm to Israel.
Senator Isakson. Well, you have a big job ahead of you in a
very dangerous part of the world, and I wish you the best of
luck because improvement is what we need, and we need it
desperately.
Thank you.
The Chairman. Thank you very much, Senator.
Senator Casey.
Senator Casey. Mr. Ambassador, thank you very much, and we
are grateful that you are willing to take on yet another tough
assignment. So we appreciate that, especially at this time in
our history, we want to commend your service.
Ambassador Ford. Thank you.
Senator Casey. I wanted to talk about at least two areas.
One is with regard to Syria's nuclear intentions or ambitions,
how you assess those ambitions and, second, the related
question about their failure to cooperate with inquiries from
the IAEA. And then, I will move back to some of the questions
that Senator Isakson raised about their support giving asylum
to both Hezbollah and support for Hamas.
But first, on the nuclear question, how do you assess those
intentions or ambitions and, second, on the IAEA?
Ambassador Ford. Senator Casey, thank you.
We have ourselves a lot of concerns about this, as I said,
big concerns. Two things I would especially emphasize. No. 1,
Syria is a signatory to the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty.
It is incumbent upon them on their signature on the treaty for
them to cooperate fully with the IAEA when it wants to do
inspections. And so, without speculating about what the Syrian
intentions are, I would just say it is incumbent on the Syrians
to cooperate.
In addition, I would also add the Syrians perhaps want a
civil nuclear energy program. I don't know. But given that
there is an ongoing IAEA investigation into the Syrian nuclear
program, we do not think it would be appropriate for any other
country to cooperate now with the Syrians on a nuclear energy
program while this investigation is ongoing. First, the
investigation needs to be resolved.
Senator Casey. Let me just follow up on part of that. Let
me ask it this way. I wouldn't want you to speculate either.
Let me just ask you, fundamentally, is there anything in
the public record that you could point to as evidence that
their intention is other than peaceful or civilian nuclear in
intention, as opposed to something that would be clear from the
public record that it is an attempt to weaponize or to have
military use of their nuclear program?
Ambassador Ford. There is certainly press speculation,
Senator Casey. I am sure you have seen it, as I have, with
respect to the facility at al-Kibar, the one which the Israelis
destroyed.
I think it is, therefore, all the more in Syria's interest
to cooperate with the IAEA on this inspection. If the program
was as they said, then the investigation would bear those facts
out. Not cooperating actually raises more questions, and
therefore, the Syrians have an interest in terms of their own
credibility with the international community in letting the
inspectors do what they need to do.
Senator Casey. With regard to Hezbollah and I guess also
with regard to Hamas, but especially Hezbollah, obviously, the
Syrians would be enhancing the likelihood that the Middle East,
some of the conflicts in the Middle East could be moved forward
or I should say resolution of conflicts in the Middle East
could move forward if they were willing to change their
attitude and their willingness to give asylum to Hezbollah and
support.
I am asking you what is your intention with regard to the
work that you have to do on those questions? I am hoping that
you would raise that, and I think you should. I guess I want to
get a sense of your strategy with regard to approaching the
Syrians on the question of Hezbollah.
Ambassador Ford. A couple of things on that, Senator.
First, the Syrians themselves would like to see a change in the
sanctions that we apply to them. It is going to be impossible
to do that while they support--some of the sanctions are a
direct result of their support to terrorist groups like
Hezbollah and Hamas. We can't change those sanctions and the
restrictions that they bring about until the Syrians change
their behavior. We have to be very clear with them about that.
Second, it is important now when we are trying to restart
negotiations between Israel and the Palestinians that the
Palestinians themselves unify behind the idea of negotiations
and move forward. I think it would be very helpful if Syria
would press and use its influence with hard-line Palestinian
groups--terrorist groups like Hamas, Popular Front for the
Liberation of Palestine--to back these efforts and to let the
negotiations, if we can get them started, get them to move
forward again. The Syrians should be helpful on that.
With respect to Lebanon and Hezbollah, Senator, this is
really a serious problem. It is a serious problem. And it is
not a new Syrian policy, dates back 20, 25 years. It is
something I intend to raise regularly because were a conflict
to break out again, and we had a really bad one in 2006, very
serious, A, Syria could be dragged into it even if it doesn't
intend to at the beginning, the risk of miscalculation.
And second, it does not help their credibility with the
broader international community to be seen as one of the
parties facilitating that kind of fighting, that kind of
conflict. They have an interest themselves in being helpful on
these things. And one of my jobs is going to be to explain to
them where their interests can be better served.
Senator Casey. Thanks very much.
The Chairman. Senator Webb.
Senator Webb. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
And Ambassador, I would like to give a big congratulations
to this administration for having matched someone with your
background and your experience into this job. And I wish you
all the best.
Ambassador Ford. Thank you.
Senator Webb. I would like to follow on something that
began with Senator Dodd. A number of people have picked up on
this and your own responses as well with respect to the
relationship between Syria and Iran, but also to get some of
your thoughts on the situation with respect to China and Syria.
It has been said many times that Syria and Iran are not
really natural allies in terms of history and culture and these
sorts of things, and actually, some of your comments with
respect to the situation in Iraq illuminate that. And it's also
a concern for a lot of people, including myself, that China has
taken advantage in many different places around the world of
opportunities that have existed because of American policies
with respect to sanctions or rigorous standards in places like
Iran, Syria, Burma, Cambodia, and a number of other places.
So what I would really like to hear from you today is your
thoughts with respect to those two relationships in Syria and
to the extent that the relationships between Syria and those
two countries have been empowered by our sanctions and also to
the extent to which perhaps they have come about simply because
of the recalcitrance of the Syrian Government to date. In other
words, where can we go from here on both of those?
Ambassador Ford. Thank you, Senator Webb.
Let me say a couple more things about the relationship
between Iran and Syria, which this is a relationship that is
troubling, frankly. For 16 years, going back to Syrian
President Hafez al-Assad, the Syrian Government has said that a
peace agreement--a peace agreement with Israel, including
normalized relations, could be in Syrians' interest. I have
never heard President Ahmadinejad of Iran say that.
And so, it is not clear where exactly that relationship,
the Syrian-Iran relationship with respect to this key question
in the Middle East, how they would handle that stress. They
perceive a different end state.
There may be opportunities there, Senator. I don't know. As
I said, I don't promise fast results in any of this. This is a
tough one. But I think there are certainly questions there to
explore, and I think Senator Mitchell has been exploring it
with his team, and they think there are prospects to work on,
that there are things that we can try, we can work on.
With respect to the relationship between Syria and China, I
have to confess, Senator, I am just not at all well-versed on
that. And with your permission, could I take that as a question
for the record, and I will get back to you promptly?
Senator Webb. I would be interested in your thoughts. Maybe
even after you assume your position and have an opportunity to
view it from that perspective. It is a wide-ranging concern
that people who are examining our own national policies, I
think, ought to take into account when we are attempting to
improve bilateral relations in these places where the
relationships have calcified over the years.
Again, I would like also to say here that I very much
appreciate the precision of the answers that you have given to
all of these questions today.
Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
The Chairman. Thank you, Senator.
Senator Kaufman, I know you have just arrived. But we
welcome your participation.
Senator Kaufman. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. Thank you.
I just want to ask questions. I know Senator Webb just
asked you about relations with Iran. I just kind of get your
feel on Syria's relations with a number of different countries,
if we can just kind of go down the list of the usual suspects.
The first one would be Iraq.
Ambassador Ford. It is a--to put it short, it is a very
problematic relationship, but one where, frankly, we should be
able to persuade them to be much more helpful. They have a real
interest, both economically and in terms of their own security,
to have a better relationship with Iraq.
The Lebanon situation, as I have described, they have taken
some good steps. But they need to take more steps. They need,
in a sense, to implement this era of new relations, which
President Bashar al-Assad talked about when Lebanese Prime
Minister Hariri visited Damascus in December. And in
particular, Syrian transshipments of weapons to groups,
terrorist groups like Hezbollah and Palestinian radicals.
Relations with Jordan, I think, are relatively good. The
two countries just removed exit taxes. When you depart the
country, you don't have to pay an exit tax any longer. So they
are trying to promote movement of people across the borders.
Last, Senator, I should mention because it is important in
region's politics. People pay a lot of attention to this, the
relationship between Syria and Saudi Arabia. For a long time,
these relations were quite strained. In recent years, the
relations have gotten much better. President Bashar al-Assad
visited Riyadh recently, and they seemed to be talking more and
trying to coordinate more.
I think in particular they are talking to the Saudis about
how to approach the next Iraqi Government, and I think they
also share some concerns in other places, such as Yemen and the
Houthi rebellion there.
Senator Kaufman. How about Turkey?
Ambassador Ford. Yes, Turkey, that is a relationship which
the Syrians have turned around dramatically. The relations
between Syria and Turkey used to be quite difficult. The
Syrians ended their support for the PKK, it was July. And in
recent years and months, the relations have become quite warm.
In fact, the Turkish Foreign Minister was just in Syria last
week, and the Syrians would like to see Turkey play a role
again as an intermediary with Israel. I am not sure if that
would be acceptable to the Israeli Government right now.
Senator Kaufman. Yes. When I met with President Assad, he
said that Turkey was their best friend, an even better friend
than Iran. How would you analyze that?
Ambassador Ford. I think the Syrians and the Turks at least
have a vision of how--if you take the Syrian statements that
they support the idea of a peace agreement with Israel, that a
peace agreement could be in their interest, then you can see
how a Turkish vision and a Syrian vision line up in a way that,
frankly, I do not see with the Iranians.
So, and in addition, Turkish interests in Iraq maintaining
unity of the state where all of the ethnic and sectarian
components of the society feel safe and feel they have a role
there, I think also fits in with Syrian interests probably more
so than Iran's, frankly.
Senator Kaufman. And you know, the dust-up between
President Assad and Prime Minister Maliki over the explosion in
Baghdad, that seemed to me larger than I would have expected.
Is that your feeling, or how do you analyze that?
Ambassador Ford. We feel very deeply the pain that the
Iraqis have suffered through all of this terrorism and the
countless lives of Iraqis that have been lost. The violence in
Iraq is a lot--is much diminished from what it used to be,
dramatically diminished, as you saw when you came out to
Baghdad. But it is still a constant problem, and it is a
constant threat.
The reaction of Prime Minister Maliki, therefore, the anger
and the anxiousness to put an end to those kinds of car bomb
attacks is entirely understandable, entirely understandable.
However, we need to work together--we, the United States, and
the Iraqis, who have the lead now on this--to take down the
remaining networks.
We have come a long way. We have still some way to go, and
we are working it very hard, Senator. And the Syrians, by
shutting down the remaining foreign fighter networks, could
help.
Senator Kaufman. This is a question I ask every Ambassador.
So what do you do about freedom of the press and freedom of the
Internet in Syria? I mean, as Ambassador, what are the things
that you can kind of do to further that?
Ambassador Ford. Thank you for that. I feel very strongly
about freedom of the press. It was a big issue for me when I
was Ambassador in Algeria. I don't see how these societies
evolve peacefully without freedom of the press. It is just
essential.
A couple of things. We have included in the items which
have a waiver from sanctions so that we can export them to
Syria goods that are related to information technology and the
Internet. We think, actually, the Internet can play a very
positive role not just in Syria, but in countries around the
world. And Secretary Clinton has spoken very forcefully about
this, and we will implement that part of the policy,
absolutely, in Syria.
With respect to other freedom of the press issues, Senator,
I would hope that we would have occasions to bring Syrian
journalists to the United States on things like international
visitor programs. We have done so in the past.
In a country where they have no tradition of freedom of the
press and where the government does not respect it, I do not
think we will get change overnight from one day to the next.
This will be a thing where we will just push it and look for
openings here and there and find ways to promote it, whether
working with individual journalists or talking about human
rights and press freedom policies with senior officials.
Senator Kaufman. Good luck. I mean, I think there are some
real opportunities there. I really do. And I think that
having--reinstating the Ambassador was, in my opinion, a very,
very good decision, and they couldn't have picked a better
person to go there. So best of luck.
Ambassador Ford. Thank you.
Senator Kaufman. Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
The Chairman. Thank you very much, Senator Kaufman.
I heard you talking about the foreign fighters issue and
Syria. Did you talk about Hezbollah also?
Would you mind discussing the flow of arms and weapons and
now bigger missiles into Lebanon and the arming of Hezbollah?
And I wonder if you would speak to whether you think Syria
could, in fact, take steps that would curtail that, or whether
that is under the table and out of their control?
Ambassador Ford. Senator, we feel very strongly--I want to
underline this point. We feel very strongly that Syria could
take steps, and it should take steps. Hezbollah has rearmed
since 2006, and it does present a real threat to Israel, and it
presents a real threat to regional stability. And I do not see
how instability in the region serves Syrian interests.
With respect to the nature of the weaponry, absolutely it
is destabilizing if Hezbollah has rockets that can hit farther
into Israel. It complicates everyone's calculations and raises
the risk of miscalculations and the risk of conflict. It is
destabilizing.
The Chairman. Is there any issue that you could contemplate
coming across in the context of being Ambassador to Syria that
you would have to recuse yourself from? Have you so notified
anybody in the State Department?
Ambassador Ford. I can't think of anything, Senator; no.
The Chairman. And is there any potential conflict of
interest in any holding or otherwise that you have?
Ambassador Ford. No. No, no, no.
The Chairman. Well, Mr. Ambassador, we are grateful to you
for submitting yourself to yet another posting. This is an
important one, as they all have been. But I think this
presents, as I said earlier, some particular opportunities, and
we wish you well.
I am confident that the committee will be able to move your
nomination rapidly, and we certainly look forward to trying to
do that before we break for the Easter recess. So thanks very
much for being here.
Are there any further questions, Senator Lugar? Additional
questions?
If not, we wish you well, and we stand adjourned.
Thank you.
Ambassador Ford. Thank you.
[Whereupon, at 10:45 a.m., the hearing was adjourned.]
----------
Additional Questions and Answers Submitted for the Record
Responses of Hon. Robert Stephen Ford to Questions Submitted by
Senator John F. Kerry
Question. Can you describe, in practical terms, how the presence of
a full-time ambassador in Damascus will expand our ability to engage
with the Syrian Government?
Answer. Since the withdrawal of Ambassador Margaret Scobey in 2005,
the Syrian Government has denied lower-level U.S. Embassy officers
access to ministerial-level or higher Syrian officials. Consequently,
we have only been able to speak directly to Foreign Minister Muallim or
President Asad on those occasions when senior American delegations have
visited Damascus, or on the margins of multilateral summits.
Additionally, the Syrian Government has restricted Embassy contact with
working-level government officials, academics, civil society/NGOs, and
has officially discouraged private Syrians from participating in
Embassy outreach programs. Finally, the Syrian Government has
restricted the ability of working-level U.S. officials to obtain visas
to travel to Syria for temporary duty, although this situation has
improved over the last year.
If confirmed, I would expect to have access and regular
communication with the highest levels of the Syrian Government. I would
also expect that our Embassy operations would be fully restored so that
we can function as any other U.S. Embassy around the world--with robust
outreach programs, more routine working-level contacts in the Syrian
Government, and routine support from temporary staff, as necessary.
Question. On March 16, 2009, Lebanon opened up an Embassy in
Damascus. Both countries have taken important steps toward normalizing
relations. Demarcating borders, however, remains a contentious and
challenging issue with broader security implications. What specific
steps has Lebanon taken to demarcate borders? What steps has Syria
taken? What remains to be done? How, if at all, has the administration
encouraged progress on this issue?
Answer. We are pleased to see both Lebanon and Syria working to
normalize their bilateral relations. While the exchange of ambassadors
last year was an important first step, much work remains to be done,
especially in terms of border security as outlined in Security Council
Resolution 1701. Cross-border smuggling--a complex security, political
and socioeconomic issue--remains a priority area of concern in our
bilateral discussions with both Lebanon and Syria, particularly as it
pertains to the transshipment of weapons to Hezbollah and Palestinian
extremist groups in Lebanon. The demarcation of the Syrian-Lebanese
border, as called for in Security Council Resolutions 1680 and 1559, is
a crucial step in this process.
Lebanese Prime Minister Hariri has pledged to make border security
a priority for his government and recently appointed Minister of State
Ogassapian to develop a border control strategy, which will be released
in the coming weeks. We plan to continue working closely with the
Lebanese Government and with the U.N. Special Coordinator for Lebanon
(UNSCOL) Michael Williams in addressing how to best target the United
States robust assistance program to provide the Lebanese with the
resources needed to meet border security priorities. Additionally, the
Lebanese Government has affirmed its commitment to extending the Common
Border Force (CBF), composed of the Lebanese Armed Forces, Internal
Security Forces, Customs Service and Surete General, to the eastern
border. The CBF and the donor community are actively engaged in
identifying the operational strategy and resource requirements
necessary to expand eastward. Lebanon also has appointed the Secretary
General of Lebanon's Ministry of Foreign Affairs as the lead
interlocutor on border delineation with Syria.
During Prime Minister Hariri's December 2009 visit to Damascus,
President Asad announced Syria's support for a bilateral Syrian-
Lebanese border committee to begin its work. Lebanon has already
appointed its members to the committee and is ready to commence
discussions. Unfortunately, Syria thus far has failed to reciprocate.
We will continue to stress the need for progress on this issue in
our high-level bilateral meetings and in multilateral fora, such as the
United Nations, and maintain our close working relationship with both
UNSCOL Williams and the U.N. Special Envoy for Implementation of
Resolution 1559, Terje Roed Larsen. We also will continue to press
Prime Minister Hariri and President Sleiman to make border security a
priority and encourage them to raise this in their dialogue with Syrian
counterparts.
Question. Syria continues to chafe under U.S. sanctions. You spoke
at the hearing about the constraints on easing sanctions.
To what extent could these sanctions be calibrated, either
strengthened or reduced, as circumstances warrant in response
to Syrian behavior, without congressional notification or
additional congressional authorities? To what extent would
congressional notification or additional congressional
authorities be required?
Answer. The Syria Accountability and Lebanese Sovereignty
Restoration Act (SAA) provides the Executive with the authority to
waive sanctions as may be required for national security, which would
require congressional notification. The administration could also issue
additional executive orders strengthening sanctions or withdrawing
waivers in case Syria fails to meet its commitments, which would not
require congressional notification. It would be premature to make
predictions regarding any modification of sanctions, but as noted in my
testimony, we are looking for concrete Syrian steps that address our
issues of concern.
Question. Is the administration considering the review or
modification of Executive Order 13338, and other existing executive
orders pertaining to Syria, or the issuance of new executive orders?
Answer. The administration is continuously reviewing existing
executive orders to ensure they remain appropriate and accurately
reflect the political situation on the ground. So far, Syria has not
made sufficient progress on any area of U.S. concern to merit a
modification of E.O. 13338. We want to see changes in Syrian behavior
before we consider modifying E.O. 13338. There are, to my knowledge, no
new executive orders currently under consideration.
Question. The Syrians have made known to me their concerns about
the safety of their aging civil aviation fleet. Would any potential
steps that might be taken to address these concerns require either
congressional notification or additional congressional authorities?
Answer. Currently, there is one existing waiver to the sanctions
that addresses the safety of civil aviation in Syria--the waiver for
spare parts and components relating to safety-of-flight. At some point,
the age of Syria's civil aviation fleet may create safety concerns that
cannot be addressed by spare parts alone. There may also be a policy
imperative for the U.S. to license the sale or lease of newer aircraft
to Syria. In either case, the administration would need to exercise its
authority codified in the SAA to create an additional waiver to license
the sale or lease of an entire aircraft, which would require
congressional notification.
Question. The situation of Iraqi refugees in Syria is likely to be
protracted for many years. What are the key priorities for the United
States with respect to Iraqi refugees in Syria? How will the United
States work with Syria to address these priorities?
Answer. President Obama said in his speech on February 27, 2009, at
Camp LeJeune that, ``America has a strategic interest--and a moral
responsibility'' to act on behalf of Iraqi refugees. The safety and
well-being of the refugees is of paramount concern to us, and we
commend the Syrian Government and people for their generosity in
allowing Iraqi refugees access to education and health care. At the
same time, Iraqis in Syria face diminishing financial resources,
uncertain legal status, and cannot legally work. Many do not plan to
return to Iraq in the near future. We are resolute that no Iraqi
refugees should face forced repatriation. If confirmed, I plan to work
with the Syrian Government to improve living conditions for Iraqis,
which would include identifying ways that Iraqis could provide for
their own most basic needs. I will also encourage the Syrian Government
to grant more NGOs permission to operate inside Syria to provide
assistance to this vulnerable population. Finally, I will seek
continued Syrian cooperation in issuing visas on a regular basis to our
DHS Immigration Officers so they may interview those Iraqis who are
eligible for resettlement consideration in the United States.
Question. While preparing the ground for return of refugees and
assisting both returning refugees and internally displaced rests on the
shoulders of the Iraqi Government, how will you use your position in
Damascus to help the United States influence and pressure the
Government of Iraq with respect to this population?
Answer. Beginning in the summer of 2010, Embassy Damascus will have
a new refugee coordinator position whose work will be directed by PRM.
She will be in regular contact with her counterparts in the refugee
coordinator office at Embassy Baghdad, and will work with UNHCR and
refugee-focused NGOs in Syria. The Damascus-based coordinator can
highlight immediate needs where, for example, the Iraqi Government
could provide funding, such as for heating oil in the next winter. The
Damascus-based coordinator could also try to shape the Syrian
Government's approaches to the international community and the Iraqi
Government about the needs of the Iraqi refugee population in Syria. At
the same time, while U.S. policy on Iraq is formulated in Washington in
close coordination with our mission in Baghdad, I and other Chiefs of
Mission in countries hosting refugees will contribute to that process
with our reports and recommendations from the field.
Question. Widespread reports tell of Iraqi women being forced to
prostitute themselves in Syria due to their lack of employment and
ability to support themselves and their families. What can the United
States do to assist these vulnerable women?
Answer. These reports deeply concern us. The administration
provides significant funding to international organizations and NGOs
supporting Iraqi refugees, including those residing in Syria. In FY09,
the administration contributed $387 million in assistance to Iraqi
refugees, internally displaced, and conflict victims. In Syria, our
contributions are used to provide basic assistance to Iraqi refugees,
including education support, health care, food, and cash assistance for
the most vulnerable--specifically women and children. If confirmed, I
will press the Syrian Government to allow Iraqi refugees to engage in
legal activities to provide for their most basic needs, and to
rigorously enforce its new law criminalizing trafficking in persons.
Standing up more targeted assistance programs with UNHCR and NGOs may
also be possible, but we will need Syrian Government permission to
expand the number of NGOs working with the refugee population.
Question. Recently, the Department of Homeland Security expressed
concern that it may not meet its resettlement target for Iraqi refugees
in Syria because of long delays in processing of Syrian visas for U.S.
and NGO representatives. How will the United States address this
problem with Syrian authorities?
Answer. PRM's Assistant Secretary Eric Schwartz raised this problem
with Syrian Vice Foreign Minister Faysal Miqdad, who oversees the Iraqi
refugee portfolio, during his visit to Iraq and Syria in November.
Under Secretary William Burns addressed it again with Miqdad in
February 2010. If confirmed, I will make the issuance of Syrian visas
for DHS immigration officers a major priority. I will also work with
DHS to ensure their personnel assignment policies have sufficient
flexibility to accommodate the work needed to meet our resettlement
goals for Syria.
Question. What is the United States policy toward the Hariri
Tribunal?
Answer. The Special Tribunal for Lebanon is a crucial element in
the effort to end impunity for political assassinations in Lebanon and
the United States support for the Tribunal remains unwavering. We have
made clear that no ``grand bargain'' over the Tribunal will be made
with Syria. The Tribunal is not a political bargaining chip, and no
deals will be made at the expense of justice. As U.N. Secretary General
Ban Ki-moon has affirmed, the Tribunal process is irreversible. As
evidence of our continued commitment to promoting justice in Lebanon,
the United States has contributed $20 million for the first 2 years of
the Tribunal's operations and expects to remain a significant
contributor going forward. Prosecutor Bellemare and his staff are
conducting professional, methodical work and we have every expectation
they will accomplish their goals.
Question. What role will the promotion of democracy, civil society,
and human rights play in your role as Ambassador to Syria? Will you
commit to raising high-profile human-rights cases directly with the
Syrian leadership?
Answer. Human rights issues remain a priority for the Department of
State and will be a focus of my work in Syria, if confirmed. The path
to democracy in Syria must begin with a change in political culture
that includes tolerance for dissent and a respect for basic political
rights. The development of the nascent civil society that exists there
is a necessary precondition to such an advance.
If confirmed, I would take three simultaneous approaches on human
rights issues. First, in private, I would raise individual cases with
the Syrian authorities, especially those that have generated
international attention with NGOs like Amnesty International, Human
Rights Watch and the Committee to Protect Journalists. The Syrians need
to understand that as they try to promote a ``new Syria'' their human
rights record detracts from their credibility. Second, I would
coordinate with and seek to persuade other governments and the United
Nations to raise human rights cases with the Syrians, so that the
authorities in Damascus understand that this is not merely an American/
NGO-inspired campaign against Syria. Finally, where it does not
endanger Syrian activists, I would like to meet them myself to
demonstrate our high-level support or have an embassy officer meet
them. This will be easier to do with activists who work, for example,
with women's rights. Occasionally, we may use public events to
highlight our concerns. For example, a Syrian woman finally obtained
Syrian Government approval to attend a ceremony in Washington earlier
this month as one of the winners of the State Department's
International Women of Courage Award, an event attended by both the
Secretary of State and First Lady Michelle Obama.
Question. Russia has reportedly considered selling military
equipment to Syria, including the MI-24D helicopter, and modernized its
naval bases there. Could you discuss the extent of Russian military
cooperation with Syria, America's posture toward these developments,
and their impact on the American-Syrian bilateral relationship?
Answer. Russia has a long history of military relations with Syria
dating from the cold war that continues with arms sales and a Russian
naval presence in the port of Tartous. In recent years, Russia
cancelled a significant Syrian debt owed for arms sales, which was a
burden on the Syrian economy. The U.S. maintains a watchful eye on any
Russian military sales to Syria, and would strongly oppose the sale of
any weapons that would significantly increase Syria's offensive
military capabilities.
Question. Israeli soldier Guy Hever has been missing since August
17, 1997. He was last seen near the Israeli-Syrian border heading east.
In 2007 an organization called ``Resistance Committees for the
Liberation of the Golan Heights'' claimed to be holding Hever in Syria.
Will you raise the case of Guy Hever with Syrian authorities?
Answer. One of the results of not having had a U.S. Ambassador in
Syria in several years is that many humanitarian cases, such as the
parental abduction of American citizen children or missing American
students, as well as the case of Guy Hever, have not been presented
consistently to the highest levels of the Syrian Government. If
confirmed, I will seek an appropriate opportunity to encourage the
Syrian authorities to share any information they may have on Guy Hever.
______
Responses of Hon. Robert Stephen Ford to Questions Submitted by
Senator Richard G. Lugar
Question. We have some very close friends in the region that are
looking at this move carefully. They look at Syria's sponsorship of
Hezbollah and Hamas as inexcusable and as direct threats to their own
security. And you know better than anyone the reasons the Maliki
government bears a heavy grudge toward Syria.
Do you see any signs that the Syrian Government is seeking
to change the conditions that so deeply affect these
relationships?
Answer. Syrian President Asad at the conclusion of Lebanese Prime
Minister Hariri's visit in December 2009 to Damascus stated that the
Hariri visit marked the opening of a new era in Syrian-Lebanese
relations. Syria has taken several steps to normalize its relationship
with Lebanon. It opened an embassy in Beirut for the first time and
sent an ambassador. Syria also announced its intention to begin
technical meetings to delineate the border between Lebanon and Syria,
and we are now awaiting progress on implementation of this pledge.
However, Syria has not halted transshipments of weapons to terrorist
groups like Hezbollah and Palestinian extremists based in Lebanon. As
Ambassador, I would caution the Syrians that they are playing a risky
game that undercuts their credibility both with the Lebanese Government
and with potential Israeli negotiating partners.
On Iraq, the Syrians have received various Iraqi politicians from
different factions that hope to field the next Iraqi Prime Minister.
Ayad Allawi has visited Syria several times and said better relations
with Syria are possible. Ammar al-Hakim (of the Shia Islamic Supreme
Council of Iraqi) visited Damascus in December and said he had had good
meetings, as did Vice President and Presidential hopeful Tariq al-
Hashimi (Sunni Arab) who visited in early March. Moreover, Ezzet
Shahbandar (a Shia secularist who ran with Maliki's own election
coalition) visited Damascus earlier last week. The Syrians probably
hope that Nouri al-Maliki will not return as Prime Minister, given past
animosities. The Syrian authorities, however, are positioning
themselves to be able to work with both Shia and Sunni political
leaders as the Iraqis start standing up their next government. The
speed at which bilateral relations improve depends above all on what
the Syrian Government does with respect to Iraqi Baathist and Islamist
rejectionists based in Damascus as well as what Damascus does with
respect to the remaining foreign fighter networks still operating in
Syria. If confirmed, very early in my tenure I would raise Syria's
approach to Iraq, highlighting the potential economic gains and the
minimal cost to Syria of shutting down the remaining fighter networks
and ending Syrian support to Iraqi rejectionists.
Question. What effects have U.S. sanctions and administration
executive orders had on Syria in recent years? What changes in policy
have sanctions produced?
Answer. U.S. sanctions have been tangible reminders of our deep
concern about Syrian policies, and have served to limit Syria's access
to sensitive technologies. In the case of Treasury Department's
designation of the Commercial Bank of Syria, they have also limited
Syria's ability to conduct financial transactions that might benefit
designated Foreign Terrorist Organizations. While it may be difficult
to demonstrate a direct cause and effect relation between sanctions and
subsequent changes in policy, Syria regularly presses us for changes in
or removal of the sanctions regime, and has recently expressed an
interest in taking steps to improve its bilateral relationship with the
United States.
The Treasury Department ruling against the Commercial Bank of Syria
(CBS) has made it difficult for other Syrian banks to establish
correspondent relationships with U.S. and many European banks.
Question. According to the long-range building plan, OBO has
Damascus slated for new embassy construction in 2012. Can you update
the committee on status of funding, land acquisition, construction
contracts, and other plans, particularly challenges that might affect
this plan? Where is the new property?
Answer. We have received a verbal commitment from the Syrian
Government to help us locate and purchase a suitable piece of property
on which to build a new embassy compound in suburban Damascus. With
that commitment, a team of Department construction experts from the
State Department's Overseas Buildings Office visited possible locations
and conducted some initial planning. Unfortunately, we cannot commit
resources or begin contracting until we have a written agreement with
the Syrians. If confirmed, one of my priorities will be to secure this
written agreement.
Question. How many students from Syria traveled on visas to the
United States in the last 3 years for which we have complete
statistics? How do those numbers compare to student visas issued for
Iraqis and Iranian students? What is the Department doing to improve
these numbers, especially with regards to Iraqi students, whom PM
Maliki has pledged to send by the thousands?
Answer. The number of visas issued to prospective Syrian students
remains lower than those of Iraqis, and is only a fraction of the
number issued to Iranian students. The trend in issuances to Syrians
over the past 3 years, however, is significantly upward, with a 41-
percent increase from 2007 to 2009.
F-1 Student Visa Issuances
------------------------------------------------------------------------
Country 2007 2008 2009
------------------------------------------------------------------------
Syria......................... 137 (91) 159 (116) 193 (127)
Iraq.......................... 162 203 (9) 225 (115)
Iranian....................... 860 1,242 1,677
------------------------------------------------------------------------
Note: The figures above do not include exchange visitor visas (J-1) or
vocational/technical studies (M-1). They also do not reflect the
number of students who actually used those visas to travel to the
U.S., or how many changed status in the U.S. to become students from
some other visa category. Numbers in parentheses are figures for
issuance in country, as opposed to nationals who applied for their
visa in a third country.
The Embassy in Baghdad first began issuing student visas in 2008,
among the first category of nonimmigrant visas we processed in Iraq as
a gesture to Iraq's future generations. In 2009, the Embassy augmented
the number of American, Iraqi and third-country national employee staff
as well as computer systems to process nonimmigrant visas in general.
So far in 2010, the Embassy has issued 27 student visas. The Embassy
encourages Iraqi students to apply in Baghdad, where there is a
culturally sensitive staff and Arabic linguists who understand the
unique challenges facing Iraqi students.
In July 2009, the Iraqi Government launched the Iraqi Education
Initiative (IEI), a scholarship fund designed to send thousands of
Iraqi students to American universities over the next 5 years. There is
currently a consortium of 229 U.S. universities interested in receiving
IEI students. Participants in this program apply for J-1 exchange
visitor visas rather than traditional F-1 student visas. Thus far in
2010, the Embassy has received 35 applications from students enrolled
in this program who plan to attend American universities in the spring
and summer semesters. In a March 23 meeting with the IEI, its Executive
Director stated that the IEI will make 600 scholarships available for
2010 and 1,000 scholarships available for 2011. He hopes that IEI will
fund more scholarships in the future, with the ultimate goal of 10,000
scholarships per year. Students who currently do not possess the
necessary command of English will go to the U.S. or the U.K. for 1 year
of language study before starting their academic programs. These
scholarships are for undergraduate, masters and Ph.D. programs and are
valid for the entire duration of the program. The estimated cost is
$50,000 per student per year.
The USG supports the Iraq Fulbright Scholars Program aimed at
building sustainable relationships between U.S. and Iraqi scholars.
Recently, the program budget was doubled from $2.5 million to $5
million with support by Prime Minister Maliki, which will support 70
more students. This is the largest Fulbright Program in the Middle
East, and includes visiting student, language teaching assistant,
science, and engineering doctoral programs. In addition, Embassy
Baghdad is working with State's Educational and Cultural Affairs Bureau
to start a related ``Fulbright Scholars Program'' with an initial
budget of $500,000. It will be launched in the summer of 2010 and will
be for 25 Iraqi scholars, to be placed in one of five U.S.
universities.
Processing of Iraqi student visas can be lengthy because of
security clearances required for each Iraqi student. However, Iraqi
student applicants and the Iraqi officials working on the scholarship
program are coordinating with our Embassy to provide enough advance
time for us to do the necessary security clearances in the U.S.
interagency system. Ambassador Hill and other Embassy officers have
visited Iraqi universities to encourage Iraqi students to consider
studying in the United States.
Question. Regarding Iraq politics, very few saw Nouri al-Maliki
emerging as the Prime Minister after the last election. This time, some
observers are noting a deeply felt ``anyone but Maliki'' sentiment
among the blocs. A Maliki-led bloc might similarly oppose any of the
other top-tier names like Allawi or Hakim.
Can you offer us insights to any lesser known talented
politicians you have become familiar with that might emerge?
Are the political dynamics you are seeing at play in Iraq
inspiring or worrisome?
Answer. As the President, the Secretary and Ambassador Hill all
have noted, the process of assembling a new Iraqi Government that wins
the necessary parliamentary majority approval could take some months.
What is encouraging is that even before the elections, political bloc
leaders and politicians were crossing ethnic and sectarian lines to
explore how they could form a broad-based government. They did not do
this in 2005 or 2006, but Iraqi political culture has developed in
terms of a diminished sectarian sensitivity among top political
figures, compared to the 2005 and 2006 experiences where only U.S.
pressure brought Sunni Arabs into the government. Also encouraging is
that the last two elections (January 2009 provincial legislature
elections and the March 2010 national parliamentary elections) used an
``open-list'' system that allows voters to cast ballots directly for
individual candidates instead of lists. This will bring forward new
political figures whose roots are closer to the populace and it will
also compel parliamentarians to stay more closely connected to
constituent concerns.
There are many up and coming Iraqi politicians whose names we
didn't know even as recently as 2 years ago; they are emerging now in
provincial legislatures, for example, and some will emerge as a result
of the March 2010 election. Some will have tribal connections, and
others will come from business, education, and legal backgrounds. We
ought to maintain a robust international visitor and exchange program,
including with USAID and State Department-funded technical assistance
programs for the new Parliament, in order to help build the capacity of
the new legislatures and also to expose them to Western points of view.
Developing positive relationships with future leaders is in our mutual
interest.
Question. You mentioned in your statement, the plight of Iraq's
Christians. Is there more the United States can or should do on this
issue?
Answer. Ambassador Hill meets regularly with Iraqi Christian
leaders who are concerned about both the security situation and the
decline in their communities as a result of the Christian exodus.
Ambassador Hill and General Odierno have urged Prime Minister Maliki
and his security team, as well as the Governor of Ninewah province
where most of the security attacks against Christians have occurred, to
boost security measures to protect Christians. According to Iraqi
Christian leaders, this often spurs a good short-term Iraqi security
response which tapers off over time. In addition, we have raised the
security problems facing Iraqi Christians with Kurdish Regional
Government authorities since some of the affected Christian communities
live right along the Arab-Kurd fault line in northern Iraq. The Kurdish
authorities have promised to do all that they can, and most of the
security problems are outside areas the Peshmerga control.
The U.S. has also provided targeted economic and humanitarian
assistance to these communities and is likely to continue doing so.
Question. According to the 2009 State Department Human Rights
Report on Syria, despite guarantees in the Syrian Constitution to
protect the right to free speech, the freedom of the press, and the
right of assembly, the Syrian Government continues to violate these
rights using provisions of the Emergency Law that was enacted after the
government declared a state of emergency in 1963.
As Ambassador, what would you do to encourage the Syrian
Government to respect the fundamental rights of the Syrian
people that are protected by the country's constitution?
Answer. If confirmed, I would take three simultaneous approaches on
human rights issues. First, in private, I would raise individual cases
with the Syrian authorities, especially those that have generated
international attention with NGOs like Amnesty International, Human
Rights Watch and the Committee to Protect Journalists. The Syrians need
to understand that as they try to promote a ``new Syria'' their human
rights record detracts from their credibility. Second, I would
coordinate with and seek to persuade other governments and the United
Nations to raise human rights cases with the Syrians, so that the
authorities in Damascus understand that this is not merely an American/
NGO-inspired campaign against Syria. Finally, where it does not
endanger Syrian activists, I would like to meet them myself to
demonstrate our high-level support or have an embassy officer meet
them. This will be easier to do with activists who work, for example,
with women's rights. Occasionally, we may use public events to
highlight our concerns. For example, a Syrian woman finally obtained
Syrian Government approval to attend a ceremony in Washington earlier
this month as one of the winners of the State Department's
International Women of Courage Award, an event attended by both the
Secretary of State and First Lady Michelle Obama.
Question. The 2009 State Department Human Rights Report on Syria
notes that ``security forces continued to use torture'' during the
reporting period despite provisions in Syrian law preventing the state
from using both mental and physical torture. According to the report,
political activists were among those tortured by the Syrian Government.
In your capacity as Ambassador, how would you engage the
Syrian Government on this issue?
Answer. Torture and extrajudicial killings are major problems we
highlighted in the 2009 Country Report on Human Rights Practices. I
would raise these issues in private with the Syrian authorities,
reminding them of their obligations under both Syrian law and under the
U.N. Charter on Universal Human Rights. In my experience, the more
detailed information we have on an individual's case, the more likely
the authorities are to take action. I would also emphasize to the
Syrian authorities that we will continue to make our concerns public
and that they should expect that other governments and NGOs will do so
as well. Last, if we see no improvement, we will consider encouraging a
stronger U.N. investigatory role, as was done in Algeria in the 1990s,
much to the chagrin of the Algerian authorities.
Question. According to the 2009 State Department Human Rights
Report on Syria, ``Lebanese Justice Minister Ibrahim Najjar stated in a
televised interview that 745 Lebanese citizens remained missing in
Syria, divided into two categories: convicted criminals and victims of
enforced disappearances.'' As Ambassador to Syria, would you encourage
discussions between the Lebanese and Syrian Governments regarding the
possible release of Lebanese citizens who have been convicted of crimes
under the 1963 Emergency Law or otherwise arbitrarily detained by the
Syrian Government? Additionally, would you encourage the Syrian
Government to release other foreign nationals who have been detained
under these circumstances?
Answer. Human rights issues remain a priority for the Department of
State and will be a focus of my work in Syria, if confirmed. The issue
of Lebanese detainees in Syria remains a concern for us and for the
Lebanese Government, as outlined during Lebanese President Sleiman's
visit to Damascus in August, 2009. If confirmed, I would encourage
Syria to take meaningful steps to support its pledge of a new era in
bilateral relations with Lebanon and seek much-needed progress on this
issue, including through high-level bilateral discussions. Arbitrary
detentions represent a gross violation of human rights and we remain
supportive of Lebanon's efforts to address this issue in its
discussions with Syria.
Question. Why has the Department decided to lift the objection to
Syria's application to the WTO? Where does that fit into the engagement
strategy?
Answer. The United States will not oppose Syria's application to
begin accession to the World Trade Organization (WTO). If the Syrians
choose to apply for accession, it would be the first step in a long and
highly demanding process of meeting WTO standards. If Syria is willing
to comply with the measures required to achieve full WTO membership, it
will need to implement significant reforms--including dropping its
adherence to certain aspects of the Arab League Central Boycott of
Israel--which we support. It will also need to improve labor rights,
one of the areas that the 2009 human rights report identified as
problematic. Syria has a thriving and resourceful entrepreneurial class
that is hungry for reforms of the type required by the WTO. We believe
this decision will empower Syrians who want to reform their economy.
______
Responses of Hon. Robert Stephen Ford to Questions Submitted by
Senator Russell D. Feingold
Question. While I support increasing the reach of our diplomats, I
continue to have concerns about the behavior of the Syrian regime,
including its support for Hamas and Hezbollah, lack of cooperation and
openness with regard to its nuclear activities, and worsening human
rights record. If confirmed, what do you hope to achieve in regard to
these issues, and what tools do you see at your disposal for keeping a
strong and vocal focus on these and other U.S. concerns as part of our
increased diplomatic profile in Damascus?
Answer. I share your concerns over these issues, and if confirmed,
I would press the Syrian Government to play a more constructive role in
the region. The U.S. has penalized Syria with sanctions resulting from
four Executive orders, a Treasury Department ruling, the Syria
Accountability Act, and its designation as a State Sponsor of Terrorism
for its support of Hamas and other terrorist groups. The Syrians would
like to see a reduction or elimination of the sanctions that we apply
to them. It will be impossible to do so while they support terrorists
groups like Hezbollah and Hamas. If confirmed, I will be very clear
with them about that. As a signatory to the Nuclear Nonproliferation
Treaty, it is incumbent upon Syria to cooperate fully with the IAEA
when it wants to do inspections. In the area of both Syrian support for
terrorist groups and its failure to cooperate with the IAEA, I would
also work to mobilize influential ambassador colleagues in Damascus
from the United Nations mission, the European Union, Turkey, Russia,
and Saudi Arabia to get their governments to press the Syrians too.
Hamas
With regard to Hamas, if confirmed I would remind the Syrian
Government that Syrian support for Palestinian extremists complicates
Syria's pursuit of regaining the Golan. The Syrian Government continues
to provide support and sanctuary to Khaled Mishaal and other Hamas
members. Syria's relationship with Hamas and other Palestinian
rejectionist groups is one of the most troubling--and most difficult--
issues we confront in engaging Syria. If confirmed, in coordination
with Senator Mitchell's team, I would work to secure Syrian agreement
to weigh in with Palestinian extremist groups based in Damascus to
support, or at least not oppose, a resumption of Israel-Palestinian
negotiations if we can get them restarted.
Hezbollah
Our policy of intensified dialogue with Syria will not come at the
expense of any other state in the region, especially Lebanon. The
United States is firm in its commitment to Lebanon's sovereignty and
stability, and we expect Syria to respect Lebanon's independence as
well. In recent weeks, we have seen sharp rhetorical exchanges between
Hezbollah and our friends in Israel, and the Syrians have joined in on
occasion. It is not in Syria's interest for new fighting to break out
in Lebanon, as the fighting could escalate and involve Syria itself. We
have also made it clear to Syria that as long as it supports terrorist
groups like Hezbollah and Hamas, we will maintain sanctions.
Nuclear Activities
It is incumbent on the Syrians to cooperate with the IAEA. The
Syrians may want a civil nuclear energy program, but given that there
is an ongoing IAEA investigation, if confirmed I would press my
diplomatic colleagues in Damascus to not hold any such discussions
until the current investigation has been resolved. I would also consult
closely with our mission in Vienna to determine which Syrian sites are
the most important for the IAEA and try to get the Syrians to permit
inspections at these locations first. I would emphasize to the Syrian
authorities that further delays in cooperating with the IAEA will only
heighten suspicions about Syria's nuclear program and make it more
difficult for them to develop credible partners in the nuclear or other
energy sectors. Our ultimate approach will depend on whether Syria
continues to stonewall the IAEA inspectors. We continue to consult with
our international partners on possible next steps in light of the
serious nature of the IAEA's findings in its most recent reports.
Human Rights
We believe that real progress on human rights in Syria is more
likely to result from sustained, principled engagement, sometimes in
public and sometimes in private. If confirmed, I would remind Syria
that their human rights record does not help their image abroad,
particularly the continuing detention of prominent activists, and I
would press for their release. To gain more traction, we must
acknowledge where the Syrian Government has made limited progress, such
as women's rights. In areas where it is not, such as press freedom,
labor rights, or treatment of the Kurdish minority for example, our
public diplomacy efforts on the ground are all the more important to
ensure the Syrian people are provided alternative points of view. If
Syria proceeds with a WTO membership application, we will have a direct
avenue to negotiate labor rights as well. While the Embassy is
currently working hard to engage the Syrian public, our efforts have
been underresourced for years. I believe we need a ``surge'' of sorts
in public diplomacy, by increasing the number of our international
visitor exchange programs, scholarships, youth exchanges, cultural
events, English-language instruction and private American outreach to
Syria.
Question. Syria continues to strengthen ties with Iran, a
problematic prospect for U.S. interests in the region, particularly as
we work with international partners to put pressure on Iran over its
nuclear program. What are the various potential fracture points and
divergent interests in the Syria-Iran relationship and what diplomatic
options do you see for the U.S. in discouraging that relationship?
Answer. Syria's relationship with Iran is a complicated picture of
converging interests. The relationship is primarily based on security
cooperation, rather than ideological or cultural ties or complementary
economies. With respect to Israel, the Syrians have a clear interest in
negotiating a peace agreement for the return of the Golan Heights,
whereas Iran opposes any form of peace with Israel.
For 16 years, going back to Syrian President Hafez al-Assad, the
Syrian Government has said that a peace agreement with Israel,
including normalized relations, could be in Syria's interest. I have
never heard President Ahmadinejad of Iran say that, and it is unclear
what the impact would be on the Syrian-Iranian relationship if there
was genuine forward movement on an Israel-Syrian peace negotiation
track.
In addition, Syria and Iran appear to have divergent goals in Iraq.
Iran seeks to have a preponderant Shia Islamist influence, but the
Iraqi oppositionists whom Syria backs are mainly Sunni secularists who
intensely distrust Iran. Moreover, Iran has traditionally supported a
decentralized (and more easily dominated) Iraqi state, while the
Syrians traditionally have feared for Iraqi unity and therefore wanted
a stronger central state. Above all, if confirmed, my goal would be to
see the Syrians stop all infiltration of foreign fighters into Iraq who
attack our soldiers. It is also important for Syria to stop promoting
Iraqi oppositionists trying to bring down the constitutional state in
Iraq and to build ties to the next government as a way of
counterbalancing some of the Iranian influence there. Given the
potential economic stakes for Damascus, there may be opportunities
there, though I cannot promise fast results.
Question. The State Department's latest Human Rights Report on
Syria states that the ``human rights situation worsened'' during the
course of the past year. What do you see as the role of human rights in
the U.S. diplomatic agenda for Syria and how would you raise the level
of focus on this issue with the government, and our international
partners, if confirmed?
Answer. As I stated in response to your first question, there are a
number of approaches that we can take to improving the human rights
situation in Syria. The aspirations of people in the Middle East for
dignity, economic opportunity and respect for their human rights, are
dear to me personally and professionally. I am proud to say that I
worked hard on that issue, human rights and respect for human rights,
when I was Ambassador in Algeria, and I would do so in Syria, if I am
confirmed. As the just-issued State Department report on the human
rights situation in Syria noted, there are very big problems there. And
there is much that an ambassador could and should do to help Syrians
determine how best to implement peaceful reforms and improve respect
for human rights. If confirmed, one of the first steps I would
undertake is to review with Syrian officials press items and reports
from organizations like Human Rights Watch, Amnesty International, and
the Committee to Protect Journalists to show the Syrian officials how
badly their actions reflect on them in the West. Our Embassy should
have occasional contacts with those NGOs to understand their concerns
and trade points of view on the situation on the ground in Syria. If
confirmed, I would also want to see our visiting officials join me in
raising human rights issues, and I would highlight for select
ambassador colleagues the importance of their officials also raising
them. (The President of Italy is in Syria on March 18, for example.)
Where it does not endanger Syrian activists, I would also seek to meet
them myself or have my staff do so.
Question. How would you assess Syria's view of its role in the
region? And what diplomatic tools and pressure points does our renewed
diplomatic representation in Damascus provide for influencing Syria's
calculations about its behavior vis-a-vis its neighbors?
Answer. While I cannot speak for another government, it is our
perception that Syria would like to become an indispensable party to
progress in the Levant and eventually to the Mediterranean region more
broadly. Richard Haas of the Council on Foreign Relations in New York
just returned from Syria last month and wrote a piece to that effect in
Newsweek magazine. If linking up to the Mediterranean region is Syria's
goal, then it must play a more constructive role in the region, and we
can help to show it the way forward. Our strong encouragement for
participation in the Middle East peace process can help to move Syria
and Israel closer to negotiations, indirect or otherwise and perhaps
eventually result in an end to Syrian support for Palestinian
rejectionists and Hezbollah. Our strong stand in favor of Lebanese
sovereignty and opposition to Syrian support for Hezbollah will
reinforce improvements in the Lebanese-Syrian bilateral relationship
which are already underway. On the eastern side of Syria, our outreach
to Syria supports our partnership with the Government of Iraq, and has
the potential to promote greater security and stability for the
government about to form in Baghdad. Greater U.S. engagement with Syria
has the potential to benefit other nations in the region, and our
friends know that.
______
Responses of Hon. Robert Stephen Ford to Questions Submitted by
Senator Barbara Boxer
Question. I understand that the administration must soon renew an
important Executive order (E.O.) involving Syria--E.O. 13338--which
sanctions individuals and entities linked to the inner circle of the
Syrian Government.
Can you confirm that the administration will renew E.O.
13338 and not weaken it in any way?
Answer. Absent major Syrian policy changes addressing any of the
various issues of concern identified in E.O. 13338, I would expect the
administration to renew the national emergency in May 2010.
Question. I understand that the administration must also renew E.O.
13441 which sanctions individuals undermining the sovereignty of
Lebanon or its democratic processes or institutions.
Given that Syria is doing absolutely nothing to stem the
flow of weapons into Lebanon aimed for Hezbollah, can you also
confirm that the administration will renew and not weaken
E.O.13441 in any way?
Answer. Supporting the development of a sovereign, stable, and
democratic Lebanon remains a priority for the United States. Absent a
significant change in Syrian policy on arming Hezbollah, I would expect
the administration to renew E.O. 13441 in August 2010.
Question. On February 14, 2005, the Prime Minister of Lebanon,
Rafiq al-Hariri, was murdered, along with 22 others, when a blast hit
his motorcade in downtown Beirut. The blast was so powerful it left a
10-foot crater in the street.
Tens of thousands of Lebanese citizens took to the streets and
accused Syria of carrying out the attack. The United States pulled
then-Ambassador Margaret Scobey out of Damascus over the killing. And a
U.N. Special Commission of Inquiry found links between the Syrian
Government and the assassination.
Now, nearly 5 years later, the current body investigating the
Hariri assassination--the U.N.-backed Special Tribunal for Lebanon--has
released a report stating that the prosecutor has ``made significant
progress toward building a case which will bring perpetrators [of the
attack] to justice.''
And as I understand, Syria has not been cleared of involvement in
the attack.
How have conditions changed in Syria since 2005 that warrant
restoring an ambassador?
Answer. Posting an ambassador to Damascus will allow us to pursue
our national interests more effectively at the most senior levels of
the Syrian Government. The diplomatic team we have in country now faces
significant challenges engaging at that level, and we must rely on
senior level delegations for access. To secure changes in Syrian
behavior, we need to press the Syrian Government in a firm, coordinated
fashion. An ambassador in Syria can orchestrate our efforts on many
issues of concern, including respect for Lebanese sovereignty, arms
transfers to Hezbollah, and demarcation of the Syrian-Lebanese border.
We must also press Syria on its tolerance for groups attempting to
undermine the stability of Iraq and the need to participate
constructively in the Middle East peace process. We believe that 5
years of isolation has done nothing to moderate Syria's behavior--and
in some cases, even made it worse. Syria has become more reliant on
Iran as a strategic ally, which worsened prospects for Middle East
peace. Engagement is a tool we use to defend and promote our national
interests.
How will the findings of the Special Tribunal impact United
States-Syrian relations if the report confirms Syrian
involvement?
Answer. The Special Tribunal for Lebanon is a crucial element in
the effort to end impunity for political assassinations in Lebanon, and
the United States support for the Tribunal remains unwavering. We have
made clear that no ``grand bargain'' over the Tribunal will be made
with Syria. The Tribunal is not a political bargaining chip, and no
deals will be made at the expense of justice. As U.N. Secretary General
Ban Ki-moon has affirmed, the Tribunal process is irreversible. As
evidence of our continued commitment to promoting justice in Lebanon,
the United States has contributed $20 million for the first 2 years of
the Tribunal's operations and expects to remain a significant
contributor going forward. Prosecutor Bellemare and his staff are
conducting professional, methodical work and we have every expectation
they will accomplish their goals.
______
Responses of Hon. Robert Stephen Ford to Questions Submitted by
Senator Kirsten E. Gillibrand
Question. Syria Sanctions: While the Syria Accountability Act (SAA)
has had an impact, it has not deterred Syria from supporting terrorist
groups like Hezbollah and seeking closer relations with Iran. In fact,
recent events, such as the February meeting between Bashar al-Asad and
Ahmadinejad with the leadership of Hezbollah, suggest that Syria is
moving further away from moderating its foreign policy.
Other than the SAA, what other forceful measures can the
U.S. take that would strengthen the message that supporting
terrorists groups not only undermines our bilateral
relationship but also destabilizes the region?
Answer. As you point out, sanctions have not been successful in
bringing about change in Syrian policies with respect to terrorist
groups and Iran. The most effective measure the U.S. could take to
lessen Syria's support for terrorist groups and change its relationship
with Iran is to bring Syria closer to a peace treaty with Israel. Not
only do the terrorist groups and Iran not share Syria's interest in
comprehensive Middle East peace, but such a peace treaty would require
Syria to fundamentally alter its relationships with those entities. If
confirmed, I would work closely with Special Envoy Mitchell and his
team to create the conditions for testing Syria's willingness and
ability to make peace with Israel. Part of this would involve
convincing the Syrians of the economic and security benefits of a peace
deal that would include ending Syrian support for terrorist groups.
Question. Israel: In spite of statements about wanting to negotiate
peace with Israel through Turkish mediation, the Syrian regime never
does enough to show that it is serious about finalizing negotiations
over the Golan Heights.
How will having a U.S. Ambassador in place impact these
negotiations? What near-term steps are we seeking from Syria on
these negotiations?
Answer. Currently, our access to the Syrian President and Foreign
Minister is limited to those occasions when Special Envoy Mitchell or
other senior diplomats visit Damascus. Having a U.S. Ambassador in
place would establish a channel for more frequent and responsive
communication with the top Syrian leadership. Sending an ambassador
also increases our credibility as mediators. In the near term, Special
Envoy Mitchell and his team are working on a formula to restart
negotiations that would satisfy both Israeli and Syrian political
requirements. If confirmed, I would seek to convince the Syrians to
stop unhelpful media statements and the media broadcasts they make
(often anti-Semitic) as a means of convincing us and the Israelis that
the government in Damascus is serious.
Question. Iran: Historically, Syria and Iran were united by their
distrust of Iraq. In recent years, Syria has moved further away from
the West and closer to Iran. Iranian commercial investment in Syria has
increased significantly in the last 5 years, but ironically, trade with
Iran remains lower than Syria's paltry trade levels with the U.S. on
allowed goods. In November 2009, Israeli forces seized a ship en route
from Iran to Syria carrying thousands of rockets, bombs, grenades, and
other weapons. Syria is viewed as a proxy of Iran, particularly with
regard to providing material and other support to Hamas and Hezbollah.
Do you believe that having a U.S. Ambassador in Damascus
will help us separate Iran and Syria? What specific signals are
you seeking?
Answer. I think we should be realistic about the degree to which
the presence of a U.S. Ambassador can impact the strategic relationship
between Syria and Iran. At the same time, elevating our diplomatic
representation will allow us to engage the Syrians in areas where we
believe their interests and Iran's interests diverge, such as Iraq and
a possible peace agreement with Israel. If confirmed, I would also be
in position to deliver a strong message to the Syrian leadership about
the potential perils of their Iranian alliance in any regional
conflict, and the gains, economic, security and political, to be had
from a comprehensive peace agreement.
Question. Iran: After hosting Under Secretary of State William
Burns in Damascus in February, President Asad held a joint press
conference later in the month with Iranian President Ahmadinejad, where
they both criticized Israel and U.S. policy in the Middle East and then
held a meeting with the leadership of Lebanese Hezbollah.
If you had already been at your post, how would you have
reacted (to President Asad's joint press conference later in
the month with Iranian President Ahmadinejad, and their meeting
with the leadership of Lebanese Hezbollah)?
Answer. While the tripartite press conference presented a repugnant
optic, I find it illustrative of the nature of the Syrian-Iranian
relationship that Under Secretary Burns' visit may have prompted the
Iranian head of state to request a public reassurance from Damascus. If
I had already been at Post when this meeting occurred, I would have
advised the Syrian leadership that such gratuitous statements are
incredibly short-sighted--as they undermined Syria's long-held
contention that it wants a comprehensive Middle East peace and damaged
the positive momentum resulting from the Under Secretary's visit. I
would also have sought similar messages to the Syrians from the
ambassadors of some of our friends in the region to drive that point
home.
Question. Syria's Nuclear Program: At a conference organized last
week by the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development
(OECD), the Syrian Deputy Foreign Minister Faysal Mekdad, announced
that Syria was seeking to develop alternate energy sources including
civilian nuclear power. I am very concerned with this announcement
especially given the fact that Syria has refused to fully cooperate
with the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) over its
investigation into the suspected nuclear facility that Israel destroyed
in Syria 2 years ago.
As Iran continues to pose such a grave threat with its
secret nuclear program, what steps do we need to take to ensure
that Syria does not follow Iran's example but cooperates fully
with the IAEA over any actions to develop civilian nuclear
energy?
Answer. I believe that it would be inappropriate for the
international community to consider offering Syria assistance with a
civilian nuclear energy project while Syria remains subject to an on-
going IAEA investigation. The U.S. will support the IAEA exercising the
full-range of its authorities to obtain Syrian cooperation with its
requests for access and information required to resolve the outstanding
questions about Syria's nuclear activities. If confirmed, I intend to
try to persuade Syrian leaders that it is in Syria's long-term national
interest to comply with the IAEA's demands, which I believe can be done
in a manner that maintains Syria's security and dignity.
Question. Syria is an acknowledged supporter--together with Iran--
of Hezbollah. This terrorist organization destabilizes Lebanon, has
waged war on Israel and continues to amass weapons to be used against
Israel in the future.
Lebanon: Has the U.S. proposed to Syria that it halt sending
weapons to Hezbollah in return for gaining a U.S.
ambassadorship?
Answer. The U.S. has repeatedly used bilateral and multilateral
pressure to stop Syria's arms shipments to Hezballah, and will continue
to do so until Syria has fulfilled its obligations under UNSC
Resolutions 1701, 1680, and 1559. We believe the most effective measure
the U.S. could take to lessen Syria's support for Hezbollah is to bring
Syria closer to a peace treaty with Israel, something I would work on
with Special Envoy Mitchell and his team if I am confirmed.
Question. Lebanon: What steps are you seeking from Syria that will
signal that government's willingness to decrease its interference in
Lebanon's affairs?
Answer. We want to see Syria honor the commitments made to Prime
Minister Hariri during his December visit to Damascus, such as
appointing and beginning the work of a border delineation committee.
And of course we want to see the Syrians stop the shipment of weapons
to Hezbollah and Palestinian extremists in Lebanon. The Syrians should
cooperate with the Lebanese state, including helping ensure that the
Lebanese state has a monopoly of force in the country.
Question. Iraq: Syria has been a transit point for foreign fighters
and weapons heading into Iraq to support the Sunnis. Iraqi PM Maliki
continues to denounce Syrian support for extremist activities in Iraq.
While Syria initially cooperated with the U.S. after 9/11, after the
invasion of Iraq, the Syrian regime has been less than cooperative with
regard to the border security of Iraq.
What do you see as the possibility for improving Syria's
role vis-a-vis Iraq to allow U.S. troops to withdraw on the
timeline outlined by President Obama?
Answer. I believe that Iraq presents a real area of opportunity for
the U.S. and Syria to make progress in the near term. Syria has real
national interests in improved economic relations with Iraq and a
strong government that will ensure the unity of the Iraqi state. The
Syrians have made some progress in suppressing the networks that
infiltrate foreign fighters into Iraq, but they can do more--and if
confirmed, I would press them on this. We also believe that it would be
possible--and indeed in Syria's own interest--for Syria to cease its
support for former Iraqi Baathists and Iraqi Islamists who live in
Syria and undertake activities that are destabilizing to the
constitutional government in Iraq.
Question. LGBT Refugees: LGBT refugees fleeing Iraq, Iran and other
nations in the region go to Syria as one of the countries of first
asylum where they await the interview process that allows them to move
on to permanent safety in the United States, Europe, or elsewhere.
As a new Ambassador, will you ensure that all Embassy staff
are sensitized to the issues facing the LGBT community and that
local staff and translators employed by the Embassy treat LGBT
refugees with appropriate sensitivity?
Answer. If confirmed, I intend to make the promotion of human
rights a central theme of my diplomacy. Consequently, I believe the
U.S. Embassy should set the example in Syria for respecting the human
rights of all the people we serve, including those in the vulnerable
LGBT refugee population.
Question. I understand that U.S. refugee processing is hampered by
Syria's stalling on issuance of visas to U.S. Government personnel.
This is very disconcerting to me and my colleagues and I urge you to
make this a priority for discussion of modest steps that Syria's
Government can take in response to our move of improving diplomatic
relations.
Answer. As I stated in my hearing, the U.S. has stepped up
wonderfully to its moral obligation to help Iraqi refugees, including
persons who are in danger in Iraq because of their work with us. It is
my understanding that Under Secretary Burns recently raised our shared
concerns over the delays in issuing Syrian visas to U.S. Immigration
Officers with Vice Foreign Minister Faysal Miqdad, who has
decisionmaking authority on this portfolio. The delays in receiving
visas have only recently recurred; during the latter half of 2008 and
most of 2009, DHS circuit riders
did receive visas in time for travel. I agree that this is a modest
step the Syrians could take to build confidence, and if confirmed, I
would make it a priority in my discussions.
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