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Military

The Failure of Communist Ideology (Malaysia)

 

CSC 1997

 

Subject Area - Topical Issues

 

EXECUTIVE SUMMARY

 

Title : The Failure of Communist Ideology (Malaysia)

 

Author : Major Jamaluddin Jambi

 

Thesis : The Government of Malaysia exploited the communists' own ideology and theories to successfully counter the potential for an insurgency.

 

Background:

            A multi racial country such as Malaysia is fragile and is built along a racial lower class and ethnic lines. The incident of May 13, 1969 is a good example of this. This is when the communists indoctrinated the people at all levels -- government officials, trade unionists, the armed forces, police ,and middle classes -- with communist ideology. Their second goal was to cripple the government and create instability within the politic and in the economy by using the categories of people mentioned above to take advantage of the instability in order to overthrow the government of Malaysia. The communist's party main targets were the middle and lower classes living in remote and rural areas. These were classes that were easy to influence because the means of communication and information from the government were limited. Most of the people living in remote areas were Chinese and Malay; it was difficult to influence the Malays because of their strong religious belief which included the concept of a God. Politics were dominated by the Malays. The communist party took advantage of this to start propoganda about the diversity of the races such as Malays' political dominance and the Chinese and Indian people being second class citizens. The Communist Party of Malaya (CPM)was supported by the Peoples Republic of China and Soviet Union through a third country, namely Indonesia during the Sukarno period.

            The failure of CPM to achieve its objectives was basically due to the overall success of the Malaysian Government itself. The government was able to carry out effectively its program of development, political stability, racial integration , economic reform, security operations and winning the "hearts and minds of the people". The Department of Information was created to repel communist propaganda which attempted to overthrow the government through destabilizing the economy and disrupting political life.


 

THE FAILURE OF COMMUNIST IDEOLOGY (MALAYSIA)

INTRODUCTION

            The signing of the peace accord by the government of Malaysia and Thailand with the Communist Party of Malaya (CPM) on December 2 , 1989, put to rest a major threat to Malaysia faced since the end of World War II. However, it may be appropriate to point out that the threat is still alive since the communists have not renounced their ideology, nor their struggle. It is possible that they are seeking a Peredeska or a breathing space. This happened after the end of Malayan emergency in 1960. Their decision to sign the peace accord with the government of Malaysia must have been influenced by the setbacks they faced for a number of years prior to the event. The success or failure of the agreement can be gauged by two measures: first, the response of ex CPM members to the rehabilitation process; and second, how co- operative the ex CPM members are in helping to clear bobby traps in their former strongholds. In any case, from the present situation in Malaysia and the general decline of the communist system and influence globally, it is almost certain that in the near and mid- term, the threat from CPM will be diminished greatly. The threat from North Kalimantan Communist Party (NKCP) in Sarawak is even less. After signing the agreement with the government on October 17 , 1990, many ex- NKCP members were assimilated into society, given jobs and other forms of employment opportunities.

            Although the communist threat appears low at present, it is not totally dead. To ensure that there is no revival, the government of Malaysia is exploiting the communist' own ideology and theories to successfully counter a potential insurgency.

POLITICAL STABILITY

            After the race riot of May 13 ,1969, Malaysia's leader realized that the British style of democracy does not work for the country.[1] With this perception, the government soon injected restrictive reforms into the politics of the country. This was deemed necessary basically to end the conduct of politics along ethnic lines that caused much of the social and political instability in the country. This course of action was consistent with the National Operation Council (NOC)[2], which concluded in the aftermath of May 13 that,"... without national unity there would be no stability , without which there would be no opportunities and resources for national development." Short of a better system to govern the many races of the country , the NOC felt that the alliance, later renamed as Barisan National, still offered the best option. The coalition government was deemed the most appropriate and suitable to a racially integrated government to deal with the difficult tasks ahead. If all parties could be convinded to work together , the coalition leaders were confident that they were still the best choice to solve the country problems, especially after May 13.

            Due to the complex nature of Malaysia as a Federation, with administration at the federal and state levels as well as the multiracial, religion and cultural composition of it population , Malaysia was considered fortunate to have a comprehensive constitution. The Malaysia Constitution is supreme, consisting of fundamental laws which describe the manner in which the state (nation) is organized administratively and how justice is administrated. The Constitution includes basic features such as guaranteed fundamental rights, special powers to combat subversion and the ablity to declare states of emergency , special protection of the Bumiputra , the official religion and freedom of communities to practice their own religion in peace and harmony, and the other institutions within the country such as the conference of rulers, among other things. Therefore in Malaysia's case, the constitution can definitely be considered as an instrument in ensuring security, be it from internal threat through defining fundamental values on which the political society is founded thus propagating peace and harmony or from external threat through the function of government. After the event of May 13, RUKUNNEGARA, a form of national ideology was formulated, consisting of five principle that were acceptable to all the communities, and provided the common basis for the aspirations of all Malaysian. It is a further means to promote cohesiveness and a nationalistic spirit among the population.

            Political stability affects national security in Malaysia since any instability will bring about internal insecurity and a host of other factors that will weaken the state, such as investor confidence and unemployment thereby causing an economic slow down or recession and providing an advantage and cause for an upsurge in communist ideology . Also, since political parties are still built along racial lines or tend to champion certain racial groups and interests, any political instability will bring about racial confrontation or clashes. This situation can further be externally exploited. Since independence, Malaysia has been governed by the Barisan Nasional (coalition government). In every general election in the past, the government has also managed to secure the much coveted two- thirds majority in parliament. This is important as the passing of any bill to amend the constitution requires a two- thirds majority. It is also often as having political stability. However Malaysia's political system is still maturing, being only 40 years old. In its process of transition to a liberal democracy, like in any typical young political system, constitutional changes of government and leadership can cause tension ,anxiety and instability which may then affect national security. For example, the May 13 incident accured soon after the 1969 general election.

            Communist theories emphasize that the "Totalitarian Organization" which means the communist party monopolizes political power. The government reacted to this theory by informing the people that, this would not be a democracy in the country, and we would be supporting dictatorship. This concept runs counter to a country like Malaysia, with political parties based on safeguarding the right of each race. Multi racism is therefore a concept to counter the theory of total organization that the communist adopted.

SECURITY.

             The National Security Council under the Prime Minister's department was established in 1971 with the responsibility of coordinating policies relating to the security of the country and the overall direction of security matters. This security structure was extended to the state , district and village levels parallel to the development structure. In this respect, the Prime Minister (and the Minister of Defense) the late Tun Abdul Razak bin Hussian said," The primary task of armed forces is to fight the communist ,but at the same time they must also help implement the government development plan. This is part of the fight against communist . Defense and development go hand in hand."[3] The NSC further developed this concept into what is known as KESBAN (security and development), and this concept as one of it instruction, particularly to fight the communist menace.

            In the early 1980s Malaysia's fourth Prime Minister , Dato Mahathir Mohammad said, "There is therefore a need for everyone to understand the war that is being waged now in this country against the terrorist. Failure to do so would result in the kind of complexity that invites disaster. The war can be won and won early if there is a real commitment by everyone in this country to it prosecution"[4]. As development continued and the people's interest are looked after, as well as military action which vigorously pursued a policy fair intelligence gathering ,the communist ideology did not appear.

             In 1970- 71, Malaysia began promoting its neutrality in the region. The response from great powers guarantors was rather disappointing. Even among ASEAN members there was much bargaining and reluctance to accept such a far reaching proposal from its inception. However, ASEAN members were not without wisdom; they reacted by giving views and counterproposals to the Malaysian neutralization concept.[5] Subsequently, there were positive developments when Malaysia and its ASEAN partners eventually agreed to consider these proposals. Even then, there were fierce debates between the ASEAN member states before they arrived at a common consensus at the Kuala Lumpur meeting (November 26 and 27 , 1971).[6]

            Malaysia for various internal and external reasons set to formulate the plan for the neutralization of the Southeast Asia region. The rapid changing of the external political environment forced Malaysia to be concerned about her security due to the following developments:

            a. The announcement of an accelerated withdrawal of the British force east of Suez,             particularly from their bases in Malaysia and Singapore (January 1968).

            b. The reduction of United States military presence in the region as spelled out by                 President Nixon's Guam Doctrine, the Nixon Doctrine (July 1969).

            c. The increasing interest of the Soviet Union in the region as expressed by                          Secretary General Leonid Brezhnez's proposal for an Asian collective security system                  (June 1969).

            d. The emergence of the People Republic of China in world politics after the end of             Cultural Revolution in 1969 as well as the intensification of the which reflected Sino -                   Soviet conflict and the gradual transition of the international system from strict a strict                bipolarity toward multipolarity.

            e. The increasing importance of Japan as a consequence of rapid economic                           expansion in the region, and;

            f. The spread of the war in Vietnam to neighboring neutral countries such as                        Cambodia and Laos. (1970)

            Internally, Malaysia experienced an outbreak of racial problems with the first Communist Insurgency and communist resurgence beginning in 1969. Domestic reconciliation was the priority at that moment. Nevertheless, external defense remained paramount. In early 1970, the First Prime Minister Tunku Abdul Rahman accepted limited defense ties with Great Britain, Australia , New Zealand and Singapore through the Five Power Defense Agreement (FPDA). It was signed in 1971,[7] and was designed to repel communist advances coming from the Indochina.

            The feature of this type of neutrality when it was first discussed by Malaysian officials would be a blend of the western concept of neutrality and the Asian concept of neutralism. The formulation of the concept was very much in line with the essence of the classical law of neutrality.[8] In an article written by Ghazali Shafie, the word neutrality should be carefully examined, as to its meaning and understanding in comparison to the words " Neutral , Neutralization and Neutralism".[9] The Ghazali proposal on neutralization is based on the long view of the developing situation on the regional as well as the international stage and should be based on certain rules and conduct among the countries of South East Asia and the major powers.

            The strength of the communist movement lies in winning the heart and minds of the populace and the sympathizer country. Internally, the Malaysian government was successful in containing the communist armed struggle in the early eighties but is still looking for a way to eliminate this ideology from the people totally. Development in the rural area is important as the communist strength is spreading propaganda in this area to gain support. The government should establish very close relationship with the people. This will make it easy for development and help security forces implement their task with the information provided by the populace. A successful external policy is also important to counter the communist armed struggle. This is because the CPM is supported by sympathizer countries. The domino theory is frightening for Malaysia. The purpose of ZOPFAN and joining NAM is used as protection for Malaysia against the communist external threat.        

SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT  

            Besides the political and economical factor, the socio - cultural factor divides into different areas, language, religion and cultural practices, which also play an equally important part in keeping the different races apart. It has been said, if the people of Malaysia are to be truly of one Bahasa Malaysia , the challenges and answers lie in the socio cultural factors more than any other component .

            Representing his government's pledge in the 1995 election, Dr Mahathir vowed that fairness and fair play would be Barisan Nasional's top priority governmental policy.[10] This pledge was made in order to reassure all Malaysians and give them peace of mind. It can be interpreted to mean that, within the boundaries of the NDP, every Malaysian is given an assurance that they would be given a fair chance to live fruitful and comfortable lives in Malaysia. There are two prongs of approach enforcing racial integration via the socio- cultural factor in the country today. The first is through the Department of National Unity with is concerted plans and program. The other is an ongoing policy and directive from various government ministries in conformation with the objective and directive of the NDP.

            The task of the Department of National Unity is straight forward. It is given a substantial amount of funds annually to promote racial integration. The Department is the government agency that is directly involved in promoting the racial integration in the country. The department has been credited with speeding up the integration process by conducting a wide variety of activity in the many years it has been existence.

            Racial integration and relations in Malaysia have improved since the 1970s and the 1980s and were accelerated after the eighties. The rapid economic growth has contributed in making a society with less to complain about, since there is now more to share. In effect, the government and the people are coming of age as an independent country, confident and proud as a nation and as individuals, with a future that is promising yet at the same time demanding of a vision that can build upon the success thus achieved. Such a "Vision", however must always take in consideration the maintenance of fairness and justice to all Malaysian.

            Religious and cultural practices no longer seem to raise the same controversy and warning as before to another race. In fact, a more relaxed and cordial race relationship prevails over the country. The people are relating well and coming to form with the RUKUNNEGERA, and seeking in it the representation of their common destiny. The "RUKUNNEGARA is a guide toward the direction of a more caring society that is understanding, respectful and with the sharing of common values are shown to be within races , given the current prevalent moods that represent vast improvement in the years following May 13 and the second communist resurgence. It was thus not surprising that the coalition government won its most convincing victory in the general election 1995. Thus, the government should examine and realize the reason for such success and strive to further promote the emerging harmonious relation between the races in the country today.

            The government will of course still need to address the problems of the hard core poor, irrespective of race and the provision of basic amenities and infrastructure. In addressing the territorial problem, it has as one of its critical goals, "to reduce the wide disparities in economic development between state and between the urban and rural areas in the country.[11] Education and medical care for poor and rural areas is also emphasized.

            It is impossible in Malaysia to have only one culture as every race have their own culture and will try to protect them. The communist theory of social revolution means that there will be one dominant culture. Malaysia countered this theory by promoting every race and harmony between the races. The communist dialectical materialism theory states that is no creator and no god. This theory provided a good way for the government to counter communism. Most Malaysians are either Muslims, Hindu, Buddhist or Christians. The government promotes belief in God and encourages people to believe strongly in their own religion. The government also promotes freedom of worship.   

ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT

            After the race riot of 1969 and the ongoing war with the communist terrorists, the government became aware of some of the underlying causes for its outbreak and introduced the New Economic Policy (NEP) to promote growth with equity in conjunction with fostering national unity among the various races. Under the first outline plan (OPP1), covering the period from 1971 to 1990, the government has implemented four five- year development plans from the second to the fifth.[12]

            Having examined the successes and shortfalls of the first outline Perspective Plan and the report of the National Economic Consultative Council (Form in 1989), the government launched the second Outline Perspective Plan (OPP2) in 1990 to cover the period 1991 to 2000. The second Outline Perspective Plan is based on the National Development Policy (NDP) which replaced the New Economic Policy (NEP). National unity remains the ultimate goal of socio- economic development because the government realized that a united society is fundamental to the promotion of social and political stability and sustained development.[13] The NDP will build on the success of it predecessor and set the peace for the country to be fully developed by the year 2020. "Vision 2020" as the government came to call this ambitious plan, is to have a united society infused by strong moral and ethical values and a dynamic robust economy that is resilient and socially just. Aspects of the strategy for the envisioned society of 2020 and how these qualities are built in and interrelated with each other include:

            a. The eradication of hard core poverty[14] and the reduction of relative poverty.

            b. The rapid development of and effective Bumiputra commercial and industrial                      community (BCIC) to heighten their participation in the modern sector of the economic.

            c. The creation of opportunities for the growth of private sector to effect their                       increased involvement in the government restructuring objective.

            d.            Focus on development of human resources in order to achieve the projected                       economic growth and desired wealth distribution.

            The NDP does not set a target date to be achieved. Its successful implementation relies on incorporation of private sector participation in the spirit of Malaysia, introduced earlier. Economic development would of course bring greater prosperity to the population and together with its aim of national unity will strengthen the state and increase its security . The stable environment will attract future investment and continued economic development. However, in the present time, there are threats to economic development as well. As the country develops, environmental issues become the major consideration . Here, the country faces frequent challenges faced by all developing countries. The attendance of the Prime Minister at the first earth summit in Brazil in 1992 established Malaysia's seriousness in keeping the environmental issues in their proper perspective.

            The communist states exercise monopoly of all economic activities, especially the means of production and ownership of all social wealth and property. This monopoly is against the spirit of human competition since nobody can be rich and wealthy no matter how hard they work. The government countered this theory by promoting the NEP and emphasizing equal share of the country's economic success among the races.

 DIPLOMACY

            Like other countries, the pursuit of Malaysia's foreign policies are directed toward safeguarding and projecting its international interests which in foreign policy terms represents an aggregation of its goals and capabilities in relation to the goals and capabilities of other similar actors in the international system.[15] Over the years, Malaysia has displayed a keen and balanced understanding of internal, regional and international trends and has formulated policies to ensure its national survival. During the early years of Malaysia's independence, Malaysian foreign policies were characterized by its firm stand against communism and strong pro- western ideology, economic, political and military orientations. At that time , Malaysia was fighting a communist threat to its security. To protect itself from internal subversion and external threat, Malaysia signed the bilateral security treaty, the Anglo- Malaysia Defense Agreement (AMDA), with the British. The divergent ideological perspective held by President Sukarno, however, led to the Indonesian confrontation. The formation of Malaysia and AMDA served Malaysia well to help repel the Indonesian invasion.

            After the United States' withdrawal from Vietnam and the eventual collapse of the United States' power in the region and conversely the victory of communist power in Southeast Asia in 1975, as a means to prevent Soviet and Vietnamese expansion Malaysia advocated neutrality for its survival. The Malaysian neutrality initiative led to the Zone of Peace, Freedom and Neutrality (ZOPFAN), a declaration which was endorsed by the ASEAN Foreign Minister in Kuala Lumpur on November 27, 1971. Malaysia's regional strategic perspectives as underscored by ZOPFAN were being aligned to the new and emerging power configuration at the regional and global levels. However, Malaysia was still unwilling in the interim before neutrality could be achieved to give up completely its own defense arrangement with Britain, Australia, New Zealand and Singapore through the Five Power Defense Arrangement (FPDA) which had replaced AMDA in 1971. In any case, ZOPFAN can be seen as a manifestation of Kuala Lumpur's quest for security through diplomacy.

            In as far as regional cooperation is concerned, Malaysia, has been a member of ASEAN since it formation in 1967, and it has since become a major pillar of Malaysian foreign policies. Founded primarily as a socio economic regional organization, questions of politics and security soon became the major preoccupation of the six- member association. Following the Vietnamese invasion and occupation in Cambodia in 1978, Malaysia entered an era of conflict management through the Kuantan declaration in 1980 issued jointly by the late Tun Hussin Onn and President Suharto stressing the need of superpower restraint in the Cambodian conflict. Malaysia and other ASEAN members refused to reorganize the Vietnamese- backed government in Cambodia and maintained its call for a total Vietnamese withdrawal from Cambodia . This finally happened in 1988, and the peace accord on Cambodia was signed in Paris at the end of 1991. Currently, Malaysia foreign policies have focused on confidence building and conflict resolution through diplomatic negotiation and open discussion of issues such as the case of the Spratly Islands. Economic, environmental and human rights issues seem to be filling the current center stage of Malaysian foreign policies with the country appearing to emerge as spokesman for the Third World on these issues. Malaysia has also been active in the United Nations and Non- Aligned Movement (NAM).

MILITARY POWER

            The campaign to win over the confidence of the population was one area where the government concentrated its efforts in order to defeat the communist terrorists. The government's coordinated effort concentrated on gaining the support of the people of Malaysia by addressing their grievances and bringing them under the government's administrative control. The aim was to isolate the guerrillas from their base of support and thus make them vulnerable to the security forces. The government also reorganized and expanded the information department, who were to be the governmental organ in the psychological war designed not only to win the "heart and minds" of the people but also to persuade the communist terrorists to abandon their struggle. This heart and minds campaign was not only confined to a military option but also involved civil authorities who covered the political, social and economic aspects of the struggle. In the dissemination of propaganda, the intelligence services provided the information needed to persecute the propaganda warfare against the communist terrorists.

            The Malaysian Armed Forces (MAF) have performed their roles professionally and credibly in containing the country's security problem. They also contributed towards nation building through the carrying out of development projects, civic action tasks and in general brought limited economic and social development to the rural areas of the country. Actually this policy of continuing the "hearts and minds" project differs in that the MAF's capabilities are used to build up the basic infrastructure such as schools ,housing, limited road systems etc. The importance here is the presence of the Armed Forces in maintaining order which clears the areas of communist terrorists and eliminates their influence and ideology over the lower classes.

            The MAF has a good track record in combating insurgency. However, as a conventional force, it is structurally imbalanced. It mainly lacks combat power, particularly in the aspect of mobility, weapon systems and logistics support. This applies to all three services, though more perhaps in actuality to the Navy and Air Force. The MAF thus needs to be developed as a conventional force and acquire coercive power in order to deter attacks or defend the country against any external threat/attack. Accumulation of power commodities (size, resources, and industrial capacity) along with an effective policy structure, doctrine, force structure, intelligence and weapon systems - all essential for a strong military posture.[16]

            Although the jungle communist terrorist has disappeared. The MAF should maintain her guerrilla warfare or jungle fighting capability. The MAF learned guerrilla warfare from Mao's doctrine the hard way and it was successful against the CPM. Maintaining a guerrilla warfare capability is important in case of communist resurgence and the Malaysian jungle remains conducive for guerrilla warfare.

CONCLUSION

            As a small and developing country, Malaysia does not seem to follow the conventional pattern of a larger power with a stronger military power to provide a better security posture. Instead, Malaysia has chosen to adopt the more encompassing approach that defines national security as " the capacity of the society to protect individuals, groups and the nation from physical and socio- economic danger and the threat of such danger created by systematic and contributed that condition". This is related to its national interest which apart from the core value of political independence and territorial integrity, places emphasis on the physical survival of the population and promoting and preserving prosperity in terms of economic and social well being of the country and its citizens.

            From the conceptual approach Malaysia has adopted, it has been further developed into comprehensive security doctrine, initially propagated by Musa Hitam, the Deputy Prime Minister in early 1980's and also Prime Minister Dr Mahathir. In essence, national security is perceived to constitute political stability, economic success and social harmony apart from military capabilities.The military has been a reliable and dependable institution and through the political, social and economic development of the country are necessary to strengthen the state. The MAF must remain as the backbone of the country's security. When combined, the political, social - economic and military policies should permanently eradicate the threat of a resurgent communist ideology in Malaysia. Hence, the need for Malaysia to identify nationalism as the necessary element of national resilience has become the bedrock of Malaysia's doctrine of comprehensive security.


GLOSSARY OF TERMS

1.         AMDA : Anglo - Malaysia Defense Agreement.

2.         APEC : Asia Pacific Economic Conference.

3.            ASEAN : Association of South East Asia Nations.

4.         Barisan Nasional : National Fronts.

5.         BCIC : Bumiputra Commercial and Industrial Community.

6.         CPM : Communist Party of Malaysia.

7.         FPDA : Five powers Defense Arrangement.

8.            KESBAN : Security and Development.

9.         MAF : Malaysia Armed Forces.

10.       NAM : Non aligned Movement.

11.       NDP : National Development Plan.

12.       NEP : National Economic Policy.

13.       NKCP : North Kalimantan Communist Party.

14.       NOC : National Operation Council.

15.       OPP1 : Outline Perspective Plan 1.

16.       OPP2 : Outline Perspective Plan 2.

17.            ZOPFAN : Zone of Peace, Freedom and Neutrality.

 

 

 

 

 

BIBLIOGRAPHY

 

Cloake, John Templer The Tiger of Malaya. London: Harrap Limited, 1985.

V.I Lenin, Selected Works. Volume one. Moscow, International Publisher, New York.                May 14,1918.

Von Vorys, Democracy With Consensus. Princeton University Press, Princeton, New                Jersey. 1975.

Lugian, W. Pye. Guerrilla Communism in Malaya., Princeton University Press,                        Princeton, New Jersey. 1956.

John Coates, Suppressing Insurgency. Westview Press. San Francisco. 1992.

Gordon, P Mean. Malaysia Politic. New York University Press, New York. 1970.

Chung Kek Yoong. Mahathir Administration. Kuala Lumpur. Pelanduk                                    Publication,1987.

Edward, Azar and Chung,In Moon, Third World national security: "Toward a New                 Conceptual Framework" Institute Southeast Asian Studies, Singapore ,1991.

Heiner, Haggi, ASEAN and ZOPFAN Concent. Pacific Strategy Papers. Institute                      Southeast Asian studies, Singapore. 1991.

Government of Malaysia . The Sixth Malaysian Plan. 1991 - 1995.

K.S Nathan, Vision 2020: Implication For Malaysian Foreign Policy, Asia Defense                 Journal 1/92.

Reference Manual, KESBAN Selected Studies, Kuala Lumpur. Haigate, 1981.

Stubbs, Richard, Heart and Minds in Guerrilla Warfare. The Malayan Emergency                1948 - 1960, Singapore. Oxford University Press. 1989.



[1]           Edward azar and Chung - In Moon, "Third World National Security; Toward New Conceptual Framework" International Interaction, Vol. II, No 2, 1984, p 109.

[2]           Ibid.

[3]           Quoted in Malaysia Armed Forces Staff College Reference Material on "KESBAN"

[4]           Ibid.

[5]           Heiner Haggi "ASEAN and ZOPFAN Consent" Pacific Strategic Paper, Institute South East Asian Studies, Singapore, 1991, p 16 - 17.

[6]           Ibid. pg. 17.

[7]           Ibid. pg. 12.

[8]           Ibid. pg. 86.

[9]               The article referred, emphasized the meaning as follows;

                                a.                Neutral. The word "neutral" in itself referred to the idea the attitude and the precept of war. It

                          literally means" an effort of not taking the part of either side of the contending parties excluding land or

                           sea from war like operation"

                                b.                Neutrality. It is a declaration of non - involvement by a state in relation pertains to conduct of

                          that state in relation to state which are engaged in legal warfare. In different term, neutrality set rule for a

                           neutral country should follow in time of war.

                                c.                Neutralization. It should be distinguished from neutrality. Neutralization refers to the act which

                            bring about a state of neutralism and "Neutralism" refers to the foreign policy of state either alone or

                            inconsert with other state in time of peace.

[10]          News Straits Times, April 14, 1995, pg. 2.

[11]             Government of Malaysia, Sixth Malaysia Plan, 1991 - 1995 pg. 5.

[12]          Five years plan for development were started by the British in 1950, with the first being the draft development plan from 1950 - 1955.

[13]          Berita publication, Information Malaysia, 1994 Yearbook (Petaling Jaya)

[14]          Ibid.

[15]          KS Nathan , Vision 2020; Implication for Malaysia Foreign Policy, Asia Defense Journal 1/92, pg. 12.

[16]          Edward Azar and Chung In Moon (Ed) op cit,pg 12.



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