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Testimony Regarding U.S. - Colombia Relations
Committee on Foreign Affairs
Subcommittee on the Western Hemisphere
Tuesday. April 24, 2007
Submitted by Congressman J. Dennis Hastert, (IL-14)

Chairman Engel, Ranking Member Burton and distinguished Members of this Committee, I am honored to appear before you today to discuss a topic that has certainly been a focus of mine for a long time: U.S.-Columbia relations.

As a schoolteacher and a coach and much later as the Chairman of the House Government Reform and Oversight Subcommittee dealing with drug policy, I have seen first-hand the devastation of illicit drugs, what they bring to our children and to the children of other countries. In fact, more Americans die annually from illicit drugs than died in the 9/11 attacks. Most of them are young men and women. And many more die because of the actions of drug gangs and drug violence.

The drug trade fuels terrorists and violent criminals and gangs throughout the world. It exposes a country's weakness in border security. It undermines democracy, the rule of law and regional stability. The illicit drug trade is a high priority and a national security issue we must continue to deal with and defeat; it is a part of the war on terrorism.

Some might ask why Columbia is so important to us? Today, Colombia produces 80 percent of the world's supply of cocaine and is the source of over 90 percent of the cocaine and 50 percent of the heroin entering our Nation. The drug trade from Colombia is killing Americans, and is a major factor in the instability of our hemisphere. In addition, Columbia is a democratic anchor and a critical U.S. ally in the region. Our support for Columbia is vital to our national interests and the well-being of a strategic partner.

In order to show the improvement in Colombia, it is imperative to understand what Colombia was like in the 1990's. One of my trips to Colombia as the Chairman of the Subcommittee illustrates Colombia's turmoil. We were about an hour out from landing in Bogota when we received a warning message from the State Department's diplomatic security detail. Twenty-two people had just been killed by terrorists in Colombia's capitol, the police stations had been threatened or bombed, and 12 sticks of dynamite had just been pulled out from under Colombia's Supreme Court building. Terrorist organizations like the FARC and AUC began to take over the illicit drug trade and were nearly ruling the land. Colombia was well on its way to becoming a narcoterrorist state.

To address this country's social, economic, and security concerns, Plan Colombia was developed by former President Andreas Pastrana and ourselves. With aggressive backing from the Congress, on July 13, 2000, President Clinton signed into law a comprehensive $1.3 billion assistance package in support of President Pastrana's Plan Colombia. As a result, our foreign policy with Colombia began to work and produce impressive results. Plan Colombia, a determined Colombian President, President Alvaro Uribe, the Colombian people, and the financial support of the U.S. Congress have been the driving force for these successes.

In terms of counterdrugs, security defense, and economic and social issues, Colombia is a better place today. President Uribe's forces, backed by United States support, have significantly reduced coca and opium poppy cultivation. In fact, the Government of Columbia announced on November 20, 2006, that it had eradicated the last acres of plantation-sized poppy in the country - a source of deadly heroin - down from about 15,000 acres in 1994.

In addition, President Uribe's Government has worked closely with our Government to extradite over 460 drug traffickers, including many of the most notorious narcoterrorists. According to the Ministry of Defense, Colombia has increased its public security forces by 30% since 2002; and, for the first time in history, all 1,098 municipalities have a police presence -- unheard of just a few years ago.

Also, during President Uribe's Administration, the number of terrorists who have chosen to drop their arms and become part of society has increased significantly. The AUC demobilized over 32,000 members and the ELN have entered into peace negotiations which could take another 3,500 combatants off the field.

These efforts are having an appreciable impact on the streets of our own neighborhoods. According to DEA, wholesale heroin purity seized at major U.S. ports of entry has sharply declined in recent years, suggesting a reduction in Colombian heroin production. Furthermore, according to ONDCP, there is a continuing decline in purity for cocaine in the U.S. In 2006 alone, nearly 500 metric tons of cocaine and $850 million were taken off the U.S. market due to eradication and seizures. In part, this has led to a 23% decrease in overall youth drug use since 2001.

In every significant category Columbia is improving: rates of homicides, kidnappings, acts of terrorism, and displaced persons are all significantly down. Conversely, school enrollment, GDP, unemployment and poverty rates, and beneficiaries of public health care have considerably improved.

Not only that, the U.S. has turned to Columbia to help share their model of success with Afghanistan, where drugs finance terrorism and the anti-coalition militants which are killing American and NATO troops. Because of the successes in Columbia, the Columbian National Police (CNP) are now training Afghan counter-narcotics police on how to go after drug kingpins and eliminate major drug labs.

The turnaround in Colombia to an economically sound, vibrant democracy is an impressive measure of Plan Colombia's success. Colombia's economy continues to expand at record levels, with GDP growth estimated at 7.6 percent in 2006. The U.S.-sponsored alternative development programs resulted in over 105,000 hectares of new legal crops cultivated. These efforts have benefited 83,000 families; and areas like Putumayo have been reformed. Cultivation has been reduced by 90% and now a lumber yard and a spice plant have replaced the coca fields.

Colombia has a new criminal procedure code and an adversarial judicial system with United States-trained judges and attorneys and criminal investigators. 43 houses of justice have been established which have handled over 4.8 million cases. The Colombian people now have more access to justice as we know it.

No one can deny that our Colombian friends, with United States assistance, have improved many aspects of their country. However, more still needs to be accomplished. We must continue to find ways to stop illicit drugs from traveling through the transit zone to our shores. We must continue to work with our European partners to stem the flow of illicit drugs to Europe, another source of money for the terrorists. We have to work with our Colombian partners and ensure that we are doing all we can to keep the demobilized terrorists from returning to the jungle and picking up their weapons again. And we need to get them to work so that they can rejoin regular society.

Some have argued that the Colombian's are not doing their share. In fact, Colombia spent nearly $7 billion on Plan Colombia programs from 2000-2005, while the U.S. provided $4 billion in assistance during that period. In addition, the $4.4 billion that the Uribe government spent in 2006 for the military and police represented a real increase of 30% since 2001.

Colombia is clearly not the same place I used to visit almost 10 years ago. It is much improved. Plan Colombia, President Uribe, the Colombian people, and the committed financial support of the U.S. Congress have made great progress. We all know that Plan Colombia was designed to be a 6-year-old plan. President Bush has requested that Congress continue to support Plan Colombia beyond 2007 with an additional $587 million for fiscal year 2008. I strongly support this request.

As I mentioned, Colombia is a critical U.S. ally in the region. It is in our interest to cultivate this partnership to ensure that Colombia remains strong. Congress's continued support for Plan Columbia and approval of the Columbian Free Trade Agreement will ensure the Uribe government is successful. The more successful they are, the bolder they will become in pushing for more reforms.

As the Washington Post recently editorialized, opponents of the Colombian Free Trade Agreement and those who resist aid are citing the paramilitary revelations as a reason not to support President Uribe. In fact, they prove that President Uribe can deliver on his promise to reform the country's political system and extend its authority to a long-lawless countryside. If Congress wishes to see those changes continue, it should approve the new Colombian aid plan as well as the free-trade agreement.

As a Congress, we need to review U.S.-Colombian relations. We need to weigh it with other high-level national priorities of the American people and do what we can to stop the illegal flow of drugs into America and promote stability and democracy in the hemisphere we live in.

In closing, I would like to quote from a recent letter sent to me by Colombian Ambassador Carolina Barco. "We have suffered drug-rooted terrorism for decades, and are finally witnessing positive results. Now more than ever, we need the backing of the United States Congress, and the full weight of the U.S. and the international community, to support the country's quest for lasting peace."

I want to thank you, the members of this committee, for your hard work on this important issue and appreciate the opportunity to appear before you today.