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DATE=03/27/99
TYPE=ON THE LINE
NUMBER=1-00725  
TITLE=THE MOVE TOWARD MISSILE DEFENSE
EDITOR=OFFICE OF POLICY - 619-0037
CONTENT= 
THEME:           UP, HOLD UNDER AND FADE
ANNCR:           ON THE LINE -- A DISCUSSION OF UNITED STATES 
                 POLICIES AND CONTEMPORARY ISSUES.
                 THIS WEEK, "THE MOVE TOWARD MISSILE DEFENSE."  
                 HERE IS YOUR HOST, ROBERT REILLY.
HOST:            HELLO AND WELCOME TO ON THE LINE.
                 THIS MONTH, THE U.S. CONGRESS VOTED TO DEPLOY A 
                 MISSILE DEFENSE SYSTEM AS SOON AS IT IS 
                 TECHNOLOGICALLY FEASIBLE TO DO SO. THE VOTE CAME
                 SIXTEEN YEARS AFTER PRESIDENT RONALD REAGAN 
                 FIRST ANNOUNCED THE STRATEGIC DEFENSE 
                 INITIATIVE, OR S-D-I.  S-D-I WAS A CONTROVERSIAL
                 EFFORT TO DEFEND THE U.S. AGAINST POSSIBLE 
                 SOVIET MISSILE ATTACK.  THE NEW PROGRAM IS MORE 
                 MODEST IN ITS AIMS.  AS PRESIDENT BILL CLINTON 
                 EXPLAINED, "WE ARE COMMITTED TO MEETING THE 
                 GROWING DANGER THAT OUTLAW NATIONS WILL DEVELOP 
                 AND DEPLOY LONG-RANGE MISSILES THAT COULD 
                 DELIVER WEAPONS OF MASS DESTRUCTION AGAINST US."
                 JOINING ME TODAY TO DISCUSS THE U.S. MOVE TOWARD
                 MISSILE DEFENSE ARE THREE EXPERTS.  GARY 
                 MILHOLLIN IS DIRECTOR OF THE WISCONSIN PROJECT 
                 ON NUCLEAR ARMS CONTROL.  HANK COOPER IS 
                 CHAIRMAN OF HIGH FRONTIER, AN EDUCATIONAL 
                 FOUNDATION PROMOTING MISSILE DEFENSE.  HE IS 
                 FORMER DIRECTOR OF THE STRATEGIC DEFENSE 
                 INITIATIVE ORGANIZATION AT THE U.S. DEFENSE 
                 DEPARTMENT.  AND SPURGEON KEENY IS PRESIDENT OF 
                 THE ARMS CONTROL ASSOCIATION AND FORMER DEPUTY 
                 DIRECTOR OF THE U.S. ARMS CONTROL AND 
                 DISARMAMENT AGENCY. 
                 GENTLEMEN, WELCOME TO THE PROGRAM.
HOST:            GARY MILHOLLIN, WHY IT SEEMS ALL OF A SUDDEN, 
                 AFTER SIXTEEN YEARS AND A TREMENDOUS AMOUNT OF 
                 CONTROVERSY OVER MISSILE DEFENSE, DO BOTH HOUSES
                 OF THE U-S CONGRESS OVERWHELMINGLY VOTE TO 
                 DEPLOY A MISSILE DEFENSE?  WHY HAS THAT 
                 HAPPENED?
MILHOLLIN:       FOR A NUMBER OF REASONS.  FIRST, NORTH KOREA IS 
                 CLEARLY ON ITS WAY.  IT FIRED A THREE-STAGE 
                 MISSILE OVER JAPAN THAT REALLY GOT EVERYBODY'S 
                 ATTENTION.  SECOND, I THINK THERE'S A FEELING 
                 THAT OUR RELATIONS WITH RUSSIA ARE UNCERTAIN AND
                 THAT THE RUSSIAN INFRASTRUCTURE WHICH CONTROLS 
                 ITS MISSILES IS DETERIORATING.  AND SO THE 
                 THREAT OF AN ACCIDENTAL LAUNCH FROM RUSSIA IS 
                 GOING UP.  AND SO THOSE ARE THE PRIMARY 
                 MOTIVATING FACTORS.  AS FAR AS ROGUE NATIONS ARE
                 CONCERNED, IT IS HARD TO SEE ANOTHER CASE, OTHER
                 THAN NORTH KOREA, WHERE A SO-CALLED ROGUE NATION
                 COULD POSSIBLY DEPLOY A LONG-RANGE BALLISTIC 
                 MISSILE THAT WOULD HIT THE UNITED STATES.
HOST:            IRAN?
MILHOLLIN:       IRAN COULD, BUT NOT ANY TIME SOON.  AND I THINK 
                 ONE OF THE DIFFICULTIES OF THE BALLISTIC MISSILE
                 DEFENSE THEORY IS THAT IT DOESN'T PROTECT 
                 AGAINST CRUISE MISSILES, WHICH I THINK IS THE 
                 MOST LIKELY AVENUE THAT A LOT OF COUNTRIES ARE 
                 GOING TO TAKE.
HOST:            LET ME ASK HANK COOPER, WITH ALL THE WORK OVER 
                 THE YEARS YOU'VE PUT INTO THIS, WHY NOW IS 
                 THERE, AS GARY MILHOLLIN SAID, A GROWING 
                 AWARENESS OF A NEW THREAT?
COOPER:          I AGREE WITH MOST OF GARY'S ASSESSMENT.  I WOULD
                 POINT OUT THAT [FORMER DEFENSE SECRETARY] DON 
                 RUMSFELD LED A COMMISSION THAT WENT SO FAR AS TO
                 SAY THERE WERE A NUMBER OF NATIONS THAT WITHIN 
                 FIVE YEARS COULD THREATEN THE UNITED STATES.  
                 AND THE PROBLEM IS WE DON'T KNOW WHEN THE CLOCK 
                 STARTS.  I THINK THAT IS CERTAINLY ONE OF THE 
                 FACTORS THAT INFLUENCED THE HOUSE OF 
                 REPRESENTATIVES, WHICH HELD A CLOSED SESSION THE
                 SAME DAY AS THE VOTE TO HEAR THE RUMSFELD 
                 COMMISSIONERS REPORT IN CLASSIFIED FORM ON ALL 
                 THE WORK THAT THEY HAD DONE.  I THINK THEY WOULD
                 INCLUDE IRAN AMONG THE NUMBERS.  THEY WOULD ALSO
                 INCLUDE EVEN IRAQ SINCE WE NO LONGER HAVE THE 
                 CONTINUING INSPECTIONS GOING ON THERE.  AND I 
                 AGREE WITH GARY THAT WE NEED DEFENSES AGAINST 
                 CRUISE MISSILES.  THERE'S JUST NO INHIBITIONS 
                 ABOUT BUILDING DEFENSES AGAINST CRUISE MISSILES 
                 AND WE SPEND A FAIR AMOUNT OF MONEY IN THAT 
                 AREA, IN THE AREA OF AIR DEFENSE.  BUT THERE ARE
                 POLITICAL BLOCKS TO DEFENDING THE UNITED STATES 
                 AGAINST BALLISTIC MISSILES, THE A-B-M TREATY.
HOST:            SPURGEON KEENY, WHAT IS YOUR OPINION?
KEENY:           WELL, I THINK I DIFFER WITH BOTH OF THE PREVIOUS
                 STATEMENTS.  FIRST OF ALL, I THINK THE THREAT 
                 FROM SO-CALLED ROGUE STATES IS VASTLY 
                 EXAGGERATED.  THE RUMSFELD REPORT WAS A WORST, 
                 WORST CASE ASSESSMENT AND MAKES THE IMPLIED 
                 ASSUMPTION THAT, WHEN SOME COUNTRY POSSIBLY GETS
                 A WEAPON THAT COULD REACH THE UNITED STATES, 
                 THERE WAS ANY SIGNIFICANT CHANCE IT COULD BE 
                 USED OR EVEN THREATENED TO BE USED, BECAUSE THEY
                 WOULD CERTAINLY BE DETERRED BY THE CONSEQUENCES 
                 TO THAT COUNTRY.  NOW, AS TO THE CURRENT 
                 LEGISLATION, I THINK, AS SENATOR [JOSEPH] BIDEN 
                 SAID, IT IS SOMETHING OF POLITICAL THEATER.  AND
                 ESSENTIALLY THE LEGISLATION KICKS THE PROBLEM 
                 DOWN THE ROAD BECAUSE THE SENATE LEGISLATION 
                 SAID, YES, IT'S THE POLICY TO DEPLOY AN 
                 EFFECTIVE DEFENSE OF THE FIFTY STATES AS SOON AS
                 IT IS TECHNICALLY POSSIBLE.  BUT IT ALSO SAID 
                 THAT IT IS THE POLICY OF THE UNITED STATES TO 
                 CONTINUE TO NEGOTIATE REDUCTIONS IN THE RUSSIAN 
                 NUCLEAR ARSENAL.  AND THESE ARE PROBABLY 
                 INCOMPATIBLE PROPOSITIONS.  SO IT WILL BE UP TO 
                 THIS PRESIDENT OR FUTURE PRESIDENTS TO SORT THIS
                 OUT INTO AN ACTUAL DECISION WHETHER OR NOT TO 
                 DEPLOY.
HOST:            THAT'S A VERY GOOD POINT AND I THINK WE SHOULD 
                 ADDRESS IT.  RUSSIA, THE RUSSIAN FOREIGN 
                 MINISTRY, REACTED TO THE PASSAGE OF THE NATIONAL
                 MISSILE DEFENSE ACT BY SAYING THEY THINK IT 
                 POSES, AND I'M QUOTING THEM, A SERIOUS THREAT TO
                 THE WHOLE PROCESS OF ARMS CONTROL AS WELL AS 
                 STRATEGIC STABILITY, UNQUOTE.  AND OF COURSE 
                 CHINA HAS ALSO OBJECTED TO THE POTENTIAL OF THE 
                 U.S. DEPLOYING MISSILE DEFENSE.  HOW DOES THIS 
                 ACT AFFECT ARMS CONTROL AND THE STATUS OF THE 
                 A-B-M TREATY?
MILHOLLIN:       WELL, I THINK IN THE CASE OF RUSSIA IT'S PRETTY 
                 CLEAR THE KIND OF SYSTEM THAT WE COULD 
                 CONCEIVABLY BUILD WOULD NOT BE EFFECTIVE IN 
                 PREVENTING RUSSIA FROM DETERRING US FROM AN 
                 ATTACK ON RUSSIA.  RUSSIA'S MISSILES ARE 
                 NUMEROUS ENOUGH TO GET THROUGH ANY DEFENSE WE 
                 COULD CONCEIVABLY BUILD.  SO I DON'T THINK THE 
                 RUSSIANS COULD CREDIBLY CLAIM TO BE THREATENED. 
                 THE CHINESE HAVE A MUCH SMALLER FORCE, AND THE 
                 CHINESE MAY AT SOME POINT DECIDE TO USE MISSILE 
                 THREATS AGAINST JAPAN AND AGAINST TAIWAN, AS 
                 THEY'VE ALREADY DONE.  IN THAT CASE, IF WE 
                 PERFECT A MISSILE DEFENSE SYSTEM THAT CAN BE 
                 EXPORTED TO THOSE COUNTRIES, THEN THE CHINESE 
                 MAY FACE A DIMINUTION IN THEIR ABILITY TO 
                 PROTECT THEIR FORCES.  AND SO I THINK CHINA HAS 
                 MORE TO BE WORRIED ABOUT THAN RUSSIA.
HOST:            ALL RIGHT, HANK COOPER?
COOPER:          I THINK THIS IS A B-RATED RE-RUN.  AS YOU MAY 
                 REMEMBER, I SPENT FIVE YEARS IN GENEVA 
                 NEGOTIATING WITH THE SOVIET UNION AND THE LINE 
                 WAS PRECISELY THIS:  AFTER THE S-D-I WAS 
                 INTRODUCED, THAT IT WOULD DESTROY ARMS CONTROL, 
                 THAT IT WOULDN'T BE POSSIBLE TO NEGOTIATE 
                 REDUCTIONS AS LONG AS THERE WAS A SERIOUS S-D-I 
                 PROGRAM, ETC, ETC.  AND AS YOU KNOW, DURING THAT
                 PERIOD WE NEGOTIATED THE I-N-F 
                 [INTERMEDIATE-RANGE NUCLEAR FORCES] TREATY.  AND
                 WE NEGOTIATED START-1 WITHOUT ANY ADDITIONAL 
                 RESTRAINTS ON OUR ABILITY TO CONDUCT RESEARCH, 
                 EVEN MORE DRAMATIC RESEARCH THAN, I MIGHT SAY, 
                 WHAT IS GOING ON TODAY, INCLUDING ON THE WIDE 
                 VARIETY OF SPACE SYSTEMS.  MOST NOTABLY, I WOULD
                 NOTE THAT BORIS YELTSIN IN JANUARY OF 1992 MADE 
                 THE PROPOSAL  THAT BECAME START-2 AND IN THE 
                 SAME SPEECH MADE AT THE UNITED NATIONS, HE 
                 PROPOSED THAT WE WORK TOGETHER ON A GLOBAL 
                 DEFENSE TO PROTECT THE WORLD COMMUNITY.  SO THE 
                 LEADER OF RUSSIA, AT THAT TIME AT LEAST, SAID 
                 THERE IS NO INCONSISTENCY WITH NEGOTIATIONS ON 
                 FURTHER REDUCTIONS AND ALSO ON  BUILDING 
                 DEFENSES BECAUSE THAT WAS THE NATURE OF HIS 
                 PROPOSAL.  I THINK IT WAS ONE OF THE GREAT 
                 STRATEGIC FAILINGS OF THE BUSH ADMINISTRATION 
                 THAT WE DIDN'T LOCK THAT INTO A FORMAL 
                 AGREEMENT.
HOST:            SPURGEON KEENY, YOU RAISED THE PROBLEM. . . .
KEENY:           WELL, THE RUSSIANS CERTAINLY PERCEIVE IT AS A 
                 PROBLEM.  AND IN FACT THEIR LEGISLATION TO GO 
                 AHEAD WITH RATIFICATION OF START-2 HAS A 
                 SPECIFIC PROVISION THAT THE U-S REJECTION, 
                 REPUDIATION OF THE A-B-M TREATY OR CIRCUMVENTION
                 OF IT, WOULD BE GROUNDS FOR THEIR WITHDRAWING 
                 FROM THE TREATY AND THEY HAVE REITERATED THIS AT
                 ALL LEVELS.  SO I THINK THEY SEE THIS AS THE 
                 BASE FOR MOVING TOWARDS A DEFENSE THAT WOULD 
                 THREATEN THEM, PARTICULARLY IF YOU NEGOTIATE 
                 SUBSTANTIAL FURTHER REDUCTIONS IN THEIR NUCLEAR 
                 ARSENAL.
HOST:            BUT, AS GARY MILHOLLIN SAYS, THIS SYSTEM 
                 COULDN'T POSSIBLY POTENTIALLY THREATEN THE 
                 RUSSIANS, SO WHY WOULD THEY REACT THIS WAY?
KEENY:           WELL, THEY CAN SEE THE SYSTEM, IF IT REALLY WAS 
                 WORKABLE, AND DEPLOYED, YOU WOULD SIMPLY ADD 
                 MORE MISSILES, MORE SITES.  IF YOU ADD TO THAT 
                 THE NAVY'S WIDE-AREA THEATER MISSILE DEFENSE -- 
                 WHERE NAVY ADVOCATES ARE ADVERTISING THAT IT 
                 WOULD MAKE AN EXCELLENT NATIONAL MISSILE DEFENSE
                 AND COULD BE DEPLOYED FOR THE DEFENSE OF THE 
                 EAST AND WEST COAST -- YOU CAN SEE THAT IN THE 
                 EYES OF PARANOID COUNTRIES, THAT ARE SUFFERING 
                 CONSIDERABLE ECONOMIC DISTRESS, THIS WOULD LOOK 
                 LIKE AN OPENING GUN IN AN EFFORT OF THE UNITED 
                 STATES TO HAVE A TRUE DEFENSE AT THEIR EXPENSE, 
                 AS WELL AS EVERYONE ELSE'S.  SO THEY SEE IT AS 
                 BEING FUNDAMENTAL IN THE POSSIBILITY OF NOT ONLY
                 THE IMMEDIATE START PROPOSALS, BUT THE LONGER 
                 RANGE FURTHER REDUCTIONS.
HOST:            ANY REACTIONS, HANK COOPER?
COOPER:          I THINK THAT'S REALLY MUCH OVERSTATED.  AND I 
                 WOULD SAY IT'S NOT JUST THE NAVY THAT'S A 
                 PROPONENT OF THE SEA-BASED OPTION.  THAT WAS ONE
                 OF THE MOST IMPORTANT THINGS THAT HAPPENED ON MY
                 WATCH AT S-D-I -- THAT THE NAVY BECAME 
                 INTERESTED IN THIS SUBJECT AFTER I DID A REVIEW 
                 IN 1990 THAT SAID, LOOK AT THE GLOBE, AND YOU 
                 SEE THAT MOST OF IT IS WATER AND THAT SHIPS CAN 
                 BE BETWEEN ANY THREATENING PARTY, THIRD WORLD, 
                 WHEREEVER ELSE, AND THE UNITED STATES, AS WELL 
                 AS MANY OF OUR ALLIES AND FRIENDS AROUND THE 
                 WORLD.  AND IT ONLY MAKES SENSE TO BE SURE THAT 
                 THE SHIPS WE ALREADY HAVE DEPLOYED, SOME 
                 FIFTY-FIVE CRUISERS AND DESTROYERS, WITH THE 
                 SAME LAUNCH TUBES THAT ARE USED TO LAUNCH A 
                 TOMAHAWK MISSILE, COULD ALSO USE THOSE LAUNCH 
                 TUBES TO LAUNCH DEFENSIVE INTERCEPTORS AGAINST 
                 BALLISTIC MISSILES TO DEFEND THE FLEET AGAINST 
                 BALLISTIC MISSILE ATTACK, TO DEFEND FRIENDS AND 
                 ALLIES, AND ALSO TO DEFEND AMERICANS.  THE 
                 FRIENDS AND ALLIES PART IS OKAY.  AND THAT'S 
                 WHAT NAVY THEATER-WIDE IS ALL ABOUT.  THOSE OF 
                 US WHO WANT TO FULLY ENABLE THE SYSTEM WOULD 
                 ALSO PERMIT FORWARD-BASED SENSORS AS A PART OF 
                 THE ARCHITECTURE.  AND THAT WOULD ENABLE THE 
                 SAME DEFENSE TO DEFEND AMERICA.  THE SHIPS IN 
                 THE MEDITERRANEAN COULD INTERCEPT MISSILES OUT 
                 OF NORTH AFRICA, LIBYA, FOR EXAMPLE, GOING OVER 
                 THE POLE.  AND THE SEA OF JAPAN COULD INTERCEPT 
                 MISSILES OUT OF NORTH KOREA, WHETHER THEY WERE 
                 GOING TO TOKYO OR THE UNITED STATES.  BUT IF WE 
                 DO NOT PERMIT IT FULLY TO BE ENABLED, THEN IT 
                 WON'T BE ABLE TO SEE FAR ENOUGH TO INTERCEPT THE
                 MISSILES HEADED TO THE UNITED STATES.  AND SO, 
                 IN EFFECT, WE ARE DUMBING-DOWN THOSE VERY 
                 DEFENSES THAT WE WOULD USE TO DEFEND JAPAN IN 
                 ORDER TO NOT LET THEM DEFEND THE UNITED STATES. 
                 AND WE BELIEVE THAT'S WRONG.
HOST:            YOU MEAN IF IT'S BUILT IN COMPLIANCE WITH THE 
                 A-B-M TREATY, IT WILL BE.  BUT WILL IT BE BUILT 
                 IN COMPLIANCE WITH THE A-B-M TREATY?  GARY 
                 MILHOLLIN?
MILHOLLIN:       I THINK ONE OF THE IMPORTANT THINGS YOU NEED TO 
                 KEEP IN MIND IS, JUDGING FROM EVERYTHING WE'VE 
                 SEEN SO FAR, IT'S QUITE POSSIBLE THAT THIS 
                 SYSTEM WILL NEVER WORK, THAT IS, IT WILL NEVER 
                 WORK TO DEFEND AMERICAN CITIES AGAINST ANY KIND 
                 OF A STRONG MISSILE THREAT, WHETHER IT BE 
                 BALLISTIC OR CRUISE MISSILE THREAT.  IT MAY BE 
                 ABLE TO KNOCK DOWN A FEW ACCIDENTALLY LAUNCHED 
                 MISSILES, BUT I CAN'T SEE A TIME WHEN AMERICANS 
                 COULD SAY WE ARE NOW PROTECTED AGAINST A NUCLEAR
                 ATTACK BY MISSILE BY THIS SYSTEM.
HOST:            WELL, I UNDERSTAND THAT.  BUT ISN'T THE POINT, 
                 EVEN WITH A PARTIAL DEFENSE, THAT YOU INTRODUCE 
                 AN ELEMENT OF UNCERTAINTY ON THE PART OF YOUR 
                 POTENTIAL ENEMY WHO CAN NO LONGER COUNT ON THAT 
                 MISSILE HITTING ITS TARGET.  AND THEREFORE THEIR
                 THREAT, WHICH THEY WOULD TRY TO TRANSLATE INTO 
                 SOME POLITICAL POWER, HAS LESS CREDIBILITY.
MILHOLLIN:       THAT'S RIGHT.  THE MEANS EXIST NOW ALREADY TO 
                 BUILD EITHER BALLISTIC OR CRUISE MISSILE SYSTEMS
                 THAT WILL COMPLETELY DEFEAT THIS DEFENSE.  AND 
                 IF THE DEFENSE GOES INTO EFFECT, IT IS QUITE 
                 PROBABLE THAT THOSE SYSTEMS WILL BE BUILT.  AND 
                 SO WE ARE, IN FACT, STARTING A NEW ARMS RACE.  
                 WE'RE SORT OF PUSHING THE ARMS RACE IN A 
                 DIFFERENT DIRECTION.
HOST:            ALL RIGHT, LET ME ASK YOU THIS QUESTION AND THEN
                 WE'LL GET REACTIONS.  WOULDN'T ONE EFFECT OF A 
                 MISSILE DEFENSE, EVEN A PARTIAL MISSILE DEFENSE,
                 BE TO REMOVE THE INCENTIVE FOR ROGUE REGIMES TO 
                 SPEND WHAT FEW RESOURCES THEY HAVE ON 
                 CONSTRUCTING INTERCONTINENTAL BALLISTIC 
                 MISSILES, OR BUYING THEM, BECAUSE THEY WOULDN'T 
                 BE EFFECTIVE.
MILHOLLIN:       I THINK THAT WOULD BE AN ADDITIONAL REASON WHY 
                 REGIMES WON'T DO THAT.
HOST:            SO, THAT WOULD BE A GOOD EFFECT OF BUILDING A 
                 MISSILE DEFENSE.
MILHOLLIN:       IT WOULD BE IF THOSE REGIMES PLAN TO DO THAT 
                 ANYWAY.  I THINK IT'S MORE LIKELY THAT THOSE 
                 REGIMES WILL GO THE CRUISE MISSILE ROUTE, 
                 BECAUSE TO BUILD AN I-C-B-M [INTERCONTINENTAL 
                 BALLISTIC MISSILE] THAT HITS THE UNITED STATES, 
                 YOU HAVE TO TEST IT ACROSS THE WORLD.  YOU HAVE 
                 TO FIRE IT ACROSS OCEANS AT REMOTE TARGETS AND 
                 EVERYBODY WATCHES YOU DO THAT.  AND AS SOON AS 
                 THAT HAPPENS, EVERYBODY IS DOWN YOUR NECK.  YOU 
                 CAN DEVELOP A SEA-LAUNCHED CRUISE MISSILE SYSTEM
                 WITHOUT THAT DISADVANTAGE.
HOST:            OR A SUITCASE BOMB.  THIS IS THE ARGUMENT THAT 
                 IT WON'T WORK.  BUT PLEASE, MR. KEENY?
KEENY:           WITH REGARD TO THE TREATY, YOU COULD CONCEIVABLY
                 BUILD A SYSTEM WITHIN THE EXISTING A-B-M TREATY,
                 BUT I DON'T THINK ITS GOING TO BE POSSIBLE TO 
                 HAVE ONE THAT WILL DEFEND ALL FIFTY STATES AND 
                 EVERY SQUARE FOOT OF AMERICAN TERRITORY.  I 
                 THINK THAT'S A RIDICULOUS REQUIREMENT, BUT 
                 THAT'S THE REQUIREMENT. AND SO TO TRY TO MEET 
                 THAT OBJECTIVE AND THE LEGISLATION SAYS IT'S TO 
                 BE AN EFFECTIVE SYSTEM, YOU'RE GOING TO HAVE TO 
                 MAKE SOME SUBSTANTIAL MODIFICATIONS.  IT'S HARD 
                 TO BE VERY SPECIFIC ABOUT IT BECAUSE THE 
                 ARCHITECTURE DOESN'T EXIST.  YOU DON'T REALLY 
                 KNOW WHAT THEY'RE GOING TO DO.  BUT GOING BY THE
                 WHOLE THRUST OF THE PROGRAM, I THINK YOU WOULD 
                 HAVE TO MODIFY EVERY OPERATIONAL ARTICLE IN THE 
                 A-B-M TREATY.  THIS YOU CAN SAY, SO YOU DO IT.  
                 BUT THE POINT IS, THAT'S GOING TO BE A VERY 
                 MAJOR UNDERTAKING AND IT'S GOING TO RESISTED 
                 STRONGLY BY THE RUSSIANS.  AND I DON'T THINK 
                 ANYBODY, CERTAINLY I DON'T THINK ITS CREDIBLE TO
                 TALK ABOUT A JOINT OR AN INTERNATIONAL A-B-M 
                 SYSTEM AT THIS STATE IN THE WORLD.  IT'S JUST 
                 NOT A PRACTICAL PROBLEM.
HOST:            OF COURSE, THE CHAIRMAN OF THE SENATE FOREIGN 
                 RELATIONS COMMITTEE, SENATOR [JESSE] HELMS, HAS 
                 ALREADY STATED THAT, AS FAR AS HE CAN TELL, AND 
                 HE'S OPERATING UNDER THIS UNDERSTANDING BECAUSE 
                 OF THE DEMISE OF THE SOVIET UNION IN 1991, THERE
                 IS NO A-B-M TREATY.
KEENY:           WELL, THAT'S AN ABSURD PROPOSITION.  IT'S THE 
                 EXECUTIVES THAT DECIDE ON THE CONTINUITY OF A 
                 TREATY;  IT'S NOT THE CONGRESS.  AND TREATIES 
                 ALWAYS OVERLAP DIFFERENT REGIMES.  IT'S 
                 SUGGESTING THAT RUSSIA IS NO LONGER A MEMBER OF 
                 THE UNITED NATIONS AND A LONG LIST OF OTHER 
                 OBLIGATIONS.  THERE'S NO WAY THE CONGRESS CAN 
                 ENFORCE THAT.  IT WOULD HAVE TO GO TO THE 
                 SUPREME COURT AND THEY WILL RULE, AS THEY HAVE 
                 IN THE PAST, THAT IT'S A POLITICAL ISSUE THAT 
                 THEY CANNOT RESOLVE.
HOST:            OKAY, HANK COOPER?
COOPER:          WE'LL SEE ABOUT THAT, HOW THE SUPREME COURT 
                 RULES OR WHATEVER.  I WOULD JUST NOTE THE ISSUE 
                 IS NOT WHETHER RUSSIA IS PART OF THE U-N, OR 
                 LATVIA OR LITHUANIA OR A HOST OF OTHER NATIONS 
                 ARE PART OF THE U-N.  IT'S AN ISSUE OF WHETHER 
                 THERE IS SOMETHING CALLED THE UNION OF SOVIET 
                 SOCIALIST REPUBLICS BECAUSE THE A-B-M TREATY 
                 DEALT WITH THE ENTIRE COMPLEMENT OF THOSE 
                 FIFTEEN NATIONS AND THE NAME OF THE GAME IN THE 
                 CLINTON ADMINISTRATION IS BASICALLY TO REWRITE A
                 TREATY LEAVING A BUNCH OF THEM OUT AND 
                 SPECIFYING IN EFFECT ONLY FOUR AS THE PARTNERS, 
                 OUR PARTNERS IN THE TREATY.  AND THEY ARE 
                 SEEKING TO DO THIS UNILATERALLY, WITHOUT THE 
                 INVOLVEMENT OF THE U-S SENATE.  AND THAT'S THE 
                 BASIS OF SENATOR HELMS' OBJECTION.  I DON'T 
                 THINK THERE'S ANY QUESTION BUT WHAT IF THE 
                 AGREEMENTS THAT, IF THERE WERE A TREATY, WOULD 
                 BE AMENDMENTS TO THE TREATY, WERE SENT TO THE 
                 SENATE -- THESE WERE NEGOTIATED NOW A YEAR AND A
                 HALF AGO -- THAT THE SENATE WOULD NOT SUPPORT 
                 RATIFICATION OF THOSE AGREEMENTS.  AND AT THAT 
                 POINT SURELY THE A-B-M TREATY WOULD BE NULL AND 
                 VOID.
KEENY:           IF THE SENATE IN THEIR WISDOM REJECTS THOSE 
                 AMENDMENTS, AND THEY MAY, THEN YOU REVERT TO THE
                 ORIGINAL TREATY.  IT JUST MEANS THOSE AMENDMENTS
                 ARE NOT PART OF IT.  AND THIS IS NOT A CLINTON 
                 ADMINISTRATION ARRANGEMENT.  THIS WAS UNDERTAKEN
                 BY [FORMER PRESIDENT GEORGE] BUSH AND [FORMER 
                 SECRETARY OF STATE JAMES] BAKER WITH THE 
                 COLLAPSE OF THE SOVIET UNION INTO RUSSIA.  AND 
                 IT WAS THE ENGAGEMENT OF UKRAINE, KAZAKHSTAN AND
                 BELARUS WAS PUSHED BY THEM.  AND THEY WANTED TO 
                 MAKE CLEAR THAT RUSSIA HAD THE OBLIGATIONS IT 
                 HAD PREVIOUSLY SIGNED AND THEY WERE ENGAGED IN 
                 IT.  ONE, BECAUSE THEY WANTED TO BE RECOGNIZED 
                 AS GENUINE STATES.  TWO, IT WAS PART OF THE DEAL
                 WHEREBY THEY GAVE UP THEIR NUCLEAR CAPABILITIES.
HOST:            IN OUR LAST MOMENT HERE, HANK COOPER, MAYBE THE 
                 WHOLE QUESTION IS OBVIATED BY THE FACT THAT GARY
                 MILHOLLIN IS RIGHT.  IT WON'T WORK.
COOPER:          WELL, THAT'S NOT RIGHT.  THIS IS A POINT WE 
                 DISAGREE ON.  WELL, THE PROOF OF PRINCIPLE IS 
                 NOW SOME FIFTEEN YEARS OLD, AND IT'S BEEN 
                 DEMONSTRATED MULTIPLE TIMES.  THE ISSUE IS ONE 
                 OF ENGINEERING, DISCIPLINE AND MANAGEMENT TO 
                 BUILD SYSTEMS THAT IN FACT CAN DEFEAT THE 
                 BALLISTIC MISSILE.
HOST:            AN UPGRADED PATRIOT RECENTLY KNOCKED OUT A DUMMY
                 WARHEAD.
COOPER:          I DON'T WANT TO OVERSTATE WHAT THAT MEANS.  
                 THAT'S A FAIRLY SHORT-RANGE DEFENSE THAT WOULD 
                 BE USEFUL -- CERTAINLY FAR BETTER THAN THE 
                 PATRIOT IN THE GULF WAR -- BUT WOULD NOT NOT BE 
                 VERY EFFECTIVE AGAINST LONG-RANGE MISSILES 
                 AGAINST THE UNITED STATES.
MILLHOLLIN:      AND THE THEATER DEFENSES HAVE NOT WORKED, YOU 
                 WOULD CONCEDE THAT?
COOPER:          NO, I WOULDN'T CONCEDE THAT.  I THINK 
                 LOCKHEED-MARTIN AND A LOT OF OUR INDUSTRY HAS 
                 LET US DOWN.  AND I MEANT WHAT I SAID A MOMENT 
                 AGO ABOUT A LACK OF ENGINEERING DISCIPLINE AND 
                 MANAGEMENT DISCIPLINE.  IF YOU GO AND YOU CHECK 
                 WHAT FAILED, IN MOST CASES IT WAS TWENTY-FIVE TO
                 THIRTY-YEAR-OLD TECHNOLOGY THAT FAILED IN THE 
                 VARIOUS EXPERIMENTS -- HAD BEEN DONE PRIOR TO 
                 THE TIME THAT THE INTERCEPTOR GOT CLOSE ENOUGH 
                 TO COMPLETE THE HIT TO KILL, YOU KNOW, IN THE 
                 BASKET.
HOST:            WE'RE OUT OF TIME, BUT I'D LIKE TO HEAR JUST 
                 VERY BRIEFLY FROM EACH ONE OF YOU, WITH THIS BIG
                 POLITICAL CHANGE WITHIN THE UNITED STATES, 
                 OVERWHELMING SUPPORT IN THE HOUSE OF 
                 REPRESENTATIVES AND THE SENATE, WHAT'S GOING TO 
                 HAPPEN?  WILL THE UNITED STATES DEPLOY A MISSILE
                 DEFENSE ?  GARY MILHOLLIN?
MILHOLLIN:       NOT UNLESS WE CAN BUILD ONE THAT WORKS.
HOST:            OKAY, HANK COOPER?
COOPER:          BECAUSE WE CAN BUILD ONE THAT WORKS, IT WILL 
                 HAPPEN.
HOST:            PLEASE, MR. KEENY?
KEENY            NOT IN THIS ADMINISTRATION BECAUSE CLINTON WILL 
                 BE IN NO POSITION TO MAKE A RATIONAL JUDGMENT 
                 BECAUSE NONE OF THE COMPONENTS NOR THE SYSTEM 
                 WILL BE ABLE TO BE TESTED BEFORE MID-YEAR 2000.
HOST:            I'M AFRAID THAT'S ALL THE TIME WE HAVE THIS 
                 WEEK.  I'D LIKE TO THANK OUR GUESTS -- GARY 
                 MILHOLLIN FROM THE WISCONSIN PROJECT ON NUCLEAR 
                 ARMS CONTROL;  HANK COOPER FROM HIGH FRONTIER; 
                 AND SPURGEON KEENY FROM THE ARMS CONTROL 
                 ASSOCIATION -- FOR JOINING ME TO DISCUSS THE 
                 U.S. MOVE TOWARD MISSILE DEFENSE.  THIS IS 
                 ROBERT REILLY FOR ON THE LINE.
26-Mar-99 11:37 AM EST (1637 UTC)
NNNN
Source: Voice of America
.





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