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Subject:      Re: AFP-731/1990-019B/NORAD-20516 Where Are You?
From:         thomsona@netcom.com (Allen Thomson)
Date:         1995/08/21
Message-Id:   <thomsonaDDoKHv.DnH@netcom.com>
Newsgroups:   sci.astro,sci.space.policy,alt.politics.org.cia,alt.war

In article <david-1908951607350001@192.0.2.1>, david@sternlight.com 
(David Sternlight) wrote: 
>1. Suppose John Pike were cleared to examine "black" programs after the
>government satisfied itself that he wouldn't reveal classified details,
>but simply comment on effectiveness and the appropriateness of funding
>levels. Then what about the next "John Pike" and the next, and the next?
      The question of how to ensure believably independent and 
   technically competent oversight of classified programs is an 
   important one, and deserves to be discussed here.  My current 
   opinion is that an oversight board composed of both substantive 
   experts (preferably with no strong institutional ties to the 
   national security world) and citizen representatives would be 
   the best solution. Similar boards have been set up to oversee, 
   for example, genetic engineering programs at universities, and 
   seem to work acceptably well. (It's a pity there aren't any more 
   Richard Feynmans around -- he'd be perfect.) 
      Short of that, it would be desirable to eliminate the waived 
   programs, and make it mandatory that all programs be briefed to 
   the full oversight committees.  Enlisting OTA (if it survives) to 
   provide technical input would help, but would mean that the 
   staff would have to be cleared in a timely manner -- something 
   that won't happen as long as the program offices control the 
   clearances.  Finally, ombudsmen within the committee staffs 
   should be designated as the approved and legal channel for 
   reporting suspected abuse, no matter what the level of 
   classification.
>That approach won't work as long as the effectiveness of such programs
>depends on secrecy.
      The need for secrecy in those programs is much less than the
   program offices would have you believe.  General characteristics and 
   missions of reconnaissance satellites have been known for many years,
   all the more so after Desert Storm.  As then-DDCI Adm. Studeman wrote 
   in the Nov 1994 issue of Aerospace America, "The good news is that we 
   were able to use reconnaissance satellites effectively as a force 
   multiplier; the bad news is that everyone else, including potential 
   adversaries, knows it." 
      The orbital elements of U.S. reconnaissance satellites have 
   been routinely derived and reported by amateur visual observers, 
   mostly outside the United States, for many years. Indeed, it 
   isn't apparent that the U.S. has _ever_ launched a LEO 
   reconnaissance satellite that wasn't tracked by that community. 
   To think that the Iraqs of the world couldn't duplicate this 
   binoculars-and-stopwatch work is giving them less credit than 
   they deserve, IMHO.  We are, after all, worried about them 
   building nuclear weapons production facilities, and it's 
   possible that people who are at that level of technical ability 
   could move a step or two beyond binoculars.  Even if we did 
   manage to make a satellite disappear (returning the discussion 
   to the missing AFP-731), it would probably make little 
   difference to people planning to do Wicked Things: they would 
   assume that they were under constant overhead observation and 
   design their concealment and deception programs accordingly. 
      It may be relevant to note that the U.S. has made current 
   orbital elements of Russian, Chinese, and now European spysats 
   publicly available for many years.  None of those entities seem to 
   be particularly upset about such disclosure, even though the U.S. 
   professes to believe that to reveal similar information about its
   own satellites imperils the national security.
      It's only when we get to the level of system technical 
   specifications that a reasonable case can be made for keeping 
   some secrets (exactly as we keep some things secret about F-15s, 
   MXs, submarines, etc., and for the same reasons). Even then, 
   it's necessary to consider what can be kept secret vs what might 
   be desirable if possible.  The usual example is the resolving 
   power of photoreconnaissance satellites: while we might wish to 
   keep this secret, it can be derived from the diameter of the 
   optics, and this can be deduced to within a factor of two by a 
   variety of means, such as observing shrouds on launch vehicles 
   or direct imaging once the satellite is on orbit. 
      In bringing this overly long post to a close, I'll point to a 
   subtle danger which excessive reliance on secrecy can create: we 
   could fool ourselves into believing that we've been successful in 
   hiding our capabilities,  plan accordingly, and thus set ourselves up 
   for catastrophic surprises if the opponent discovers our secrets but 
   doesn't let on until the shooting starts.  Given the number of spies 
   with TS/SCI/whatever clearances we know have been active over the past
   decades and rapidly advancing technical intelligence capabilities in 
   the rest of the world, dependence on total, long-term secrecy for a 
   program's success doesn't seem to be a good idea.  (I've often wondered 
   how much  Aldrich Ames told the Russians about our satellite programs; 
   it could have been a lot.) 



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