Military


Central Asia

The Central Asian Republics (Kazakhstsan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, and Uzbekistan) became recognized states in 1991 after the collapse of the Soviet Union. The majority of the people in the region speak Turkic languages, except the Tajiks (they speak an Iranian language); and most are Sunni Muslims (some Tajiks are Shiaa Muslims). The region covers 1.6 million square miles and has an estimated population of 56.5 million people.

In the ten years between independence and the September 11 attacks, Central Asia drew interest as the site of a 'New Great Game,'as noted by author Ahmed Rashid, where a long list of actors competed for control and influence. Oil companies, Central Asian governments, neighboring countries (Iran, Pakistan, Afghanistan and Turkey), and powerful states such as China, Russia, and the United States all scrambled for control in an area that possibly represented the last unexplored and unexploited oil-bearing region in the world.

In the late 1990s the Central Asian states also drew international attention as the situation in Afghanistan deteriorated. As concern over global terrorism rose and the brutality of the Taliban regime became evident, the Central Asian states (Turkmenistan tried to negotiate with the Taliban) found themselves increasingly involved in the fight for Afghanistan. Tajikistan and Uzbekistan were at the forefront of this effort, frequently providing support to the Northern Alliance's fight against the Taliban.

Post-September 11

Soon after the terrorist attacks on America on September 11, 2001, the Central Asian states offered overflight and other support to coalition efforts in Afghanistan. Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, and Uzbekistan have hosted coalition troops and provided access to airbases. Furthermore, in 2003 Uzbekistan endorsed coalition military action in Iraq, and Kazakhstan provided about two dozen troops for rebuilding.

Before September 11 most analysts argued that developments in Central Asia remained largely marginal to US interests. Although anti-Western extremism was a concern to the US, American-Central Asian relations remained largely rhetorical, limited to optimistic declarations and policy proposals (see Silk Road Strategy Act below) that were implemented with little vigor. In the post 9/11 world, however, the Bush administration began to see Central Asia as a crucial theater in the global war on terror. During a February 2004 visit to the region, Defense Secretary Donald Rumsfeld announced that "it is Caspian security...that is important" for the United States and the world, and in April 2004, Deputy Secretary of State Richard Armitage proclaimed that Central Asia "is a linchpin in global peace and prosperity" and that "stability in the area is of paramount importance and of vital national interest."

After September 11, US policy in the region focused on increasing security in order to stem terrorism, proliferation, and arms trafficking. Democratization, human rights, and free market economies have been a policy goal since 1999, when Congress passed the Silk Road Strategy Act (P.L. 106-113), yet little progress has been made. In fact, in July 2004 the United States announced it was cutting aid to Uzbekistan as a result of poor human rights practices.

Nevertheless, the importance of Central Asia has not been discounted, as it became clear when, only weeks after the State Department's decision to cut aid to Uzbekistan (equal to $18 million), General Richard Meyers, the Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, traveled to Uzbekistan and announced that Washington would be giving an additional $21 million in military aid to the country.

Russia

A significant player in the new Great Game that was unfolding in Central Asia before September 11, Russia has since tempered its competition vis-a-vis the US but still remains deeply interested in asserting its power in the region. Strategic security, economic ties, and the treatment of ethnic Russians have been the crux of Russian interest. As its war in Chechnya intensifies, and general concern over terrorism grows, good relations with the Central Asian states are pivotal to the development of the region as a buffer to Islamic extremism.

In May 2001, a CST summit (Collective Security Treaty- a military alliance created after the dissolution of the Soviet Union comprised of the Central Asian states and Russia) approved the creation of a Central Asian rapid-reaction force headquartered in Kyrgyzstan, with Russia's troops in Tajikistan (according to the Military Balance 2003-2004 Russia has approximately 12,000 Federal Border Guards in Tajikistan, and 7,800 troops from the 201st motorized rifle division) comprising most of the force, along with small Kazakh, Kyrgyz, and Tajik battalions. Furthermore, in September 2003 Russia signed a 15-year military basing accord with Kyrgystan providing access to the Kant airfield, near Kyrgyzstan's capital of Bishkek.

Regional Affairs

Cooperation in the region has been greatly affected by political infighting and competing interests. In 1996, Russia, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, and Tajikistan, signed the "Shanghai Treaty" with China pledging the sanctity and substantial demilitarization of mutual borders. In 1997, a subsequent treaty demilitarized the former 4,300 mile Soviet-Chinese border.

Facing its own indigenous separatist movement-the Uighur's in Xinjiang province- the Chinese have used the agreements to pressure the Central Asian states into dissuading any possible support for the Uighur's from their ethnic Uighur minorities.

In 2001, Uzbekistan joined the group, now named the SCO (Shanghai Cooperation Organization), and in 2003 offered to host the SCO Anti-Terrorism Center.

Energy/Oil

As mentioned, Central Asia (and the Caspian region) is a lucrative, untapped oil-bearing region. The United States' 2001 National Energy Policy, stated the following: "Proven oil reserves in Azerbaijan and Kazakhstan are about 20 billion barrels, a little more than the North Sea and slightly less than the United States. Exploration, however, is continuing, and proven reserves are expected to increase significantly. For example, initial results of the exploration well at Kazakhstan’s Kashagan field indicate the find is one of the most important in thirty years, and is comparable to Prudhoe Bay in size. Current exports from the region are only about 800,000 barrels of oil per day, in part due to limited export route options. However, potential exports could increase by 1.8 million barrels of oil per day by 2005, as the United States works closely with private companies and countries in the region to develop commercially viable export routes, such as the Baku-Tbilisi-Ceyhan (BTC) and Caspian Pipeline Consortium oil pipelines."