THE WHITE HOUSE
Office of the Press Secretary
______________________________________________________________
For Immediate Release February 25, 1994
PRESS CONFERENCE BY THE PRESIDENT
The Briefing Room
11:55 A.M. EST
THE PRESIDENT: Good morning. I want to speak briefly
about events in the Middle East and in Russia.
Early this morning, Palestinian Muslim worshipers at
prayer in the Mosque of Abraham in Hebron were brutally gunned down
by a lone Israeli settler. It can be no coincidence that the
murderer struck during the holy month of Ramadan and chose a site
sacred to Muslims and to Jews. His likely purpose was to ruin the
historic reconciliation now underway between the Palestinians and the
Israelis.
On behalf of the American people I condemn this crime in
the strongest possible terms. I am outraged and saddened that such a
gross act of murder could be perpetrated. And I extend my deepest
sympathies to the families of those who have been killed and wounded.
I also call on all the parties to exercise maximum
restraint in what we all understand is a terribly emotional
situation. Extremists on both sides are determined to drag Arabs and
Israelis back into the darkness of unending conflict and bloodshed.
We must prevent them from extinguishing the hopes and the visions and
the aspirations of ordinary people for a life of peaceful existence.
The answer now is to redouble our efforts to conclude
the talks between Israel and the PLO, and begin the implementation of
the agreement they have made as rapidly as possible. Accordingly,
this morning I asked the Secretary of State to contact Prime Minister
Rabin and Chairman Arafat and to invite them to send all their
negotiators involved in the Israel-PLO talks to Washington as soon as
possible, and to stay here in continuous session until their work is
completed. They have both agreed to do that.
Our purpose is to accelerate the negotiations on the
Declaration of Principles and to try to bring them to a successful
conclusion in the shortest possible time. Those negotiations have
already made considerable progress as marked by the Cairo Agreement.
It is my hope that the parties can turn today's tragic event into a
catalyst for further progress and reconciliation.
I'd also like to say a word about the Ames espionage
case, and our broader interests regarding Russia. Three days ago, an
employee of the CIA, Aldrich Ames, and his wife were arrested for
spying, first for the Soviet Union and then for Russia, over a period
dating back to the mid-1980s. If the charges are true, the Ames
couple caused significant damage to our national security and
betrayed their country.
This is a serious case and we've made that crystal clear
to the Russian government. The CIA is working to assess the damage
to our intelligence operation. The Justice Department is vigorously
pursuing the court case. The FBI is continuing to pursue its
investigations.
It is important that we not say anything at this point
that could jeopardize the prosecution. We need to be firm as we
pursue both this case and our national interest in democratic reform
in Russia.
Support of the United States for reform in Russia does
not flow from a sense of charity or blind faith. Our policy is based
on our clear American interests clearly pursued. It is in our
national interest to continue working with Russia to lower the
nuclear threshold; to support the development of Russia as a peaceful
democracy, stable and at peace with its neighbors; to be a
constructive partner with the United States in international
diplomacy; and to develope a flourishing market economy that can
benefit both their people and ours. It is, therefore, in our
interest to make every effort to help the long-term struggle for
reform in Russia succeed.
That's why I've worked with members of both parties in
Congress to secure assistance for reform in Russia, Ukraine, Armenia,
and other new states; why I went to Moscow in January, to urge the
Russian people to stay the course of reform, to join us in building a
more positive partnership, and to advance the process of democracy
and market reform.
Earlier today, I met with members of Congress from both
parties to discuss these issues; to stress the need for continuing
our long-term and bipartisan approach to dealing with Russia. And I
urged them to resist calls to reduce or suspend our assistance for
reform in Russia and the other new states of the Soviet Union --
former Soviet Union. After all, a great portion of our aid is to
facilitate the dismantlement of nuclear weapons that were aimed at
the United States for over four decades. It is in our interest,
plainly, to continue this policy.
The majority of our economic assistance is flowing not
to government but to reformers outside Moscow, mostly in the
nongovernmental sector to help them start business and privatize
existing businesses, to help private farmers and to help support
exchange programs.
Throughout the Cold War, our nation acted with a
steadiness of purpose in overcoming the challenge of Soviet
communism. Today, whether it is in our policies toward Russia or
toward the Middle East, we need that same steadiness of purpose. Our
policies must be designed for the long-term and for the American
national interests.
Q Mr. President, Russia seems to be taking the view
that the spy case is no big deal. Are you satisfied with Russia's
response and cooperation to this? And if they don't withdraw
individuals from their embassy here, will you expel them?
THE PRESIDENT: Well, let me try to clarify, first of
all, what we have sought and why we have sought it. We have not
sought Russian cooperation in any damage assessment . That was
simply, I think, an erroneous report. We have sought Russian
cooperation, if you will, in terms of taking what we believe is
appropriate action in this case; and we think it's appropriate action
be taken.
We have expressed our views in what we hoped the
Russians would do. If they do not do that, then we will take action
and we will take it quickly, and then it will be apparent what we
have done.
Q Mr. President, has there been any formal response?
Out of Moscow today they said they think they can have a dignified
resolution. Has anything been offered? And, also, are you looking
for a second possible double agent in the CIA?
THE PRESIDENT: We are -- we have made our position
clear. We have been in contact with the Russians. We think
appropriate action will be taken one way or the other very soon.
Q Mr. President, you referred to the perpetrator of
the massacre today as a lone settler, and the evidence so far
suggests that he did act alone. But there have been repeated reports
over the years of Americans providing aid, both fundraising and other
sorts of aid to extremist groups on both sides. And I wonder
whether, in light of today's massacre, whether there is more that
needs to be done here to try to prevent Americans from providing aid
and other forms of support to Jewish extremist groups that may be
involved in these sorts of actions.
THE PRESIDENT: Well, let me say, based on what we now
know, we have no reason to believe that this killer was involved with
any group. If we find out differently, we will assess our position
at that time.
I can say this: that Prime Minister Rabin, himself, has
recognized the need to strengthen the security provided by Israeli
forces against extremists, including Israeli extremists. But as far
as we know, this was the action of one individual.
Q Mr. President, what is it about this massacre as
opposed to other setbacks that have occurred in the Middle East that
has brought you to this podium today, that makes you feel it's
necessary to make a strong statement?
THE PRESIDENT: First of all, its scope and setting is
horrible from a purely human point of view. Secondly, it comes at a
time when it appears to be clearly designed to affect the lives of
hundreds of thousands of others by derailing the peace process. And
I am hoping that the statesmanship of the leaders in the region and
the attention that this will bring to the terrible problem will not
only diffuse what could become a much worse round of killings and
counterattacks, but will actually be used to thwart the purpose of
the murder and to reinvigorate the peace process.
Q Mr. President, just to follow up on the earlier
question. There have been reports from the scene that the Israeli
army stood by and allowed this massacre to go on. What kind of
recommendation would you make to Israel to try to do an investigation
to see what happened and change the perception maybe of that?
THE PRESIDENT: Well, we have no reason -- we do not
know that to be true. I can say that at this time. And we have --
the Secretary of State has talked with Prime Minister Rabin. I was
not able to talk with him myself yet because of the other meetings I
had this morning. I believe the Israelis are committed to increasing
security where they can do so. And I don't want to comment on that
without some evidence or reason to believe its true.
Q Mr. President, there's a G-7 meeting on Saturday in
Frankfort. It's supposed to focus on Russian aid. Do we go to that
meeting with any particular proposition on the speed of aid, or the
conditionality of aid to Russia? And also, at that meeting, Bentsen
will be meeting with Japanese Finance Minister Fujii regarding the
failed trade talks, framework talks. Do you see the Gephardt and
Rockefeller open markets still being helpful to your mission to open
markets in Japan? Do you support that?
THE PRESIDENT: Well, we've taken no position on any
particular legislation. I think that it shows the determination of
the American people to improve our trade and open the markets;
especially the involvement of Senator Rockefeller, who's actually
lived in Japan and I think is thought of genuinely as a friend of
Japan, but someone who understands what is at stake here.
With regard to the other question, I think we're where
we always have been. The kind of aid and the amount of aid which
will flow to Russia, and the sources from which it flows I think will
be a function of the policies and conduct of the Russians.
Q Are you concerned now, sir, apart from the Ames
case, about other developments in Russia that might make your policy
there appear almost to be in denial, based on what you and others
wish were happening or hope will happen, rather than what really is
happening there?
THE PRESIDENT: No, I mean, this has -- my policy has
nothing to do with what I wish or hope will happen. Our response
will be dictated by their behavior. But I think the -- what I think
is naive in this whole element is the suggestion that we should have
ever believed for a moment that every event in Russia and every
speech made by every Russian politician in every election of every
member of Parliament would somehow be in a constant straight line
toward a goal that we wanted to predetermine. They have to make
their own future. That's what I said there over and over again.
This is not black and white; this is grey. There will
be developments over the course of our relationship with Russia which
-- as there are over the course of our relationship with every other
country -- where we won't like everything that happens. We should do
things based on a clear-headed appreciation of what is in our
national interest.
No one has made a compelling case to me, publicly or
privately, that it is not in our national interests to continue to
work with the President of Russia and the government of Russia on
denuclearization, on cooperation and respect for neighbors and on
economic reform where we can support it. That is, the privatization
movement, for example, I would just remind you, is still going on in
Russia and has basically occurred more rapidly there than in other
former Soviet countries.
So I don't believe the fact that a few speeches are made
that we don't agree with, or that policies are pursued based on an
election they had for a Parliament that we don't agree with should
force us to abandon what is in our national interest. When it is no
longer in our national interest to do these things, then we should
stop it. But we cannot be allowed -- deluded into thinking that our
national interest can be defined by every election and every speech
in Russia; that can't be.
Q Mr. President, in inviting the parties to come here
to Washington, do you also anticipate that you or the Secretary of
State will adopt a different posture toward these negotiations? Up
to now, we've kind of let them handle it and keep a hands-off
approach -- wisely. But do you see, in fact, now that they're going
to be here and given the urgency you've assigned to it, do you see
yourself or the Secretary taking a different posture toward the
talks?
THE PRESIDENT: I think, first of all, the very act of
inviting them here indicates some sense of urgency on our part. What
we have done to date, as you know, is largely to try to give both
sides the security they needed to proceed, and the assurances that we
would support it, but that they would have to freely make the
agreement. We still believe they will have to freely agree.
We believe they are close to agreement. We want to do
things that will prevent this last terrible incident from derailing
that, and to try to send a signal to the peoples in the region to not
overreact to this horrible act, that the path of peace is still the
right path. Whether that will require us to do more in particular
meetings, I can't say, because we have discussed this with Chairman
Arafat, with Prime Minister Rabin because we wanted to move quickly
and they did, too, and we'll just have to wait for that to unfold.
Q Mr. President, Senator Nunn has just said that we
should not be asking Russia to voluntarily bring back their
diplomats, but we should have simply expelled them the way we would
have during the Cold War and after the Cold War; that this is too
serious a case. Why didn't we just expel the diplomats still working
here?
THE PRESIDENT: I think that the judgment of the
security services was -- and the national security team -- was that
the Russians ought to be at least told what we know -- not negotiated
with, there was no negotiation -- told what we know and given an
opportunity to take whatever action they wanted to take. And if they
don't, then we will do what we should do. And we will take
appropriate action. We will do that soon.
Q Mr. President, does that also mean, as Senator
Leahy and Senator Mitchell and others are suggesting following your
meeting this morning, that you, the United States government, will
also expose Russian diplomats who are, in effect, who are really
intelligence officers who are not declared to the U. S. government as
intelligence officers? Will you take that step and, if you do, don't
you invite retaliation, counterexpulsions, counterdeclarations,
exposures on the part of the Russian government against U.S.
officials in Moscow?
THE PRESIDENT: We intend to take the action that we
think is appropriate and you won't have to wait long to find out what
that is.
Q Mr. President, are you in any way interfering with
the judicial process in appearing with Congressman Rostenkowski in
Illinois on Monday? There have been suggestions
THE PRESIDENT: Absolutely not.
Q that Attorney General Reno had concerns that you
would be appearing with someone under investigation?
THE PRESIDENT: First of all -- let me make a couple of
comments about that. First of all, I have had no conversations to
that effect with anyone in the Justice Department. Secondly, there
is no way in the world we would do anything like that. Thirdly, this
investigation has been going on for months. I have been in Chicago
before with Congressman Rostenkowski. I am going there and will be
with other members of Congress, at least one other I know and perhaps
more, to talk about issues that directly relate to this
administration's work that he is a critical part of: health care and
crime. And finally, there is still a presumption of innocence in
this country. He has not yet been charged with anything.
But I can tell you, there has been absolutely no contact
of any nature about this case with the Justice Department and the
White House that anyone could draw any inference of impropriety on.
And I have received nothing back the other way that I shouldn't go to
Chicago. I am going there to fight for things I believe in that he
has played a critical role in. I am going to be with at least one
other, perhaps more members of Congress -- I don't know yet -- and
I'm going to be doing something that I have already done while this
investigation has been going on. No one ever said anything about it
before.
Q You said that the Ames case had caused significant
damage to the national security. Can you be more specific, sir? And
secondly, you've said the FBI investigation is ongoing. Are you
satisfied that we know the full extent of the penetration of the CIA
at this point?
THE PRESIDENT: Well, I can say very little about that
except to assure you -- I talked with Director Freeh this morning
myself -- I am confident that the FBI, working with the CIA, is doing
everything that is humanly possible to fully investigate this case.
I do not want to raise red herrings or other possibilities, only to
say this: that it is not unusual, as the FBI Director said this
morning. Sometimes it happens that when you're in a criminal
investigation and you're on to something, the investigation turns up
information that could not have been anticipated in the beginning. I
am not trying to say that has occurred. I'm not trying to raise any
false hopes. All I'm telling you is, I have directed the FBI and the
CIA and everybody else to do everything they can to get to the full
bottom of this. And I have nothing else to say about it.
And, again, I'm not trying to raise some tantalizing
inference, I'm just saying that we have to keep going and try to root
it out. After all, this is fundamentally a problem within America,
about whether people here who are Americans are spying, and that's
our responsibility to try to find it out.
Thank you.
THE PRESS: Thank you.
END12:16 P.M. EST
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