House Committee on Foreign Affairs
Subcommittee on Africa and Global Health
Chairman Donald M. Payne
Prospects for Peace in Guinea
March 22, 2007
Good afternoon, and thank you all for joining us. The purpose of this hearing is to examine the current situation in Guinea and the Administration's policy response.
Those of us who follow Africa closely are well aware of the role that Guinean President Lansana Conte [KHAN tay] has played in the Mano River region of west Africa.
Though he is to be applauded for allowing people fleeing war countries in the region to take refuge in Guinea, his actions have too often been negative in character, whether it was support for the rebel Liberians United for Reconciliation and Democracy movement in Liberia from members of Conte's inner circle, or the continued political suppression of his own people.
General strikes and protests and the Guinean government's violent response to them in January and February of this year caught many people's attention, however the crisis in Guinea started at least 18 months ago, if not earlier.
In the face of rising inflation, diminishing wages and increased costs of basic commodities and fuel, a coalition of the country's most powerful unions began demanding that the government take a number of actions including reducing fuel prices and the cost of rice, raising salaries, and improving retirement benefits for civil servants. Several strikes last year prompted a deadly crack down by government forces that resulted in dozens of civilians killed.
The situation had somewhat-though not completely-- calmed down towards the end of last year, but the government still refused to satisfy the demands of the unions for better pay and lower prices of basic commodities, and tensions remained. It is against that backdrop that the events of January and February unfolded.
What is telling about this year's general strikes is that in addition to economic demands, the coalition of trade unions and civil society began to advocate for political reforms. In reaction to Conte's personal intervention to prevent the prosecution of two key political allies for graft and corruption, the unions and civil society called for the president to dismiss the presidential affairs minister.
Additionally, after meeting with President Conte and noting that he appeared ill, the unions attempted to get the head of the national assembly to invoke Article 34 of the constitution, which allows for the national assembly head to replace the president if he is incapacitated.
Union and civil society leaders also demanded that Conte name a prime minister and delegate some of his presidential powers to that office.
Conte agreed to appoint a new prime minister at the end of January, but failed to do so in a timely fashion. When he finally did so in February, he named a political crony who had held the post of presidential affairs minister-a post he had just abolished in response to the demands of the trade unions and members of civil society. As a result, people began to protest-some violently. A general strike began three days later, with some of the participants calling for Conte's resignation.
Police responded with a disproportionate use of force. Dozens of civilians died, and security forces have been accused of rape and other abuses. Martial law was declared by Conte. Guinean soldiers enforced a curfew, and clamping down on violators.
Facing continued pressure from sub-regional leaders, the international community and his own people, Conte finally appointed Lansana Kouyate as prime minister at the end of February. Mr. Kouyate was one of the candidates on a list of individuals jointly agreed to by the unions and President Conte. He has worked in various international organizations including the United Nations and ECOWAS, and appears to be a competent technocrat.
During his short tenure he has tried to prevent corruption by taking steps to personally approve all spending, and limiting the size of the cabinet. This is a good beginning. However much remains to be done if he is to fix Guinea's broken government institutions, and it is unclear whether Conte will allow any other reforms to be put in place. In fact, I am told that Conte recently announced that the Ministers of Defense, Foreign Affairs and the Prime Minister will report directly to him. This is not a positive sign.
I hope during the course of our hearing today each of our witnesses will give their assessment of the current political situation, the status of the formation of a consensus government led by Mr. Kouyate, and whether or not those responsible for human rights abuses in the recent past will be held accountable. In addition, I hope that our administration witness will tell us what types of support we are providing to Mr. Kouyate as he pursues a reform agenda.
Today's administration witness is the Principle Deputy Assistant Secretary of State in the Bureau of African Affairs, Linda Thomas-Greenfield. Prior to her appointment to her current position, she was Deputy Assistant Secretary of State for West Africa and Economic Affairs.
We are honored to have Dr. Herschelle Challenor, as part of our second panel. Dr. Challenor retired in October of last year from a long and distinguished career in public service and education.
Most recently she was the Director of Democracy and Governance Programs at the U.S. Agency for International Development Mission in Conakry, Guinea from 2004-2006, and prior to that served as Special Assistant to former USAID administrator Constance Berry Newman. Thank you, Dr. Challenor, for continuing to serve, even in your retirement.
Also on our second panel is Mr. Haskell Sears Ward, of Global Alumina. Mr. Ward served as a Deputy Assistant Secretary of State at the Office of Policy and Planning during the Carter Administration, and has held a variety of jobs in Africa with the Peace Corp, and the Ford Foundation.
Our final witness, Dr. Lansine Kaba, is himself Guinean by birth. He is the Madeleine Haas Russell Distinguished Visiting Professor at Brandeis University. He is a former President of the African Studies Association, and served as the head of the Department of African American Studies from 1986 to 1995, at the University of Illinois at Chicago.
Welcome to each of our witnesses. With that I turn to the distinguished Ranking Member, Mr. Smith for his opening statement.
|
NEWSLETTER
|
| Join the GlobalSecurity.org mailing list |
|
|
|
