Homeland Security

U.S. Backs Efforts by Muslim, Arab Nations to Build Safer, Better World

(Bush adviser outlines U.S. policies in Afghanistan, Iraq, Mideast)
(4010)
President Bush's deputy national security advisor Stephen J. Hadley
has outlined the efforts by the Bush administration to build a safer
and better world, particularly in the Middle East, Afghanistan and
Iraq.
"[T]he President has rededicated the United States to standing for
what he calls 'the non-negotiable demands of human dignity': the rule
of law, limits on the power of the state, free speech, freedom of
worship, equal justice, respect for women, religious and ethnic
tolerance, and respect for private property," Hadley said in a speech
to the Council on Foreign Relations in New York City February 12.
Hadley said there are hopeful stirrings of reform and openness in the
Arab and Muslim worlds, notably in Bahrain, Jordan, Morocco, Qatar and
Afghanistan. He praised the proposal by Saudi Crown Prince Abdullah in
January for a new Arab charter that calls for real economic reform, a
regional free trade area, and enhanced political participation.
Hadley said political and economic reform in the Arab and Muslim
countries is a cause that the United States cannot lead but will
support by standing on the side of those who advocate reform, human
rights and openness.
Regarding the conflict between Israelis and Palestinians, Hadley said
the Bush administration is working toward the creation of a
Palestinian state with new leaders, institutions and security
arrangements.
"As Palestinian leaders demonstrate real performance on security and
reform, the President has stated that he expects Israel to work toward
a final status agreement, which could be reached within 3 years. And
the President has stated that consistent with the recommendations of
the Mitchell Committee, Israeli settlement activity in the occupied
territories must stop," Hadley said.
The Bush advisor said if liberty can blossom on the West Bank and
Gaza, it will inspire millions around the world who are weary of
poverty and oppression.
Regarding Afghanistan, Hadley said the United States is committed to
helping the Afghan people build a state based on the principles of
freedom, opportunity and the rule of law.
Noting that the United States is spending millions on Afghan
reconstruction and security, he said freedom of political expression
is growing under the leadership of President Hamid Karzai.
"Not long ago, a cartoonist in Kabul was imprisoned by a lower level
official for a drawing critical of President Karzai. But when
President Karzai learned of this incident he immediately had the man
released. The challenge for the Afghan government is to
institutionalize this commitment to basic freedoms, human rights, and
the rule of law, and extend their reach throughout the country. The
challenge for the international community is to be a dependable
partner in this effort over the long haul," Hadley said.
Hadley said the international community may soon start applying the
lessons learned in Afghanistan to Iraq.
If the Bush administration decides that military action is needed to
deal with Iraq's weapons of mass destruction and terrorist
infrastructure, Hadley said the United States will act as a
liberating, not occupying, power, preserving Iraq's territorial
integrity and promoting economic and political reconstruction.
He said the United States will not substitute one dictator for another
in Iraq and will respect the fact that Iraq's oil and other natural
resources belong to the Iraqi people.
Hadley said the Bush administration envisions the early creation of
Iraqi councils to advise U.S. and coalition authorities, reform Iraq's
legal structure and draft a new constitution.
The advisor said he hopes that future scholars will view favorably the
Bush administration's diplomatic efforts in the Middle East.
"When future scholars look back on the history of the Middle East in
the early part of the 21st century, I hope that they don't ask, 'what
went wrong?' but instead ask, 'Why did it go right?'" Hadley said.
Following is the transcript of Hadley's remarks, as prepared for
delivery:
(begin transcript)
Remarks As Prepared for Delivery by Stephen J. Hadley, Assistant to
the President and Deputy National Security Advisor, Council on Foreign
Relations
February 12, 2003
Thank you for having me here today. It is an honor to be with you. I'm
looking forward to discussing with you the efforts of the President to
build not just a safer but a better world. I want to discuss how this
effort applies to the Middle East in general, and to Afghanistan and
Iraq in particular.
Almost any discussion of American foreign policy today must begin with
the events of September 11th. September 11th made clear that our
Nation and all civilized nations -- face a mortal threat from terror,
from states that harbor terror, and from states that would arm
themselves and perhaps terrorists with weapons of mass destruction,
President Bush has made clear that our Nation -- and all civilized
nations must face these threats with resolution and determination.
The President has also been clear that America must do more than fight
the war on terror. As he said in his State of the Union address last
year, we must also "seek a just and peaceful world beyond the war on
terror." And the President has backed up this commitment with a bold
and imaginative policy agenda.
-- President Bush has proposed a 50 percent increase in our
development aid, for the Millennium Challenge Account. The funds will
be devoted to nations that govern justly, invest in their people, and
encourage economic freedom.
-- The President has proposed tripling our funding for fighting AIDS
abroad -- a $15 billion commitment over five years, with almost $10
billion in new money for Africa and the Caribbean
-- President Bush has renewed and extended trade preference programs
for nations in Africa and the Andes, completed free trade agreements
with Chile and Singapore, and is working to bring the benefits of open
markets to people throughout the world.
-- The President's 2004 budget calls for providing mare than $1
billion to meet emergency food needs worldwide. And he has proposed a
new $200 million famine fund to bring immediate assistance to Africa
and other regions facing starvation.
-- In July 2001, President Bush called on the World Bank and other
development banks to increasingly provide outright grants rather than
loans to the world's poorest countries for education, nutrition,
health, water, and sanitation. Today, nearly all World Bank assistance
for these purposes is provided as grants.
-- The President has increased the U.S. commitment to basic education
in Africa to $630 million over the next five years,
Yet all of these efforts will fail unless people in developing
countries have governments and leaders who listen to their voices and
help them fulfill their dreams. That is why the President has
rededicated the United States to standing for what he calls "the
non-negotiable demands of human dignity": the rule of law, limits on
the power of the state, free speech, freedom of worship, equal
justice, respect for women, religious and ethnic tolerance, and
respect for private property.
We need to act on this commitment to a better world in all aspects of
our foreign policy, including those cases where we take military
action. The United States, as the President so often points out, is
not a conquering nation -- we are a liberating nation; committed to
helping peoples seize the opportunity for freedom, and to build better
societies for themselves and their children.
That is why we are standing with the people of Afghanistan in their
efforts to rebuild their country. And if the Iraqi regime -- by its
failure to meet the world's just demands -- forces the world to
enforce those demands, then the United States will lead an
international effort to bring assistance and freedom to the people of
Iraq.
There are hopeful stirrings of support for reform and openness within
Arab and Muslim nations today. A recent report issued by the United
Nations Development Program, written by 30 leading Arab intellectuals,
concluded that if the Arab world is to join in the progress of our
times, it needs to address the region's widespread limitations on
personal and political freedom, Remedying this "freedom deficit," the
report says, requires greater political and economic liberty, the rule
of law, respect for human rights, the empowerment of women, and better
education. Crown Prince Abdullah of Saudi Arabia last month released a
new Arab Charter for the region that would be truly groundbreaking, if
adopted and acted upon by Arab states. It talks of real economic
reform -- and a regional free trade area. It talks of "internal reform
and enhanced political participation." Equally important, we are
already seeing genuine steps toward political and economic
liberalization in nations like Bahrain, Jordan, Morocco, and Qatar, as
well as Afghanistan.
Political and economic reform in Arab and Muslim nations is obviously
not a cause that the United States can lead. But it is one we can
encourage. And in those places where we are, by necessity, deeply
engaged, we have an opportunity and obligation to stand for our
principles and on the side of those who share them.
President Bush rejects the view that freedom and tolerance cannot grow
in the soil of the Middle East...or that Islam is somehow incompatible
with democracy. The risk for American foreign policy is not that we
will set goals that are too high but that we will continue to live
with expectations that are too low. The President spoke last June to
his hopes for the people of Muslim countries. He said: "Your
commitments to morality, and learning, and tolerance, led to great
historical achievements. And those values are alive in the Islamic
world today. You have a rich culture, and you share the aspirations of
men and women in every culture. Prosperity and freedom and dignity are
not just American hopes, or Western hopes. They are universal, human
hopes. And even in the violence and turmoil of the Middle East,
America believes those hopes have the power to transform lives and
nations."
We cannot, and will not impose, any particular system of government on
any people. But we and our international partners can create the
conditions in which all people can choose for themselves the rewards
and challenges of political and economic liberty. We are demonstrating
this commitment throughout the region.
We are demonstrating it by standing on the side of those in the region
who advocate reform, human rights, and openness. We are demonstrating
it by remaining fully committed to the search for peace in the Middle
East. President Bush has put forth a vision of two states, Israel and
Palestine, living side by side in peace and security. He strongly
believes that there can be no peace for either side without freedom
for both sides. That means America's commitment is not just to an
independent Palestine but to a democratic Palestine, because
Palestinians, like all peoples, deserve a government that serves their
interests, listens to their voices, and embodies their hopes and
dreams for the future.
We continue to work with Palestinians toward the creation of a
Palestinian state, with new leaders, new institutions, and new
security arrangements. The borders and certain attributes of this
state's sovereignty will be provisional until resolved as part of a
final Middle East peace settlement. As Palestinian leaders demonstrate
real performance on security and reform, the President has stated that
he expects Israel to work toward a final status agreement, which could
be reached within 3 years. And the President has stated that
consistent with the recommendations of the Mitchell Committee. Israeli
settlement activity in the occupied territories must stop. The
benefits of a final status agreement would be felt not only by
Israelis and Palestinians, but also people far beyond the region. As
the President said in his June 24 Rose Garden speech, "if liberty can
blossom in the rocky soil of the West Bank and Gaza, it will inspire
millions of men and women around the globe who are equally weary of
poverty and oppression, equally entitled to the benefits of democratic
government."
America is committed to the success of the Afghan people in building a
state based on the principles of freedom, opportunity, and the rule of
law. The President reaffirmed this commitment in his recent State of
the Union address -- and he will do so again in two weeks when he
again welcomes President Karzai back to the White House. He will not
diminish this commitment -- no matter what we have to do in Iraq,
Eighteen months ago, Afghanistan was a war-torn country that inspired
fear -- at home and abroad. Today, while much work remains, it is
undeniable that the people of Afghanistan are beginning to forge a
more free and hopeful future. With the help of the international
community, a humanitarian crisis has been averted. The actions of the
Taliban had cut off relief supplies to large parts of the country,
exacerbating the threat of famine for millions of people as winter
approached in 2001. The defeat of the Taliban by the United States and
coalition forces opened the way to large-scale relief operations. As
its part, the United States devoted $200 million worth of emergency
food assistance to Afghanistan in fiscal 2002. The United States has
helped vaccinate 4.3 million children against measles, treat 700,000
cases of malaria, and provide basic health services for more than two
million people since last summer. This is just part of an improving
picture in the country. More than two million Afghan refugees have
returned home since the Taliban's fall -- demonstrating their
confidence in Afghanistan's future.
At the Tokyo Conference over a year ago, the international community
pledged $4.5 billion to help rebuild Afghanistan. For its part, the
United States pledged nearly $300 million -- and has delivered nearly
twice that amount. Since October 2001, the United States has provided
over $840 million towards Afghanistan's humanitarian aid and
reconstruction,
Reconstruction and security are mutually reinforcing -- progress in
both areas is crucial to rebuilding Afghanistan. The United States is
leading the effort to build an Afghan national army that will provide
the foundation for Afghanistan's security. In addition to the $84
million already disbursed and another $150 million authorized for
training and equipping the Afghan national army, the United States is
providing another $60 million in support for police training and
counter-narcotics. And we must remember perhaps our greatest
contribution to security -- over $17 billion spent to date liberating
Afghanistan from Taliban and al-Qaida forces and combating their
remnants.
On infrastructure, the United States is contributing $80 million to a
$160 million effort by the United States, Japan, and Saudi Arabia to
rebuild the ring road linking Kabul, Kandahar, and Herat. This will
promote trade and commerce and help unify the country. The United
States is also helping with other infrastructure projects, including
efforts to rebuild more than six thousand wells, springs, and
irrigation canals, and to restore the water supply to Kabul, Kandahar,
and Kunduz. The United States is also strongly committed to helping
Afghanistan provide an education to all its children -- boys and girls
alike. The United States has printed and distributed more than 15
million textbooks in Dari and Pashto. And it is training thousands of
teachers -- male and female and refurbishing hundreds of schools
throughout the country. Of course, Afghanistan is also wrestling with
fundamental issues of political reconstruction. Through two decades of
conflict, Afghans have seen the tragic consequences of communism,
factionalism, and extremism. Today, they seek the same freedom for
which people the world over have hoped and fought. The United States
is helping Afghans to write a new constitution, establish a new human
rights commission, and organize new elections -- even as we recognize
that political reform must ultimately be the work of the Afghans
themselves.
Old habits die hard -- yet slowly but surely, they are being replaced
by a new commitment to openness. Not long ago, a cartoonist in Kabul
was imprisoned by a lower level official for a drawing critical of
President Karzai. But when President Karzai learned of this incident
he immediately had the man released. The challenge for the Afghan
government is to institutionalize this commitment to basic freedoms,
human rights, and the rule of law, and extend their reach throughout
the country. The challenge for the international community is to be a
dependable partner in this effort over the long haul.
The international community has learned a lot from its experience
helping Afghanistan to rebuild. It may soon be applying those lessons
in Iraq. President Bush has not made final decisions about if and when
to use military force to disarm Iraq, nor has he made any final
decisions about exactly how the United States will proceed with
respect to Iraq after a conflict, if one is required. Yet time is
rapidly running out for the Iraqi regime to disarm itself of weapons
of mass destruction, as required by the United Nations Security
Council. And if war comes, President Bush has made clear that it will
be a war of liberation, not occupation. As the President said in his
speech to the United Nations last September, "Liberty for the Iraqi
people is a great moral cause, and a great strategic goal. The people
of Iraq deserve it and the security of all nations requires it,"
Securing this liberty, and sustaining it in a post-Saddam Iraq, will
take extensive planning, and that planning has begun. President Bush
has directed all relevant agencies of the government to focus their
attention on Iraq post-war planning. There has been a tremendous
interagency effort, led by the National Security Council and the
Office of Management and Budget, to think through reconstruction needs
and objectives. On January 20, President Bush directed the creation of
a post-war planning office, which is doing the practical work of
preparing for action on the ground. And for nearly a year, the United
States has been working with free Iraqis through the State
Department's Future of Iraq Project. This effort has brought together
free Iraqis, U.S. government officials, and outside experts to do
practical planning for the immediate aftermath of a change of
government in Baghdad. The Project is not aimed at establishing an
Iraqi "government in exile." Rather its focus is to assist free Iraqis
in anticipating and preparing for the complex problems a post-Saddam
government will face,
Should it be necessary for the United States to take military action,
here are some of the principles that are guiding our thinking.
-- First, we will demonstrate to the Iraqi people and the world that
the United States aspires to liberate, not occupy.
-- Second, Iraq must be disarmed of all nuclear, chemical, and
biological weapons, weapons production capabilities, and the means to
deliver these weapons. This will be a complex, dangerous, and
expensive task -- one for which detailed planning is underway.
-- Third, we must also eliminate Iraq's terrorist infrastructure.
-- Fourth, Iraq must be preserved as a unified state, with its
territorial integrity intact. Concern for the safety of Iraq's people
will begin not on the day hostilities cease, but on the day they
begin. The United States and its coalition allies will provide
security that should prevent chaos, score-settling, and bloodletting.
-- Fifth, along with our coalition partners, we must begin the process
of economic and political reconstruction, working to assist the people
of Iraq in putting their country on a path towards prosperity and
freedom. In many ways, this will be our greatest challenge.
For starters, the United States and the international community will
have to ensure the rapid flow of humanitarian relief and the rapid
start of economic reconstruction efforts. Many of the Future of Iraq
working groups are focused on this challenge. The United States has
been discussing this subject with U.N. agencies, NGOs, and other
governments plans have been drawn up and initial deployments have been
made. Rebuilding Iraq's infrastructure will be an immediate priority
for the post-Saddam reconstruction effort. For years it has been
mismanaged and neglected. Early efforts will include restoring
electricity and clean water, as well as addressing the immediate needs
for medical care and public health. Over the longer term, we will
assist the Iraqi people in creating a more stable, and more vibrant,
economic system. Specifically, we will help the Iraqi people to create
a modern system of taxation and budgeting, stabilize the dinar, and
resolve debt and reparations obligations.
A critical part of the reconstruction effort will be ensuring that
Iraq's oil sector is protected from acts of sabotage by Saddam
Hussein's regime and that its proceeds are applied for the benefit of
the Iraqi people. Iraq's oil and other natural resources belong to all
the Iraqi people -- and the United States will respect this fact.
Finally, a post-Saddarn Iraq should also be an Iraq that is truly
free. The United States will not seek to dictate to the people of Iraq
the precise character of a post-Saddam regime. But no one should be
interested in simply replacing one dictator with another. The goal --
which we are confident we share with Iraq's people -- is an Iraq that
is whole, free, and at peace with itself and its neighbors. An Iraq
that is morning toward democracy, in which all religions and ethnic
communities have a voice and in which individual rights are protected
-- regardless of gender, religion, or ethnicity. An Iraq that adheres
to the rule of law at home and lives up to its international
obligations.
The current regime meets none of these conditions, and its most senior
officials will be called to account for their complicity in Saddam's
reign of terror. But as much as possible the administrative structures
of the Iraqi government that are not implicated in the regime's crimes
should be preserved. Many current government officials, including many
military officials and scientists, will want nothing better than the
opportunity to contribute their talent and experience to rebuilding
their country. At the same time, these administrative structures must
be opened to all of the various ethnic and religious groups in Iraq.
Assisting and rebuilding a post-Saddam Iraq will be a huge
undertaking. Success will only be possible by working with Iraq's
neighbors and the international community. And, most of all, we will
need the support of Iraq's people. The United States will work to win
that support. Many are already asking how long America is prepared to
stay in Iraq. The answer is straightforward: we will stay as long as
is necessary, but not one day more. We will draw free Iraqis into the
task of rebuilding Iraq from the outset and transfer responsibility to
Iraqi entities as soon as possible. While no final decisions have been
made, we can envision the early creation of an Iraqi National Council
to advise U.S. and coalition authorities, a Judicial Council to advise
on revisions to Iraq's legal structure, and a Constitutional
Commission to draft a new constitution. The President has made clear
that he is committed not only to an Iraq that does not threaten the
peace of tale world but also to an Iraq that is free. He is committed
to helping the Iraqi people build a nation worthy of the dreams they
have for their children.
The President hopes that changing the Iraqi regime can take place
peacefully, With each passing day, however, there seems to be less and
less reason for hope. Should Saddam's continued defiance of his
international obligations bring war, we should do more than just make
the world safer. We should leave the world better. This is an awesome
responsibility. When future scholars look back on the history of the
Middle East in the early part of the 21st century, I hope that they
don't ask, "what went wrong?" but instead ask, "Why did it go right?"
And if they do, I think one of the answers will be that the free
nations of the world understood that their values and their interests
pointed in the same direction; towards freedom.
Thank you very much.
(end transcript)
(Distributed by the Office of International Information Programs, U.S.
Department of State. Web site: http://usinfo.state.gov)